Hokkien Theatre Across The Seas: A Socio-Cultural Study PDF
Preview Hokkien Theatre Across The Seas: A Socio-Cultural Study
Caroline Chia Hokkien Theatre Across The Seas A Socio-Cultural Study Hokkien Theatre Across The Seas Caroline Chia Hokkien Theatre Across The Seas A Socio-Cultural Study Caroline Chia School of Humanities Nanyang Techological University Singapore, Singapore ISBN 978-981-13-1833-7 ISBN 978-981-13-1834-4 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1834-4 Library of Congress Control Number: 2018951409 © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. 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The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore Preface I grew up in a Singaporean Chinese family with a rather diverse language and cul- tural background. The ancestral origins of my extended paternal and maternal fami- lies can be traced back to southern Fujian (Minnan) and Chaozhou, respectively. At a young age, I was exposed to Mandarin, Hokkien and Teochew languages. My interest in regional theatre was partly influenced by my maternal grandmother who was a fan of Chaozhou opera. She would listen to the Chaozhou opera songs (曲 kêg4 in Teochew) on Rediffusion and then sing back to me.1 Growing up in the 1980s and 1990s, I found Chinese opera, blaring out loudly on amplifiers standing on stilts, more engrossing than cartoons on television. At night after dinner, my mother would occasionally take me to watch Hokkien (Gezai 歌仔) opera or some- times Getai (歌台 or literally ‘song shows’). Chairs were usually crowded with enthusiastic spectators. As smoke from incense filled the air, I was entranced by the loud singing and constant clashing of cymbals. Opera performances were staged in temple grounds or beneath a temporary canopy with an altar displaying effigies of the various deities. In 2004, I conducted my first interview with the Sin Sai Hong (Xin Sai Feng 新 賽鳳) troupe. The performers related to me that they learnt from cassette tapes, often featuring their favourite Taiwanese stars. Before 2013, I focused mainly on the development of regional theatre in Singapore and developed a deeper understanding of the opera and puppet theatre pertaining to the Hokkien group. Commencing my doctoral fieldwork in 2013, I began to explore the origins of Hokkien theatre deriv- ing from southern Fujian in China. I also visited other sites of transmission, includ- ing Taiwan, as from the recollection of performers in Singapore, this island played a significant role in Hokkien theatre. In 2016, as part of the Taiwan Fellowship, I again travelled to Taiwan and stayed for half a year. During this period, I also visited Kinmen and learnt about its close connection with the Hokkien group in Singapore. The transnational connection, or more specifically the Hokkien network, became more apparent in my study of Hokkien theatre. 1 Reference for spelling in Teochew retrieved from http://www.czyzd.com/ search?keyword=%E6%9B%B2, last accessed 29 May 2018. v vi Preface This academic journey, spanning over a decade, would not be possible without the generous help of many people, including Anne McLaren, my doctoral supervi- sor at the University of Melbourne, who had dedicated much time to refine my academic view and writing. Special thanks also go to my co-supervisor Zhou Shaoming and Lewis Mayo. Margaret Chan of SMU, a close friend and mentor, who has greatly motivated me in my academic path. Shih Kuang-sheng, my external supervisor at NTUA, had been very kind in guiding me during my fieldwork in Taiwan. Lai Yong-ting, my puppet-carving teacher, who patiently taught me how to carve and introduced to me many friends and practitioners in puppet theatre. My appreciation also goes to Robin Ruizendaal from Taiyuan Asian Puppet Theatre Museum, who has kindly shared his expertise on puppet theatre. Kaori Fushiki of Taisho University, whom I have met during my fieldwork in Singapore, has pro- vided much help in sharing her fieldwork materials and guidance on Japanese sources. The rich ethnographic data presented in this monograph is only possible with the kindness rendered by my interviewees and friends whom I have made in this jour- ney. They include members from various troupes in Singapore, such as Sin Sai Hong, Shuang Ming Feng, Xiao Dong Tian, Chew Yee (Qiu Yi), Ge Yi, Jit Guat Sin (Ri Yue Xing); Ching Chun Tang, Hsiao Hsi Yüan (including the Fourth-Generation troupe) and Ming Chuan from Taiwan; and Chin Liang Hsing from Kinmen. I am also honoured to have won the Arts and Cultural Award for three consecutive years (2013–2015) kindly awarded by the Hokkien Huay Kuan of Singapore, which had allowed me to pursue my research on Hokkien theatre. Special thanks go to the editorial team of Springer and the reviewers who have patiently helped me through the process of publication. Finally, Zac for his love and care in accompanying me all this while. Singapore Caroline Chia Notes on Basic Terminology The key topic in this book is Hokkien regional theatre, and there are several termi- nologies pertaining to regional usage. The same term may differ from community to community and place to place. The reader may find it useful to understand these terms, which are often specifically related to the context. This study deals essen- tially with theatre in a religious institution, which in most cases refers to the Chinese temple (miao 廟). Within the category of ‘temple theatre’, this book distinguishes two types of performances that are performed in a temple setting but have distinct functions. The first is ‘liturgical theatre’, which requires the performer to be a reli- gious specialist or has gone through strict religious training to perform.1 The second is ‘celebratory theatre’ (choushenxi 酬神戲) or known as ‘folk theatre’ (民戲 minxi) in Taiwan2, which is typically staged to celebrate the feast day of a deity (shendan 神誕) and is performed in the temple. In ‘celebratory theatre’, the puppeteer needs not be a religious specialist. Due to the religious nature of the performance, it is also essential to understand the role played by religious specialists. Most of the performances discussed in this study relate to the Daoist context. Hence, I will limit the discussion to Daoist reli- gious specialists only. The Daoist priest (daoshi 道士, also translated as ‘Dignitary of Tao’) is an organized and hereditary profession.3 Their line of work used to be 1 A number of scholars have used the term ‘yishiju’ (儀式劇), which means ‘ritual theatre’ if directly translated. However, I have chosen to use “liturgical theatre” because ‘ritual’ may not necessarily include liturgy. See Yung Sai-shing, Xiqu renleixue chutan: Yishi, juchang yu shequn, Guilin: Guangxi Shifan Daxue chubanshe, 2003; David Johnson, Ritual opera, operatic ritual: “Mu-lien Rescues His Mother” in Chinese popular culture, Berkeley, Calif.: University of California: c1989; Qitao Guo, Ritual opera and Mercantile Lineage: the Confucian transformation of popular culture in late Imperial Huizhou, Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2005. 2 The English translation of minxi to ‘folk theatre’ is the author’s own. The term ‘minxi’ in Taiwan is similar to celebratory theatre or ‘choushenxi’, see Lin Ho-Yi, Dongfang jixing juchang, Gezai xi ‘zuo huo xi’ 東方即興劇場: 歌仔戲 ‘做活戲’, Shangpian: Gezai xi jixing xiju yanjiu, Taida chu- ban zhongxin, 2016, 242. 3 Kristofer Schipper, “Vernacular and Classical Ritual in Taoism”, Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. XLV, No. 1, November 1985, 27. vii viii Notes on Basic Terminology officially recognized in imperial China, and Daoist priests are still respected in soci- ety today.4 The Daoist priest performs rituals by reciting texts that are written in the classical language. These texts are usually copied anew during the ordainment of a new member.5 We often see the rendering of liturgical services by Daoist priests in the same venue where performances, whether liturgical or celebratory, are staged. Some Daoist priests take part in liturgical theatre. In my observation of puppeteers engaging in liturgical theatre in Singapore, there are few who perform the dual func- tion of puppeteer and Daoist priest. In other words, those who conducted liturgical rites as part of theatre are not Daoist priests by profession. Also belonging to the category of ritual specialist but with some distinct differ- ences from the Daoist priest is the role played by a shigong (師公) or fashi (法師), translated as ‘master of rites’ or ‘ritual masters’. In contrast to the priest, the shigong is not regarded as belonging to an organized profession and is usually linked to cults. He engages in monotonous chanting of texts that are mainly in rhymed verse.6 The shigong is involved in vernacular rituals that involve music, ballads and martial combats that very much resemble a theatrical performance. In some traditions, the puppeteer is also a shigong. Another important difference between the Daoist priest and shigong is that the former can perform both classical and vernacular rituals but the latter can only perform vernacular rituals.7 In Singapore, this distinction between the priest and shigong is blurred as the priest is often called a shigong (sai-kong in Hokkien). However, in Kinmen, there is a distinct difference between the roles played by the Daoist priest and fashi, which will be elaborated in the section on Kinmen. As this book focuses mainly on the Hokkien group, the term ‘Hokkien’ also requires some explanation here. ‘Hokkien’ refers to people who are born in or are descendants of those from southern Fujian in China. The prominence of the Hokkien group has led to several scholarly studies dating as early as the nineteenth century.8 A number of romanized terms, such as ‘South Fukienese’ and ‘Hokkienese’, have emerged as a result.9 Given that the focus here is on the Hokkien group in Singapore, a diaspora community whose ancestral origin was from southern Fujian, I have opted to use the term ‘Hokkien’, which is also documented in the national statistics and official documents in Singapore.10 In addition, ‘Hokkien’ is widely accepted 4 Schipper, “Vernacular and Classical Ritual in Taoism”, 24, 35. 5 Schipper, “Vernacular and Classical Ritual in Taoism”, 25. 6 Schipper, “Vernacular and Classical Ritual in Taoism”, 35. 7 J.J.M. De Groot, The Religious System of China: its ancient forms, evolution, history and present aspect, manners, custom and social institutions connected therewith. Taipei, Taiwan: Literature House, 1964, 1255; Schipper, “Vernacular and Classical Ritual in Taoism”, 36. 8 See J.J.M. De Groot, Buddhist masses for the dead at Amoy. Leyde: E.J. Brill, 1884. 9 For the use of ‘Fukienese’, see Ng Chin-Keong, Trade and Society: The Amoy Network. Singapore University Press, 1983. For the use of ‘Hokkienese’, see Naosaku Uchida, The Overseas Chinese: a bibliographical essay based on the resources of the Hoover Institution, Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace, Stanford University, c1959. 10 In some of the early sources on the Hokkien group, the term is sometimes spelt as ‘Hokien’. See Siah U Chin (Seah Eu Chin 佘有進), “The Chinese in Singapore: General sketch of the numbers, Notes on Basic Terminology ix and used today.11 This term will also apply in the cases of southern Fujian, Taiwan and Kinmen, unless otherwise stated. Due to the diversity of theatrical forms related to the Hokkien group, I will pro- vide a brief explanation here. I have selected three main forms of opera—Liyuan opera (Liyuanxi 梨園戲), Gaojia opera (Gaojiaxi 高甲戲 kau-kah) and Gezai opera (Gezaixi 歌仔戲 kua-hì)—and two types of puppet theatre—glove puppetry (Budaixi 布袋戲) and string puppetry (Tixianxi 提線戲)—as my scope of study. In this book, the term ‘Hokkien theatre’ will be used to refer to the above theatrical forms. The next set of terms concern the types of scripts used in temple theatre, which can be hard to have a clear-cut categorization. Nonetheless, I will attempt to list a few types related to my study and explain the different terms used to refer to the same type of script. The first type is a full-length script complete with the libretti of various character roles (hangdang 行当), including the singing and speech parts. In some scripts, the tunes are also listed. Stage directions are also given. The category of full-length script can be further classified into a script copied by hand (shouchaoben 手抄本) or one that has been written down based on oral transmission (koushuben 口述本), usually by a veteran performer. The second type usually consists of a brief outline of the scenes of the play. Terms differ according to regional usages, some examples include ‘table of scenes’ (mubiao 幕表), ‘outline’ (tigang 提綱) and ‘stage counts’ (taishu 台數 tâi sò·). The medium of performance of temple theatre depends on the type of language used in the region. Terms such as ‘regional language’, ‘regional speech’, and ‘regional vernacular’ are used instead of ‘dialects’ because these regional languages are mutually unintelligible.12 There are exceptional cases in Singapore society dur- ing the twentieth century when Hokkien was the lingua franca of the various groups tribes, and avocations of the Chinese in Singapore”, Journal of Indian Archipelago and East Asia, Vol. II (1848), pp. 283-290. For official records of the Hokkien group, I have cited information from The Singapore Department of Statistics (DOS). See Singstat, “Census of Population 2010, Statistical Release 1, Demographic Characteristics, Education, Language and Religion”, Table 4: Chinese Resident Population by Age Group, Dialect Group and Sex, https://www.singstat.gov.sg/ docs/defaultsource/default-document-library/publications/publications_and_papers/cop2010/cen- sus_2010_release1/cop2010sr1.pdf, accessed 5 August 2016. 11 Until the 1960s, the term ‘Amoy-dialect’ was used not just to refer to the language spoken by people from Xiamen (Amoy) in southern Fujian, it also referred to the language spoken by those from other parts of southern Fujian (regardless of accents), as well as migrants and their descen- dants in other parts of Asia. This language is, however, more commonly referred today as ‘Hokkien’ in Anglophone Southeast Asia. See Jeremy E. Taylor, Rethinking Transnational Chinese Cinemas: The Amoy-dialect Film Industry in Cold War Asia. New York, NY: Routledge, 2011, xii. 12 Victor Mair has argued against the translation of fangyan into ‘dialect’ and suggested the use of ‘topolect’ instead. Throughout this dissertation, I choose to use the term ‘regional language’ or ‘regional vernacular’ because of the relatively infrequent use of ‘topolect’, which is derived from the Greek language. For further discussion on the use of ‘topolect’, see Victor H. Mair, “What is a Chinese “Dialect/Topolect”? Reflections on Some Key Sino-English Linguistic Terms”, Sino- Platonic Papers, No. 29, September 1991, 1-31. x Notes on Basic Terminology Appendix 1 Comparison of Pe̍h-ōe-jī and Hanyu Pinyin in the tonal system Pe̍h-ōe-jī Hanyu Pinyin a ā á à à ǎ ah – â á ā ǎ áh – of the ethnic Chinese community and different ethnic groups. Nevertheless, the term ‘language’ is preferred. At the first instance, all Mandarin terms are given in hanyu pinyin in italics fol- lowed by the traditional Chinese font. In cases where the Hokkien pronunciation is also provided, the Mandarin term will usually appear first.13 For the Hokkien pro- nunciation, this monograph uses mostly the Pe̍h-ōe-jī (POJ) romanization but also consult Hokkien dictionaries for a more accurate illustration.14 The English transla- tion of Mandarin terms is used if they are widely known in academic scholarship. For Taiwanese and Kinmenese names, the Wade-Giles spelling is adopted. Traditional Chinese is used for the Mandarin terms. 13 Unless otherwise stated, I have mostly referred to Luc de Gijzel’s dictionary for the Hokkien pronunciation and spelling. Luc de Gijzel, Penang Hokkien Dictionary, Penang, Malaysia: Areca Books, 2013. 14 I have come up with a table comparing the POJ and HYPY spellings that may be useful for Hanyu pinyu users (like myself). See Appendix 1.
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