History of the theatre PDF
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H i s t o r y o f t h e T h e a t r e B r o c k e t t H i l d y T e n t h E d i t i o n History of the Theatre ISBN 978-1-29202-515-5 Oscar G. Brockett Franklin J. Hildy Tenth Edition 9 781292 025155 History of the Theatre Oscar G. Brockett Franklin J. Hildy Tenth Edition ISBN 10: 1-292-02515-8 ISBN 13: 978-1-292-02515-5 Pearson Education Limited Edinburgh Gate Harlow Essex CM20 2JE England and Associated Companies throughout the world Visit us on the World Wide Web at: www.pearsoned.co.uk © Pearson Education Limited 2014 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without either the prior written permission of the publisher or a licence permitting restricted copying in the United Kingdom issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency Ltd, Saffron House, 6–10 Kirby Street, London EC1N 8TS. All trademarks used herein are the property of their respective owners. The use of any trademark in this text does not vest in the author or publisher any trademark ownership rights in such trademarks, nor does the use of such trademarks imply any affi liation with or endorsement of this book by such owners. ISBN 10: 1-292-02515-8 ISBN 13: 978-1-292-02515-5 British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Printed in the United States of America 1111222231370469146911929211623251 P E A R S O N C U S T O M L I B R AR Y Table of Contents 1. The Origins of Theatre Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 1 2. Theatre and Drama in Ancient Greece Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 12 3. Hellenistic, Roman, and Byzantine Theatre Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 35 4. European Theatre in the Middle Ages Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 71 5. English Theatre to 1642 Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 109 6. Italian Theatre to 1700 Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 142 7. French Theatre to 1700 Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 169 8. The Theatre of Spain and New Spain to 1700 Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 192 9. English Theatre to 1800 Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 211 10. Italy and France to 1800 Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 241 11. Northern European Theatre to 1800 Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 266 12. Continental European Theatre in the Early Nineteenth Century Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 292 13. English-Language Theatre in the Late Nineteenth Century Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 313 I 333444445556666358024681471477990185891000847 14. Continental European and Latin American Theatre in the Late Nineteenth Century Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 339 15. The Beginnings of Modern Realism Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 359 16. Early Alternatives to Realism Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 380 17. Continental European and Latin American Theatre in the Early Twentieth Century Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 401 18. English-Language Theatre in the Early Twentieth Century Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 428 19. Continental European and Latin American Theatre in the Mid-Twentieth Century Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 445 20. English-Language Theatre in the Mid-Twentieth Century Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 468 21. Continental European and Latin American Theatre in the Late Twentieth Century Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 489 22. English-Language Theatre in the Late Twentieth Century Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 511 23. Contemporary Theatre Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 540 24. The Theatre of Asia Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 570 25. The Theatre of Africa Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 610 26. English-Language Theatre in the Early Nineteenth Century Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 648 Bibliography Oscar G. Brockett/Franklin J. Hildy 674 Index 677 II The Origins of Theatre Performative elements (including dramatic theory, championed by anthropologists in the late and theatrical) are present in every society, no mat- nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, envisions ter how complex or how unsophisticated the cul- theatre as emerging out of myth and ritual. The ture may be. These elements are evident in our process perceived by these anthropologists may be political campaigns, holiday celebrations, sports summarized briefly. During the early stage of its de- events, religious ceremonies, and children’s make- velopment, a society becomes aware of forces that believe, just as they are in the dances and rituals of appear to influence or control its food supply and primitive peoples. Nevertheless, most participants in well-being. Having little understanding of natural these activities do not consider them to be primar- causes, its members attribute both desirable and un- ily theatrical, even when spectacle, dialogue, and desirable occurrences to supernatural or magical conflict play large roles. Consequently, it is usual to forces, and they search for means to win the favor of acknowledge a distinction between theatre(as a form these forces. Perceiving an apparent connection be- of art and entertainment) and the presence of theatrical tween certain actions performed by the group (or or performative elements in other activities. This dis- its shamans) and the results it desires, the group re- tinction is crucial here, since it would be virtually peats, refines, and formalizes those actions into fixed impossible to write a coherent history of all the ceremonies, or rituals. human activities that through the ages have made use Stories (myths), which explain, disguise, or ideal- of performative conventions. Therefore, this text is ize, may then grow up around a ritual. Frequently concerned primarily with the development of the the myths include representatives of those supernat- theatre as an autonomous activity. ural forces that the rites celebrate or hope to influ- ence. Performers may wear costumes and masks to represent the mythical characters or supernatural forces in the rituals or in accompanying celebrations. THE THEORY OF RITUAL ORIGIN As a people becomes more sophisticated, its con- But how did theatre originate? ceptions of supernatural forces and causal relation- In seeking to describe its origin, one must rely ships may change. As a result, it may abandon or primarily on speculation, since there is little concrete modify some rites. But the myths that have grown evidence on which to draw. The most widely known up around the rites may continue as part of the From Chapter 1 of History of the Theatre, Tenth Edition. Oscar G. Brockett, Franklin J. Hildy. Copyright © 2008 by Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved. 1 THE ORIGINS OF THEATRE group’s oral tradition and may even come to be acted there was a steady development from the simple to out under conditions divorced from ritualistic con- the complex. Second, they assumed that societies that cerns. When this occurs, the first step has been taken had evolved such autonomous arts as theatre were toward theatre as an autonomous activity, and there- superior to those in which the arts had not been sep- after entertainment and esthetic values may gradually arated from ritual. Therefore, their accounts of prim- replace the former mystical and socially efficacious itive cultures were written with the unconscious (but concerns. This, in brief summary, is the view of how nevertheless condescending) assumption that the theatre developed out of ritual. European was the cultural model toward which all A few points need to be made about those who for- lesser societies would evolve, although local condi- mulated this theory. First, their views were grounded tions might inhibit or stall that evolution. Third, they in “cultural Darwinism”—that is, they extended believed that, since all societies evolve through the Darwin’s theory about the evolution of biological same stages, those still-existing primitive or less ad- species to include cultural phenomena—and conse- vanced societies can serve as valid evidence about quently they assumed that human institutions (in- how European culture had developed during its pre- cluding theatre) evolved through a process in which historic phase. FIG. 1 Bull dance of the Mandan Peoples of North America. Note the figures at center-front wearing buffalo headdresses and skins. George Catlin, Bull Dance,Mandan O-Kee-Pa Ceremony, 1832. Oil on canvas, 241⁄4(cid:2)28 in. (59.0 (cid:2)71.1 cm.) L.1965.1.505, National Museum of American Art, Washington, DC/Art Resource, NY. 2 THE ORIGINS OF THEATRE After World War II, doubts grew about the supe- modes in which the same elements might be used riority of a technologically based society (which had for differing functions within the same society. created the atomic bomb, seriously threatened the planet’s ecological balance, and been divided into alienated and violent factions). Primitive, less “ad- PERFORMATIVE ELEMENTS AND vanced” societies, because of their cohesiveness, came FUNCTIONS to be seen by many as embodying alternative social models, different from but perhaps more effective Performative activities (which encompass most than the European, which had long served as the human transactions) make use of a number of com- standard. Consequently, several of these societies (in- mon elements: time, place, participants (players/ cluding their myths and rituals) were studied more audience), scenario (agenda/goal/text/rules), clothing to uncover their modes of thought, communication, (uniform/costume/mask/makeup), sound (speech/ and social structuring than to define their develop- music), movement (gesture/pantomime/dance), and mental stage in relation to a supposed evolutionary function or purpose. How each of these elements is model. Myth and ritual came to be looked upon as treated, combined with others, and for what ultimate tools, comparable to language, through which a group purpose, distinguishes one kind of transaction from discovers, promulgates, and reaffirms its values, ex- another. Although not all of these can be examined at pectations, and societal relationships. A number of an- length here, a few examples may clarify the flexible thropologists argued that patterns comparableto those interrelationships within and among these elements. found in primitive societies were also still evident in On one level, all transactions occur in clock time— advanced societies (including our own), especially the amount of actual time it takes to complete an in secular rituals. Thus, all societies came to be seen event. But there is also fictional time, which can allow as developing sets of conventions (or rituals) which an event that takes only a few hours to perform to sug- enact relationships and serve as unconscious guide- gest the passage of months or years. Time is signifi- lines for behavior. As examples, wedding ceremonies cant in still other ways, since by convention some redefine relationships between two people, between events occur in the morning, others at night, some two extended families, and within the society at on certain days of the week, or during particular sea- large; and criminal trials, through which decisions sons of the year. Similarly, place may vary from spaces about guilt and innocence are reached, redefine the designed to meet the specific needs of one type of accused person’s place within society. Although we event, or it may be adaptable to multiple needs. Events, may think of these two examples as legal proceed- such as a ritual, might take place in one space, or they ings rather than as rituals, we do so only because might involve a procession with portions of the ritual their conventions are so embedded in our con- being performed at various places along the way; the sciousness as to have become societal guidelines place may be arranged to keep the performers and about certain relationships, whereas our lack of fa- spectators wholly separated or to intermingle them. miliarity with the wedding conventions or modes It should be clear, without discussing them sepa- of determining guilt and innocence in other soci- rately, that each element of an event can vary widely eties may make them seem to us merely bizarre and and can be combined with others in many ways. It irrational. Each society develops numerous con- should also be clear that almost any event involving ventions that may be viewed as rituals that define societal interaction can be viewed as manipulating the societal relationships, and it seeks validation of these same basic set of performative elements. A business conventions through religion, morality, law, or social conference, for example, is scheduled for a particu- utility. lar time in a particular place; there is an agenda that Ultimately, many post–World War II anthropol- sets forth the scope of the discussions; those asked to ogists tended to see almost all human transactions participate know what dress is appropriate, what type as basically performative—as enactments of rela- of behavior is acceptable, and what the hierarchy tionships with specific purposes—involving a num- within the group is; and they know what the purpose ber of elements (which are also those found in ritual of the conference is. Thus, the event is governed by and theatre). Thus, the earlier concern for the rela- a set of conventions that the participants understand tionship between ritual and theatre was transformed. and adhere to; failure to adhere to them usually re- Both ritual and theatre came to be seen as merely sults in some type of sanction. Ritual and theatre em- different ways of organizing and using elements that ploy the same basic elements as other human activities are basic in almost all human activity. Therefore, the- do but, having different purposes in mind, choose the atre was not seen as necessarily originating in ritual; particular form needed for each element and then or- rather ritual and theatre were viewed as coexisting ganize these elements to achieve their purpose. 3 THE ORIGINS OF THEATRE FIG. 3 Horned god (or a man disguised as an animal). Drawing from a prehistoric cave in the Volp River region of France. The figure has been redrawn by the Abbé H. Breuil. From Henri Begouen and l’Abbé H. Breuil, Les Cavernes du Volp (Paris, 1958). Courtesy Arts et Métiers Graphiques, Paris. FIG. 2 Costume and mask made of bark cloth and used for a But, though ritual and theatre may use many of jaguar dance. From the Amazon River region of Brazil. the same elements, the distinction between them ul- Neg. #319672. Courtesy Department of Library Services, timately depends on their functions. Perceptions American Museum of Natural History, New York. about the function of an event may vary widely, de- pending on one’s relationship to the event and fa- All rituals reflect in some way the society’s miliarity with its conventions. As members of our understanding of its relationship to the powers that own society, we may easily recognize the distinctions govern its well-being and its own interrelationships. among church services, theatrical events, athletic Ultimately, rituals also include elements that enter- games, and political rallies, but someone wholly un- tain and give pleasure. Even the most solemn cere- familiar with our cultural conventions might perceive mony may give pleasure through spectacle, the all of these as essentially theatrical, just as we might repetition of familiar patterns, and the skill of the those of some non-Western community about whose participants. Pantomimic dances and rhythmical mu- cultural conventions we are entirely uninformed. sical accompaniment are often primary means in ritual, The recognition of specialized function seems a nec- as are imaginative costumes and masks. essary condition for the separation of ritual and the- As should be evident, much that is found in ritual atre, but where the line between them is to be drawn is also present in theatre. In ritual, beyond those ele- is difficult to specify since it depends primarily on our ments already mentioned, there must be “actors”— perception of the function of an event or activity. those who enact the rites or stories—and those who exercise control over the performance (“directorial” functions often undertaken in rites by initiates, elders, OTHER THEORIES OF ORIGIN or priests). Both theatre and ritual also use a “per- forming area” and a “viewing area,” the shape, size, Although origin in ritual was once the most popu- and organization of which may vary considerably from lar, it is by no means the only theory about how the one society or period to another. theatre came into being. Storytelling has been proposed 4 THE ORIGINS OF THEATRE as one alternative. Under this theory, relating and lis- Another perspective on theatre history is provided tening to stories are seen as fundamental human plea- by the notion of static and dynamic societies. In every sures. The recalling of an event (a hunt, battle, or society some forces seek to maintain the status quo, other feat) can be elaborated through the narrator’s while others promote change. Usually one tendency pantomime and impersonation and eventually is dominant in a given society or during a particu- through each role being assumed by a different per- lar time span. A society may also be dynamic for a son. Closely related theories see theatre as evolving time and then become static. Those societies called out of imitation of animals or out of narrative forms primitive are ones that became static at an early stage of dance and song. Admiration for the performers’ of development. But some advanced societies, such skill, virtuosity, and grace is seen as motivation for as ancient Egypt or Japan from the fourteenth to the elaborating the activities into fully realized theatri- nineteenth century, become relatively static after a cal performances. period of dynamism. These societies tend to estab- Other theorists have questioned the very possibil- lish and perpetuate ritualized conventions that alter ity or desirability of finding an origin for theatre. Some little over centuries of time. Still other societies, such have argued that in any culture theatre can be inspired as those of western Europe, emphasize change and by a great many performance-oriented activities with- view stasis as an invitation to decay and dissolution. out any of them being able to be identified as “the Their dramatic and performance conventions are al- source.” If one could be identified as the source, it still ways in flux. would not provide any useful understanding of the- Joseph Campbell’s analysis of the differences be- atre as a distinctive artistic endeavor. Still other the- tween Western and Eastern thought throws some orists have seen theatre as something that is basic to light on these contrasting conditions. In Western the human psyche. Such theorists tend to explore the myths, the dominant concern is the relationship be- motives that led people to develop theatre and to value tween two types of beings—gods and humans—and it. In the fourth century B.C.E., Aristotle saw humans the tension between the roles assigned to each. The as naturally imitative—as taking pleasure in imitating roles, which are not fixed, vary considerably from persons, things, and actions and in seeing such imita- one period and group to another. Sometimes major tions. In the twentieth century, the focus was put on emphasis has been placed on the supreme power of fantasy, through which humans seek to reshape real- one or more gods, with humans relegated to a po- ity into more satisfying forms than those encountered sition of total dependence. This, in essence, is the re- in daily life. Thus, fantasy or fiction (of which drama ligious view. At other times primary stress has been is one form) permits people to objectify their anxi- given to the ability of human beings to manage their eties and fears, confront them, and fulfill their hopes own affairs—the humanistic view. The Greeks first in fiction if not in fact. The theatre, then, is one tool enlarged the human role and established the domi- whereby people define and understand their world nant strain of Western thought, in which humans or escape from unpleasant realities. (sometimes as agents of the gods but often quite in- But neither the human imitative instinct nor pen- dependently) are assigned a major share in action and chant for fantasy invariably leads to an autonomous control. After the Renaissance the humanistic view theatre. Therefore, additional explanations are needed. was increasingly accepted and the notion of divine One necessary condition seems to be a somewhat interference steadily diminished. Thus, in Western detached view of human problems. Comic vision, for thought the world came to be seen primarily from example, requires sufficient detachment to view de- the human point of view—as a place of conflict, viations from norms as ridiculous rather than as seri- change, and progress—with humanity as the princi- ous threats to the welfare of the entire group. Another pal agent both for good and evil. sign is the development of the esthetic sense. For On the other hand, Campbell proposes, the dom- example, some early societies ceased to consider cer- inant strain in Eastern thought recognizes no basic tain rites essential to their well-being and abandoned dichotomy between god and human. In Eastern them; nevertheless, they retained the myths that had myths, people seek to transcend temporal limitations grown up around the rites as parts of their oral tra- and achieve oneness with the mystery of being, in dition and admired them for their artistic qualities which all divisions—including human and divine— rather than for their religious usefulness. Two other disappear. Although on the surface everything may conditions are also important: the appearance of peo- seem tempestuous and ever-changing, behind this ple who can organize performative elements into the- apparent flux lies a harmony so complete as to defy atrical experiences of a high order, and a society that all attempts to define it. The Eastern view encour- acknowledges the value of theatre as an autonomous ages a conception of world order in which all du- activity. ties, roles, and possibilities are fixed; it does not see 5
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