Bibliographical Note This Dover edition, first published in 2004, is an unabridged republication of the work originally published by Yeshiva University, New York, in 1956 as numbers six and seven of the Scripta Mathematica Studies. 9780486154510 Manufactured in the United States of America Dover Publications, Inc., 31 East 2nd Street, Mineola, N.Y. 11501 Table of Contents Title Page Copyright Page Preface CHAPTER I - The Earliest Contributions CHAPTER II - The Alexandrian Age CHAPTER III - The Medieval Period CHAPTER IV - The Early Modern Prelude CHAPTER V - Fermat and Descartes, CHAPTER VI - The Age of Commentaries CHAPTER VII - From Newton to Euler CHAPTER VIII - The Definitive Formulation CHAPTER IX - The Golden Age ANALYTICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY Index Preface THE history of analytic geometry is by no means an uncharted sea. Every history of mathematics touches upon it to some extent; and numerous scholarly papers have been devoted to special aspects of the subject. What is chiefly wanting is an integrated survey of the historical development of analytic geometry as a whole. The closest approach to such a treatment is found in two articles by Gino Loria. One of these is in Italian and appeared in 1924 in a periodical (the Memorie of the Reale Accademia dei Lincei for 1923) which is not easily accessible; the other is in French and was published, in several installments, from 1942 to 1945, in a Roumanian journal (Mathematica) which is still less readily available. These two articles together constitute perhaps the most extensive and dependable account of the history of analytic geometry. Somewhat less inclusive treatments are found in German as parts of the works of Heinrich Wieleitner (Geschichte der Mathematik, part II, vol. 2, 1921) and Johannes Tropfke Geschichte der Elementar-Mathematik, 2nd ed., vol. VI, 1924). Had convenient translations of any of the above works been at hand—or had J. L. Coolidge collated and amplified those portions of his admirable History of Geometric Methods (1940) which pertain to analytic geometry—the present work might never have been written. As it was, there seemed to be room for an historical volume of modest size devoted solely to coordinate geometry. It soon became evident that, in view of the amount of material available, some limitations would have to be imposed if the work were to remain within reasonable proportions. Not all relevant details could be included, for H. G. Zeuthen (in Die Lehre von den Kegelschnitte im Altertum, 1886) had devoted more than 500 pages to one specific aspect of a single chronological subdivision. It was therefore decided that the present history should cover only such parts of analytic geometry as might reasonably be included in an elementary general college course. Consequently developments of the last hundred years or so are largely omitted, for they are of a more advanced and highly specialized nature. Even within this self-imposed limitation, the account is not intended to be exhaustive with respect to detail. Factual information is presented largely to the extent to which it is suggestive of the general development of ideas. Biographical details in the main have been overlooked, not for want of attractiveness, but because often they have little bearing upon the growth of concepts. For similar reasons peculiarities of terminology and notation have been accorded very limited space. Some attention has been given to the status of analytic geometry vis-à-vis other branches of mathematics; but the impact of the wider intellectual milieu has been referred to only where it was regarded as of particular significance. It is of interest to note in this connection that the development of coordinate geometry was not to any great extent bound up with general philosophical problems. The discoveries of Descartes and Fermat in particular are relatively free of any metaphysical background. Indeed, La géométrie was in many respects an isolated episode in the career of Descartes— one suggested by a classical problem of Greek geometry. It was the natural outcome of historical tendencies; and had Descartes not lived, mathematical history—in sharp contrast to philosophical—probably would have been much the same, by virtue of Fermat’s simultaneous discovery. The work of Fermat is practically devoid of philosophical interest, his discoveries being the result of a close study of the achievements of his predecessors. Perhaps nowhere does one find a better example of the value of historical knowledge for mathematicians than in the case of Fermat, for it is safe to say that, had he not been intimately acquainted with the geometry of Apollonius and Viète, he would not have invented analytic geometry. It is frequently held that mathematics develops most effectively when it is closely associated with the world of practical affairs—when scholars and artisans work together. However, to this general rule there seem to be more exceptions than there are instances of it; and the discovery of analytic geometry certainly seems to be one of the exceptions. For this reason the sociological background has, in the present account, gone unemphasized. On the other hand, bibliographical references to the source material have been granted a place of some prominence in order to enable the reader to pursue the subject further in directions which he may find especially attractive. Not all works cited in the footnotes are included in the “Analytical Bibliography,” with which the volume closes. It is felt that the usefulness of the bibliography is enhanced by limiting it to items which are directly pertinent to the history of algebraic geometry and by incorporating in each case a very brief indication of the nature of the material. A conscientious effort has been made to see that the information presented is substantially correct in detail, although perfect accuracy in this respect is rarely achieved. However, it is the broad general picture which represents the principal object of the book. Here there undoubtedly are further points which the reader could wish to have seen included, but it is hoped that there are few portions of could wish to have seen included, but it is hoped that there are few portions of the work which he would prefer deleted. For both inspiration and information the author is heavily indebted to the works of Loria and Wieleitner, and a special measure of credit is due also to the books of Coolidge and Tropfke. To all the scholars whose studies have served as the basis for the present volume, the author would express his appreciation. The manuscript of this work was completed about half a dozen years ago, and major portions of it have appeared from time to time in Scripta Mathematica. The bibliography contains a few items published since the completion of the manuscript, but in most cases it was not feasible to make use of these in the body of the work. There have, however, been few recent developments which would lead one to alter materially judgments on the history of analytic geometry expressed some six years ago. The appearance of this book is due to the suggestion and encouragement of Professor Jekuthiel Ginsburg of Yeshiva University, and to him, for continued inspiration and assistance in the completion of the project, we extend our warmest gratitude. January 3, 1956 CARL B. BOYER CHAPTER I The Earliest Contributions Mighty are numbers, joined with art resistless. —EURIPIDES MATHEMATICS originally was the science of number and magnitude. At first it was limited to the natural numbers and rectilinear configurations; but even from the early primitive stages mankind presumably was concerned with the problem from which analytic geometry arose—the correlation of number with geometrical magnitude. The beginnings of the association of numerical relationships with spatial configurations are prehistoric, as are also the first connections between number and time. The harpedonaptae (“rope-stretchers” or surveyors) of Egypt and the astronomers of Chaldea bear witness to the early concern of mathematics with such associations. The very oldest written documents from Mesopotamia, Egypt, China, and India give evidence of the concern with mensuration. Pre-Hellenic papyri and cuneiform texts abound in elaborate problems involving the concepts of length, area, and volume.1 So highly developed was this aspect of the Egyptian and Babylonian civilizations that one finds there, among other things, the correct result for the volume of the frustum of a pyramid with a square base. It is indeed possible to have an analytic geometry of points and straight lines alone, a direction toward which ancient mensuration pointed; but historically the subject arose instead from the comparison of curvilinear with rectilinear magnitudes. Here also the Egyptians and Babylonians, in their geometry of the circle, took the first steps. The former made a remarkably accurate estimate of the ratio of the area of the circle to the area of the square on the diameter, taking this ratio to be (1− )2, equivalent to taking a value of about 3.16 for π. The Babylonians adopted the cruder approximation 3 for π (although an instance is known in which the value is taken as 3 ), but their geometry of the circle nevertheless surpassed that of the contemporary Egyptians. They recognized that the angle inscribed in a semicircle is right, anticipating Thales by well over a thousand years. Moreover, they were familiar at about the same time with the Pythagorean theorem. Combining these two famous propositions, they found— for a given circle of radius r—the relationship between the length of a chord c and its sagitta s. This property, when symbolically expressed in such a form as 4r2 = c2 + 4(r — s)2, may in a sense be regarded as an equation of the circle in terms of the rectangular coordinates c and s. The Babylonians never reached this point of view, for such essential elements of analytic geometry as coordinates and equations of curves arose considerably later; but it is well to bear in mind how closely certain aspects of ancient mathematics approach their modern counterparts. Primitive systems of coordinates were used by Nilotic surveyors as early as 1400 B.C., and probably also by Mesopotamian star-gazers;2 but there is no evidence that Egyptian or Babylonian geometers ever explicitly developed a formal geometric coordinate system. The nascent state of the idea of coordinates was not the only difficulty in the way of the development of analytic geometry. Deficiencies in arithmetic were possibly just as serious. The systems of numeration used in the Nile and Mesopotamian valleys were not so well adapted to calculation as is ours. The hieratic script of the Egyptians made use of the principle of cipherization in connection with the ten-scale, but did not apply the idea of local value or position; the Babylonian sexagesimal notation, on the other hand, employed the positional principle, but cipherization was impracticable in conjunction with a base or radix of that size. Granted that these systems of numeration were imperfect, it is nevertheless open to doubt that difficulties in methods of computation operated as seriously to obstruct the growth of algebra as did other factors. After all, the Babylonians calculated the diagonal of a square to the equivalent of half a dozen decimal figures! The shortcomings were probably more in number concepts than in number symbols. Algebra calls for a higher degree of abstraction than does geometry, and this element seems to have been lacking in pre-Hellenic mathematics. Number referred essentially to concrete whole numbers, and the idea of general fractions was missing in Egyptian writings. Much time was spent in finding ways of avoiding all but unit fractions, so that the ratio of 2 to 43 would be written as or as . Whether the Babylonians achieved the concept of general rational number is open to question because of ambiguities in the interpretation of tables, the use of which was greatly emphasized. Elaborate tables give pairs of
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