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HISTORICAL ESSAYS BY H. R. TREVOR-ROPER LONDON MACMILLAN & CO LTD 1963 By 1th e same author * ARCHBISHLOAPU D1,5 73-1645 THEL ASTD AYSO FH ITLER Copyright <0 by H R Trevor-Roper 1957 Fznt E.aztzon October 1957 Reprinted December 1957, 1958, 1963 MACMILLAANN D COMPANLYI MITED St .i\.fartzn's Street London WC2 afro Bombay Calcutta ,Madra, Afelbourne THEM ACMILLACNO MPANOYF CANADIA. IMDI TE Toronto l'RlNTl!:D IN Gil.EAT BRITAIN FOREWORD O ught one to reprint historical essays which have al­ ready been published once? This is a question which faces any historian who happens to have written such occasional essays. They may look well enough in their place, in the weekly or monthly press, but when they reappear, strung together, they often wear a miscellaneous look, as if they formed not a book but a scrap-heap. Since I am aware of this fact, and since these essays, ranging unevenly over so many centuries, may seem to invite such criticism, perhaps I should introduce them with an apologia. I should state why I have been so bold as to republish essays which have already appeared in well­ known periodicals, and particularly in that distressingly radical organ, for whose space however I am most grateful, The .New Statesman and Nation.1 My answer to this question is simple, perhaps presumptuous. Essays like these, various in time, depth and subject, can only bear republication if they receive an underlying unity from the philosophy of the writer: a philosophy, I would add, which is best illustrated by their very variety. Such a philosophy may be criticised as a bad or questionable philosophy, but if it is dis­ cernible through all these essays and gives them consistency, that is enough for my purpose. It will ensure that this volume is not a scrap-heap but a book. It is perhaps anachronistic to write of a historian's philo­ sophy. Today most professional historians 'specialise'. They choose a period, sometimes a very brief period, and within that period they strive, in desperate competition with ever-expand­ ing evidence, to know all the facts. Thus armed, they can comfortably shoot down any amateurs who blunder or rivals who stray into their heavily fortified field; and, of course, knowing the strength of modern defensive weapons, they them- 1 Of the essays reprinted m this book No. 7 first appeared in EncounNots.er 2,0, 27, 29 and 31 in History TNoo. d2a3 yin, C ommentNao. ry30, m ThR SpecNtoa. tor, 39m The'·rL11mtcesS1 uapry/ JlNeom. .42e inn tP.r obleCmo,m·. mofu nAmll nt h<' r<',t app<'ainr Tth•ed .N'SftWa twnan. Vl FOREWORD selves keep prudently within their own frontiers. Theirs is a static world. They have a self-contained economy, a Maginot Line, and large reserves which they seldom use; but they have no philosophy. For a historical philosophy is incompatible with such narrow frontiers. It must apply to humanity in any period. To test it, a historian must dare to travel abroad, even in hostile country; to express it he must be ready to write essays even on subjects on which he may be ill-qualified to write books. This was a truism to the great historians of the past: who would ever ask what was Gibbon's period? Today it is a heresy: with few exceptions, we do not even enquire after the philosophy of our masters. If these essays are united by any such philosophy, the reader will discover it. He will also discover any special interests or eccentricities of which I may be guilty. Here I will only say that to me the interest of history lies not in its periods but in its problems, and, primarily, in one general problem which is its substance in all times and all places: the interplay between heavy social forces or intractable geographical facts and the creative or disruptive forces which wrestle with them: the nimble mind, the burning conscience, the blind passions of man. For history, I believe, is not static, a mere field to be mapped out. It is not predictable, nor yet aimless. It is an endless play of forces, all determinable, except one: and that one is the dynamic element, the human mind which sometimes triumphs, sometimes destroys, sometimes founders. If these essays, random samples from a great ocean, nevertheless illuminate different aspects of that central problem, I can collect and republish them with a clear conscience. HUGH TREVOR-ROPER CHRIST CHURCH OXFORD CONTENTS cilAPTElt PAGE I. THE HOLY LAND I II. 6 THE WORLD OF HOMER III. THE DARK AGES I2 IV. THE MEDIEVAL ITALIAN CAPITALISTS 18 V. IBN KHALDOUN AND THE DECLINE OF BARBARY 24 VI. UP AND DowN IN THE CouNTRY: THE PAsToN LETTERS 30 VII. DESIDERIUS ERASMUS 35 VIII. NrccoLo MACHIAVELLI 61 IX. THE TWILIGHT OF THE MONKS 67 X. ENGLAND'S MODERNISER: THOMAS CROMWELL 74 XI. THE CRISIS OF ENGLISH HUMANISM: REGINALD POLE AND HIS CIRCLE 79 XII. HUGH LATIMER AND THE ENGLISH COMMON­ WEALTH XIII. SrR THOMAS MoRE AND THE ENGLISH LAY RECUSANTS 91 XIV. ELIZABETH AND CECIL 98 XV. THE LAST ELIZABETHAN: SrR WALTER RALEIGH 103 XVI. THE JESUIT MISSION IN ENGLAND AND THE GUNPOWDER PLOT I08 XVII. TWICE MARTYRED: THE ENGLISH JESUITS AND 3 THEIR HISTORIANS I I XVIII. THE JESUITS IN JAPAN I 19 XIX. FULLER'S 'WORTHIES' AND THE AGE OF ENGLISH CHARITY 125 '.XX. JAMES I AND HIS BISHOPS I 30 vii Vlll CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE XXI. 46 THE JEWISH DISPERSION I XXII. r 5 r THE SEPHARDIM IN ENGLAND XXIII. THE JEWS AND MODERN CAPITALISM 156 XXIV. r6r RuBENS IN POLITICS XXV. GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS AND THE SWEDISH 167 EMPIRE XXVI. A CASE OF Co-ExrsTENcE: CHRISTENDOM AND THE TURKS 173 XXVII. THE COUNTRY-HOUSE RADICALS r 79 XXVIII. THE OUTBREAK OF THE GREAT REBEL- LION 189 XXIX. THE SOCIAL CAUSES OF THE GREAT REBEL- LION 195 XXX. I: THE MYTH OF CHARLES A TERCENTEN- 206 ARY OCCASION XXXI. 'ErKON BASILIKE': THE PROBLEM OF THE KING's BooK 2 r 1 XXXII. THE QUAKERS 22! �:XXIII. HUGUENOTS AND PAPISTS 227 XXXIV. THOMAS HOBBES 233 XXXV. THE ANTI-HOBBISTS 239 XXXVI. 244 CLARENDON AND THE GREAT RI<,BELLION XXVII. Rr,vour- MACAULAY AND THE GLoRrous TION 249 XXXVIII. THE MARQUIS OF HALIFAX XXXIX. THE SPANISH ENLIGHTENMENT 260 XL. THE FAUSTIAN HISTORIAN: JACOB BURCK- HARDT 273 XLI. 279 LYTTON STRACHEY AS HISTORIAN XLII. KARL MARX AND THE STUDY OF HISTORY 285 CHAPTER I THE H OLY LAND rom one narrow area - the borderlands of Arabia and Palestine - three great religions have been carried abroad. F What peculiar character gave to one corner of the earth such spiritual concentration? For answer we must look not to history, but to geography, or rather to historical geography. In particular we may look to that great work, George Adam Smith's Historical Geography of the Holy Land. No other book so vividly re-creates the character of that eventful country or so skilfully calls in the rocks and valleys to explain its three thou­ sand years of history. For the Scots professor was no academic observer: he had not only read but ridden his way through every corner of his subject. And in the end it was not only past history that he explained. Twenty years later Palestine became once more a battleground of great armies, and the book which was written for scholars became the manual of statesmen. The Prime Minister, Lloyd George, was 'absorbed' by it; the victori­ ous General Allenby carried it with him on his campaign; it was used at the Peace Conference; and the first High Commissioner, before taking up the government of the new Mandate, sought out, as his adviser, the Hebrew scholar from Aberdeen. What is the essential, the permanent character of Palestine? From the first it has been double: Palestine is both 'the bridge between Asia and Africa' and 'the refuge of the drifting popula­ tions of Arabia'. Great armies have passed through it to battle: the armies of Sennacherib and the Pharaohs, of Cambyses and Alexander, of Ptolemies and Seleucids, of Pompey and Caesar, the Caliphs and the Crusaders, Sultan Selim and Mehemet Ali, Napoleon and Allenby. Monotonously they have followed the same great highways, picked up in the Serbonian Bog the same fearful plague, and fought their crucial battles in the same natural theatre, the passage and gateway of Jezreel. There Sisera and Saul were destroyed; there, at Megiddo, Josiah was I 2 HISTORCAL ESSAYS destroyed by Pharaoh Necho; and the greatest battle of all, where the Kings of the Earth are to be destroyed, was naturally placed, by the heated Zealots who imagined it, at Mcgiddo, or Armageddon. But what were these Kings of the Earth and their great transient armies to the mountain tribes of Israel? Like the beduin of the desert in our wars, they looked down upon the passing chariots from above and only descended afterwards, for the leavings. For the Hebrews were a highland people: their very language shows it. Their word for valley is 'depth', their visitors 'come up', even their hilltops are viewed from above. To them horses and chariots were exotic beasts and unfamiliar machines. All the great chariot-rides in the Bible take place in the north, in Samaria. The horse, until Solomon, was not used; if captured, it was hamstrung; and the Prophets, those die-hard conservatives, continued to frown upon it as an irreligious novelty. It was in 'the high places of Israel' that the Hebrews settled; it was there that their own unique history took place; th�y left the valleys to foreign armies and caravans, the sea coast to the sea-faring Phoenicians and the sea-borne Phili­ stines. Furthermore, these drifting tribes of Arabia who had settled in Palestine were both wedged in and split up by the shape of the land. On the east the Jordan, sunk in its tropical valley, is not, like other rivers, a trade-route: it is a barrier. On the west the inhospitable sea coast was not, like the tempting archipelago of the Greeks, a highway to other continents: it was 'a stiff, stormy line', a border, a horizon. There is no word in Hebrew for a bridge - no bridge over their only river; nor for harbour either - no harbour in their only sea. And between these two bar­ riers the country is further broken up into 'shelves and coigns' into which the swarming clans of Arabia fitted themselves by tribes and, thus fitted, preserved, as in Alpine cantons, their different cultures. Thus when history first lights up within Palestine, what we see is a confused medley of clans - all that crowd of Canaanites, Amorites, Perizzites, Hivites, Girgashites, Hittites, sons of Anak and Zamzum� mim which is so perplexing to the student and yet in such thorough harmony with the natural conditions of the country and with the THE HOLY LAND 3 rest of the history . . . . P alestine, formed as it is, and surrounded as it is, is emphatically a land of tribes. At first it was the land of these Canaanite tribes, scattered and sedentary, an agricultural and commercial people dwelling in strong places and practising like all primitive agricultural peoples, orgiastic rites. Each tribe had its tutelary deity, like local madonnas in Italy: they 'practised abominations' and worshipped Baal 'on every high hill and under every green tree'. Later, when the Hebrews conquered and absorbed them and became, like them, an agricultural people, they fitted as natur­ ally, tribe by tribe, into the same local niches and adopted as naturally the same local cults. They 'went a-whoring after strange gods'. And yet, in the end, they were not seduced. They did not per­ severe along the path of their predecessors. Why not? Once again geography offers an answer. For over and above the local subdivisions of Palestine stands a greater, more fundamental division: the division between Arabia and Syria, between the desert and the sown. The Hebrews were not, like their predecessors, a sedentary, agricultural people: they wen� beduin from the desert and their religion was the religion of the desert, 'the sour Wahaby fanaticism' and yet also 'the great antique humanity of the Semitic desert' which Doughty afterwards found in his solitary Arabian wanderings. From the nomadic Kenites, the outcast tinkers of the desert, they had learned their grim religion, the worship of Y ahveh, the god of the volcano in Sinai; and now they carried it from 'the waste, the howling wilderness' into 'the land of corn and wine' which they had conquered. Then the miracle happened. Absorbed, Canaanised, civilised, they yet contrived to retain their desert religion with its violence and its humanity. The Old Testament, in so far as it is history, is the history of a great ideological struggle: a struggle between the invading gods of the desert and the native gods of the sown. How splendid are the stories of its human agents! Politic kings, setting up their new regality with its officers and tax­ gatherers and incorporated court-chaplains, might seek to tame the old aristocratic anarchy of the desert; but always the beduin with their marahouts, the prophets, intervened. Sometimes their

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