INTRODUCTION TO THE SERIES The aim of the Handbooks in Economics series is to produce Handbooks for various branches of economics, each of which is a definitive source, reference, and teaching supplement for use by professional researchers and advanced graduate students. Each Handbook provides self-contained surveys of the current state of a branch of economics in the form of chapters prepared by leading specialists on various aspects of this branch of economics. These surveys summarize not only received results but also newer devel- opments, from recent journal articles and discussion papers. Some original material is also included, but the main goal is to provide comprehensive and accessible surveys. The Handbooks are intended to provide not only useful reference volumes for profes- sional collections but also possible supplementary readings for advanced courses for graduate students in economics. KENNETH J. ARROW and MICHAEL D. INTRILIGATOR PUBLISHER'S NOTE For a complete overview of the Handbooks in Economics Series, please refer to the listing on the last two pages of this volume. CONTENTS OF THE HANDBOOK VOLUME 1A PART - 1 AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION Chapter 1 Production and Supply YAIR MUNDLAK Chapter 2 Uncertainty, Risk Aversion, and Risk Management for Agricultural Producers GIANCARLO MOSCHINI and DAVID A. HENNESSY Chapter 3 Expectations, Information and Dynamics MARC NERLOVE and DAVID A. BESSLER Chapter 4 The Agricultural Innovation Process: Research and Technology Adoption in a Changing Agricultural Sector DAVID SUNDING and DAVID ZILBERMAN Chapter 5 Structural Change in Agricultural Production: Economics, Technology and Policy JEAN-PAUL CHAVAS Chapter 6 Land Institutions and Land Markets KLAUS DEININGER and GERSHON FEDER Chapter 7 Human Capital: Education and Agriculture WALLACE E. HUFFMAN Chapter 8 Women's Roles in the Agricultural Household: Bargaining and Human Capital Investments .T PAUL SCHULTZ Chapter 9 Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change J. EDWARD TAYLOR and PHILIP L. MARTIN Chapter 10 Agricultural Finance: Credit, Credit Constraints, and Consequences PETER J. BARRY and LINDON J. ROBISON vii viii Contents of the Handbook Chapter 11 Economic Impacts of Agricultural Research and Extension ROBERT E. EVENSON Chapter 21 The Agricultural Producer: Theory and Statistical Measurement RICHARD E. JUST and RULON D. POPE VOLUME 1B PART 2 - MARKETING, DISTRIBUTION AND CONSUMERS Chapter 31 Commodity Futures and Options JEFFREY C. WILLIAMS Chapter 14 Storage and Price Stabilization BRIAN WRIGHT Chapter 51 Food Processing and Distribution: An Industrial Organization Approach RICHARD J. SEXTON and NATHALIE LAVOIE Chapter 16 Marketing Margins: Empirical Analysis MICHAEL K. WOHLGENANT Chapter 17 Spatial Price Analysis PAUL L. FACKLER and BARRY K. GOODWIN Chapter 18 Duality fort he Household: Theory and Applications JEFFREY T. LaFRANCE Chapter 19 Economic Analysis of Food Safety JOHN M. ANTLE Chapter 20 Marketing and Distribution: Theory and Statistical Measurement JAMES VERCAMMEN and ANDREW SCHMITZ Chapter 12 Production and Marketing RACHAEL E. GOODHUE and GORDON C. RAUSSER INTRODUCTION The subject matter of agricultural economics has both broadened and deepened in re- cent years, and the chapters of this Handbook present the most exciting and innovative work being done today. The field originated early in the twentieth century with a focus on farm management and commodity markets, but has since moved far into analysis of issues in food, resources, international trade, and linkages between agriculture and the rest of the economy. In the process agricultural economists have been pioneering users of developments in economic theory and econometrics. Moreover, in the process of intense focus on problems of economic science that are central to agriculture - mar- ket expectations, behavior under uncertainty, multimarket relationships for both prod- ucts and factors, the economics of research and technology adoption, and public goods and property issues associated with issues like nonpoint pollution and innovations in biotechnology - agricultural economists have developed methods of empirical investi- gation that have been taken up in other fields. The chapters are organized into five parts, contained in two volumes. Volume 1 con- tains Part ,1 "Agricultural Production", and Part 2, "Marketing, Distribution and Con- sumers". These two parts include much of the traditional scope of agricultural eco- nomics, emphasizing advances in both theory and empirical application of recent years. Volume 2 consists of three parts: "Agriculture, Natural Resources and the Environment", "Agriculture in the Macroeconomy", and "Agricultural and Food Policy". Although agricultural economists have always paid attention to these topics, research devoted to them has increased substantially in scope as well as depth in recent years. A large-scale effort to review and assess the state of knowledge in agricultural eco- nomics was previously undertaken by the American Agricultural Economics Associ- ation (AAEA), with publication in four volumes from 1977 to 1992.1 Those earlier survey volumes have strikingly different subject-matter content from that of the present Handbook, especially considering that they described the same field only 20 years ago. The AAEA volumes have extensive coverage of farm management issues, costs of pro- duction in agriculture, and estimates of efficiency of marketing firms. In our judgment little in any fundamental way has been added to our knowledge in these areas, and applications have become routine rather than imaginative research. The largest AAEA volume was devoted entirely to agriculture in economic development. This remains a 1 A Survey of Economics Literature, eeL ,nitraM ed., :silopaenniM ytisrevinU of atosenniM .sserP -loV emu ,1 lanoitidarT dleiF of larutlucirgA scimonocE ;)7791( emuloV ,2 evitatitnauQ sdohteM ni larutlucirgA scimonocE ;)7791( emuloV ,3 scimonocE of ,erafleW Rural ,tnempoleveD dna larutaN secruoseR ;)1891( emuloV ,4 erutlucirgA cimonocE ni tnempoleveD .)2991( xi x Introduction most important topic, but we cover it in only one complete chapter and parts of sev- eral others. This reflects in part the integration of work on developing countries with mainstream applied work. For example, our chapters on production economics, expec- tations, and risk management also encompass applications to agriculture in developing economies. That integration points to another gradual but notable change in agricultural economists' research. The AAEA surveys had most of the chapters of one volume de- voted to quantitative methods. We do not have any separate methodological chapters. In contrast, we have several chapters with substantial development of economic theory. This reflects an evolution in the research priorities of leading agricultural economists who, following the earlier work of Nerlove on supply and Griliches on technological change, are working at the theoretical frontiers and simultaneously undertaking empiri- cal work - not just purveying new theories to their more "applied" colleagues. As its title indicates, the AAEA volumes were surveys of literature, and aimed at completeness of coverage within their subject matter. We asked our authors to be se- lective, to focus on what they saw as the main contributions to the area they covered, and to assess the state of knowledge and what remains to be learned. This approach has left some gaps in our coverage, and has given us some chapters that are perhaps more idiosyncratic than is usual for a survey chapter. In order to pull things together at a higher level of aggregation, we commissioned five "synthesis" chapters, one for each of the five parts of the Handbook. And, to provide our own even broader overview, the editors have written closing syntheses of each volume. Because these syntheses provide capsule summaries of each Handbook chapter, we will not present further description of content here. Although advances in research in agricultural economics are increasingly being made in many countries, our authors and coverage of applied topics is heavily U.S.-weighted (only six authors work outside of the U.S.: two in Europe, two in Australia, one in Canada, and one in Israel). Of those in the U.S., however, six are economists at the World Bank, an international rather than American institution. Probably in another twenty years or so one will have to become more international to capture the most interesting and exciting developments in the field, but that day has not arrived yet. Among the many debts we have accrued in the preparation of this Handbook, the most important was Rachael Goodhue. She not only assessed the substance of many chapters, but she persuaded many reviewers and authors alike to complete their assigned respon- sibilities. Other critical contributors include the dedicated staff who provided support at the University of California, Berkeley, and at the University of Maryland. At Maryland, Liesl Koch served as copy editor and guided the authors' final revisions and preparation of the manuscript with sure judgment and a firm but diplomatic hand, a job best likened to driving a herd of cats. Coordination of correspondence with authors and reviewers was organized and carriedo ut at Berkeley with exemplary efficiencayn d organizational skill by Jef Samp, Jessica Berkson, and Jennifer Michael, under the direction of Nancy Lewis. Introduction xi We also want to recognize the comments and suggestions received from 54 review- ers of chapter drafts: Julian Alston, Jock Anderson, Richard Barichello, Eran Beinen- baum, Michael Boehlje, Dan Bromley, Steve Buccola, Allan Buckwell, David Bul- lock, Michael Caputo, Jean-Paul Chavas, John Connor, Klaus Deininger, Jeffrey Doff- man, Marcel Fafchamps, Gershon Feder, Joe Glauber, Dan Gilligan, Rachael Goodhue, Tom Grennes, Zvi Griliches, Geoff Heal, Eithan Hochman, Matt Holt, Wallace Huff- man, .D Gale Johnson, Zvi Lerman, Erik Lichtenberg, Ethan Ligon, Alan Love, Jill McCluskey, Mario Miranda, Arie Oskam, Dick Perrin, Mark Rosegrant, Vern Ruttan, Ed Schuh, Kathleen Segerson, Larry Sjaastad, Spiro Stefanou, Jo Swinnen, Frans van der Zee, Finis Welch, Abner Womack, Jacob and Yaron. BRUCE GARDNER GORDON RAUSSER Chapter 13 COMMODITY FUTURES AND OPTIONS JEFFREY C. WILLIAMS Department of Agricultural and Resource Economics, University of California, Davis, CA Contents Abstract 746 Keywords 746 .1 Introduction 747 2. The nature of futures markets 748 3. Participants in futures markets 760 4. Trading in the presence of risk aversion 769 5. Trading in the presence of transaction costs 782 6. Futures prices as forecasts 791 7. Conclusion 808 References 810 Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Volume ,1 Edited by B. Gardner an d. G Rausser © 2001 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved 647 ~ .C Williams Abstract Organized exchanges have evolved methods for enforcing contracts, which allow the contracts themselves to be traded at low cost. Theorists have modeled futures contracts as tools for risk management, despite an extensive empirical literature that does not support predictions about bias in prices or speculators' behavior. Another perspective models commercial firms as using futures contracts to arbitrage, to minimize transaction costs, to substitute temporarily for merchandising contracts. Because commercial finns tie their processing and storage decisions to the constellation of futures prices, futures prices have major allocative effects, even if their forecasting power is inevitably poor. Keywords futures, speculation, hedging, forecasting, exchanges JEL classification: Q13 .hC :31 ytidommoC serutuF dna snoitpO 747 1. Introduction To economists, futures markets, along with the options markets associated with them, present many interesting features. First is the nature of organized exchanges, tradition- ally run as not-for-profit cooperatives by their members, whose individual purpose is profits pure and simple. Second is the range of participants and their motivesf or trading. Alongside commercial firms focused on storing, transporting, or processing a commod- ity are traders who hold their positions for a matter of minutes and traders who seem to enjoy the speculation itself. No law of nature compels either giant grain-exporting firms or amateur speculators - proverbially, dentists from Des Moines - to participate in futures markets, but they do. Third are the patterns in the prices that emerge from the trading. In the most active futures and options markets, prices move second by second, and moreover, tend to lead the price changes in related markets: Futures markets are said to "discover" prices. Yet these very attributes raise many issues about how futures and options markets incorporate information about, say, planting prospects. Somehow, option prices reflect the cycle of uncertainty through a crop year and the year-to-year risks of, say, a freeze. Somehow, the futures prices for various periods into the future prevailing at any one moment have a sensible structure, which is closely associatedw ith inventories held not just in exchange-approved warehouses but worldwide. Fourth are the inherent complexities of any economic analysis of futures markets and commod- ity markets more generally. Economists must consider what heterogeneous price-taking firms do, yet place as central in their analysis the industry-level interactions. Economists must abstract from the particulars of a single commodity during a short stretch of time, yet must recognize that those particulars determine individual traders' strategies. Futures markets are interesting for a fifth reason, although one that does not concern the markets themselves as much as the approach to models and evidence as practiced among economists. For at least sixty years, two perspectives onf utures markets have ex- isted in parallel. One of these perspectives, which might be styled the risk-management perspective, posits that some market participants, called "hedgers", use futures markets out of risk aversion while other participants in the market earn a "risk premium". The other perspective, which might be styled either the transaction-cost or the arbitrage perspective, posits that commercial firms, cognizant of transaction costs, involve them- selves in arbitrage-like trades in which they temporarily hold futures positions, while the other participants contribute to the market's liquidity or forecasting ability. Judged by the large number of papers published on the theory of "optimal hedging", the more commonly held perspective among economists is the risk-management one. The em- pirical evidence, however, supports this perspective poorly. Commercial firms do not use futures contracts in the proportions or timing suggested by the theories of optimal hedging; and speculators, far from earning a risk premium on average, usually break even at best. Moreover, these basic facts have been reconfirmed over the years. Yet the business of writing theoretical papers goes on, with no mention of the evidence. The transaction costs perspective, for its part, has pointed to the general seasonal movement in the use of futures markets for empirical support. But it has not offered evidence of