Global Power Europe - Vol. 1: Theoretical and Institutional Approaches to the EU's External Relations PDF
Preview Global Power Europe - Vol. 1: Theoretical and Institutional Approaches to the EU's External Relations
Global Power Shift Astrid Boening Jan-Frederik Kremer Aukje van Loon Editors Global Power Europe - Vol. 1 Theoretical and Institutional Approaches to the EU's External Relations Global Power Shift Comparative Analysis and Perspectives Series Editor: Xuewu Gu Center forGlobalStudies, Universityof Bonn,Germany Managing Editor: Enrico Fels Center forGlobalStudies, Universityof Bonn,Germany International Advisory Board: LuisFernandes, Pontificia UniversidadeCatolica doRio de Janeiro, Brazil G.JohnIkenberry,Princeton University, USA Canrong Jin, RenminUniversityof Beijing, China Srikanth Kondapalli,Jawaharlal Nehru University, India Dingli Shen,FudanUniversity, China Kazuhiko Togo,KyotoSanyoUniversity, Japan RobertoZoboli, CatholicUniversity ofMilan,Italy Ample empirical evidence points to recent power shifts in multiple areas of internationalrelationstakingplacebetweenindustrializedcountriesandemerging powers,andbetweenstatesandnon-stateactors.Yetthereisadearthoftheoretical interpretation and synthesis of these findings, and a growing need for coherent approachestounderstandandmeasurethetransformation. Thisedited seriesaims to bring together scholars from all major world regions as well as different disciplines in order to discuss and possibly blend their different approaches and provide new frameworks for the understanding of global affairs and the governance of global power shifts. For furthervolumes: http://www.springer.com/series/10201 . Astrid Boening (cid:129) Jan-Frederik Kremer (cid:129) Aukje van Loon Editors Global Power Europe - Vol. 1 Theoretical and Institutional Approaches to the EU’s External Relations Editors AstridBoening Jan-FrederikKremer EuropeanUnionCenter CenterforGlobalStudies UniversityofMiami BonnUniversity CoralGables Bonn Florida Germany USA AukjevanLoon ChairofInternationalPolitics RuhrUniversityBochum Bochum Germany ISBN978-3-642-32411-6 ISBN978-3-642-32412-3(eBook) DOI10.1007/978-3-642-32412-3 SpringerHeidelbergNewYorkDordrechtLondon LibraryofCongressControlNumber:2013933396 #Springer-VerlagBerlinHeidelberg2013 Thisworkissubjecttocopyright.AllrightsarereservedbythePublisher,whetherthewholeorpart of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation,broadcasting,reproductiononmicrofilmsorinanyotherphysicalway,andtransmissionor informationstorageandretrieval,electronicadaptation,computersoftware,orbysimilarordissimilar methodologynowknownorhereafterdeveloped.Exemptedfromthislegalreservationarebriefexcerpts inconnectionwithreviewsorscholarlyanalysisormaterialsuppliedspecificallyforthepurposeofbeing enteredandexecutedonacomputersystem,forexclusiveusebythepurchaserofthework.Duplication ofthispublicationorpartsthereofispermittedonlyundertheprovisionsoftheCopyrightLawofthe Publisher’s location, in its current version, and permission for use must always be obtained from Springer.PermissionsforusemaybeobtainedthroughRightsLinkattheCopyrightClearanceCenter. ViolationsareliabletoprosecutionundertherespectiveCopyrightLaw. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publicationdoesnotimply,evenintheabsenceofaspecificstatement,thatsuchnamesareexempt fromtherelevantprotectivelawsandregulationsandthereforefreeforgeneraluse. While the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication,neithertheauthorsnortheeditorsnorthepublishercanacceptanylegalresponsibilityfor anyerrorsoromissionsthatmaybemade.Thepublishermakesnowarranty,expressorimplied,with respecttothematerialcontainedherein. Printedonacid-freepaper SpringerispartofSpringerScience+BusinessMedia(www.springer.com) Foreword: The EU Is Not Over “GlobalPowerEurope”isanimportantcontributiontooneofmostvitalquestions of our times: what will be the future of the international order? The answer will differgreatlydependingonwhethertheEUwillbeabletocontributesignificantly tobuildinganeffectivemultilateralorder.Theanswerisnotandcouldnotbeclear- cut. The EU represents both enormous potential, based on its experience with building multilevel governance, and significant apprehension, due to the expectationsgapthathasgrownalongwithit. Thisvolume,editedbyAstridB.Boening,Jan-FrederikKremer,andAukjevan Loon,showsthescopeofthestudiesontheroleoftheEUasaglobalactor.Italso showstheinterestthatscholars,onbothsidesoftheAtlantic,maintaininthetopic despitegrowingskepticismoftheroleoftheEUontheinternationalscene,ofthe futureoftheEurozoneandinsomecasesofthefutureoftheEUitself.Thevolume also highlights the diversity of theories used to analyze the nature of the EU as a foreignpolicyactor.Theauthorscovermanyoftheareasofinternationalactionof theEU,showingthatitistoosoontoruleouttheemergenceoftheEUasamajor globalactor,butalsounderliningthetremendouschallengesitfacesinachanging internationalorder. Of the challenges identified in this volume, three are of especially critical importancetothefutureroleoftheEUasaglobalactor. The Challenge of Global Power Politics Ofthemajortrendsthataredefiningthefutureoftheinternationalorder,increasing polycentrism will likely be one of the trends which the EU will find it difficult to cope.Wearemovingtowardsapost-WesternworldaspowershiftstoAsia,andno singleactorwillbeinahegemonicposition.TheeraofUSunipolarityisover,and no new bipolarity will replace it in the foreseeable future. In this context, the relativedeclineoftheUSAandtheEUisinevitable.ThismeansthattheWestern allianceisnolongeradecisiveforceontheinternationalscene,butthatotheractors v vi Foreword:TheEUIsNotOver needtobeincludedtopursueaneffectivemultilateralagenda.FortheEU,thiswill comerathernaturally,sincethepursuitofeffectivemultilateralismiscentraltoEU foreign policy, with the EU integration process itself based on inclusiveness and cooperation.Yet, theeffective adaptationtoincreasingpolycentrismbytheEU is notaforegoneoutcomeforthreereasons:First,theEUhasbecomeusedtostrategic dependence of the USA. Second, the “power politics” conception of international relations that is pursued by a large number of new global players will limit international recognition of the EU as a strategic international actor. Third, and mosttroubling,isthefactthatinapost-hegemonicworld,middlepowersarebound to play a major role. In this context, EU middle power states like Germany and Francecanbetemptedtoplayamoreautonomousinternationalrole,undermining theabilityoftheEUtodefinecommonpolices.Thisisalreadythecasewithenergy managementissuesandonsecurityissuesingeneral,asseenduringthe2011Libya crisis,whenGermanyassumedapositionclosertothatoftheBRICScountries. The Challenge of Coherence Involving EU Institutions and Member States TheLisbonTreatydidn’tsolvetheproblemsofunityandcoherenceinEUexternal action.BymultiplyingthenumberofEuropeanUnionactors,theTreatyincreased theneedfor morecomplexnegotiations,notonlybetweenmemberstatesandEU institutions, but among the institutions themselves. The complexity of the Lisbon systemmakestheprocessofshapingexternalpolicy, weakeningthe coherence of external action by the Union, more difficult. The coherence of EU foreign policy can’t bemerelythe result ofinstitutional cooperation,butneeds tobeenlargedto includethememberstateswhowillremainthemostimportantactorsinEuropean foreign policy. With the Lisbon Treaty, the member states have gained greater powerinthedecision-makingprocessoftheUnionashighlightedbySelinO¨zog˘uz- Bolgi in her chapter: “In the end, the retention of national sovereignty won over supra-nationality.” ThisshiftcanbeseeninthediminishingroleoftheEUCommissioninexternal actioninfavouroftheintergovernmentalprocess.Agoodexamplecanbefoundin the shaping of EU Mediterranean policy, where the transformation led to the weakening of the communitarian normative approach that over the years allowed theCommission,throughtheBarcelonaProcess,tosupportcivilsocietyinitiatives inthefieldsofhumanrightsanddemocracy.ThedifficultiesoftheEUtodefinea coherent policy to support the democratic transitions in the Arab world are a consequence of such state of affairs. The normative nature of EU external action means that acting with consistency regarding the values of the Union is a pre- condition for its credibility. However, the post-Western nature of the Arab revolutions makes the imposition of EU conditionality upon that region a weaker proposition. The integration of the southern Mediterranean in a common space of Foreword:TheEUIsNotOver vii rulesandnormsisnowmoredifficultandthemostlikelyscenarioisnotthatofEU “imperial”stretchbutoftheemergingofcirclesofautonomousregionalcoopera- tioninademocraticArabworld. The Challenge of Adding Hard Power Capacities to Make the “Civilian” EU into a True Global Power Thisissueisnotnew.ThelaunchingoftheEuropeanSecurityandDefencePolicy (ESDP) in 1999 was a consequence of the lessons learned in Bosnia and Kosovo, andtheconvictionthatwithoutamilitarycomponenttheEUwouldnotbeableto play a relevant role in promoting effective multilateral action. In recent years, however, we have seen a weaker commitment to defence policy and a lack of ambitioninthisfield.This,asseveralchaptersinthesetwovolumesaddress,isthe resultofseveralfactors:Themainreasonwouldbetheeconomiccrises,andthefact that member states are substantially cutting defence expenditure. Eighteen Euro- pean countries cut military spending by more than 10 % between 2008 and 2011, while the largest EU military powers, the UK, France, and Germany, have made modest cutsof0.6%,4%and1.6%,respectively. TheUKplanstocutafurther 7.5 % up to 2014/2015, and Germany another 10 % to 2015.1 The impact of the economic crises should hence not be underestimated. Economic constraints will imply a further deterioration of member state military capacities, military industries, investment in technological research, and willingness to contribute to militaryoperations. Despitetheselimitations,thecombinedmilitarycapacitiesofthememberstates remainsecondonlytothoseoftheUSA,thoughlikelytobesurpassedbyChinain thenextdecade.Thusifthememberstatespooledandsharedtheircapacities,they wouldbeabletomaintaintheirglobalmilitarystandingforadecade,butthiswould require the definition of a common ambition for European defence and a clear understanding of common strategic goals. Increasing global interdependence is creatingtheconditionsforeffectivecooperationamongdifferentactors. EffectivemultilateralsolutionscanbestbepursuedusingtheUNframeworkas an indispensable source of legitimacy. The anti-piracy operations off the coast of SomaliaareagoodexampleoftheimportanceofincludingChina,India,andother global powers in inclusive multilateral actions to global challenges. It has been argued that there is a need to revise the 2003 EU Security Strategy to take into considerationtheshifttowardapost-Westernworld.AsNatividadFerna´ndezSola stresses, however, a new security strategy would not solve the current chaos by itself, “but would perhaps force member states to discuss at greater length the European shared security interests.” The conclusion could be, as in the 2008 revisionofthesecuritystrategydebate,thatbuildingaconsensusofall27member 1SeeSIPRI—http://www.sipri.org/research/armaments/milex/resultoutput/trends viii Foreword:TheEUIsNotOver stateswillbeverydifficult.Yetevenlimitedconsensusachievedthroughopenand vigorousdebatecanopenthewaytoamoreeffectiveapproachtotheinternational actionoftheEU. MorecriticalthanadiscussionoftheEUsecuritystrategywouldbeadiscussion oftheimplicationsfortheEU,internallyandexternally,oftheongoingtransitionto a polycentric and interconnected world.2 This discussion would help Europeans understand the consequences of their relative international decline and to define policythatcanhelpEuropeavoidabsolutedecline.ItcouldalsospurEuropeansto considernewpossibilitiesinshapingtheirroleasaglobalactor,withoutrelyingon unrealisticdreamsofaEuropeansuperpower.Inthesecurityfield,theEUislikely tobecomeamoreregionalactorthanaglobalone.Duetothedifficultnatureofthe security challenges in Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, and the Middle East, an EU which is able to play a major role in these areas would certainly contribute significantlytointernationalpeace.ButfortheEUtobeinfluential,itneedstodo more than enhance its hard power. The EU also needs to maintain its soft power. For that it must, first and foremost, remain a space of integration based on unity withindiversity.AsCristinaPacestresses,“TheEuropeanCharterofFundamental Rights was therefore adopted into the framework of a specific strategy aimed at developing a European political identity through the recognition of a set of rights and common values.” In this perspective, the protection of human rights in EU memberstatesisessentialtopromotetheEU’scredibilityandpoweronbothalocal and global scale. In contrast, the rise of populism and anti-immigration policies underminestheEU’sattractiveness,legitimacy,andinfluence. Differentiated Integration In conclusion, as many of the studies of this book show, there is a gap of expectations between what the EU is supposed to deliver and the present state of affairsofEUforeignandsecuritypolicy.Thisgapneedstobeovercomeinorderto allowtheEUbettertodefendtheinterestofitscitizensinapeacefulinternational order. ThreepossiblescenarioscanbeforeseenforthefutureoftheEU:disintegration, the creation of a federal super state or differentiated integration. Both the disinte- gration and federal super state scenarios are highly unlikely. The most likely scenario for the future of the EU, highlighted by the differing impacts of, and responsesto,thepresentEurocrisis,seemstobethatofdifferentiatedintegration. Thiswouldinvolveengaginginaninternalre-organisationoftheEUtoadapttothe 2See the ESPAS Report “Global Trends 2030—Citizens in an Interconnected and Polycentric World”, edited by A´lvaro Vasconcelos. This report assesses the long-term, international and domestic, political and economic environment facing the European Union over the next 20 years.http://www.espas.europa.eu/ Foreword:TheEUIsNotOver ix re-nationalisation of some policy areas by larger EU member states. This re- nationalisation limitstheability oftheEU todevelopcommonpolicies,sodiffer- entiation between EU states would deepen on the basis of varying levels of economicormilitarypower. TopreservetheEuropeanproject,aUnionshapedaccordingtoaccommodation of diverse member state perspectives may be needed. This scenario may entail memberstates,orcoalitionsofthem,drivingEUforeignpolicyonselectedpriority issues, depending on respective national agendas. This approach could generate constructive cooperation between the EU and the national level in specific cases. TheprovisionsoftheLisbontreatythatfacilitateflexibilityandenhancedcoopera- tioncan,asthisbookpointsout,accommodatethistrend,butforadifferentUnion thanthatofasingleuniquevoiceininternationalaffairs. SuchaUnioncouldstillmakeasubstantialcontributiontoamultilateralglobal orderbyworkingmorecloselywithotherglobalplayers,includingstates,interna- tionalinstitutions,andnon-governmentalorganisations. The EU has an opportunity to lead in the creation of multilateral governance initiativestoaddressthemajorglobalchallengesthatcitizenswillbefacinginthe decades to come, such as climate change and human security. If the EU fails, no otherinternationalactor,includingtheUSA,islikelytotakeonthatimportantrole, withworrisomeconsequencesforthefutureoftheworld. Paris,France AlvarodeVasconcelos
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