Genocide, Diasporic Identity and Activism: The Narratives, Identity and Activism of Armenian ...

337 Pages·2014·1.82 MB·English

‘Genocide, Diasporic Identity and Activism: The Narratives,
Identity and Activism of Armenian-Australians and Turkish-
Australians regarding the Recognition of the Deaths of
Armenians during the First World War as Genocide’

Francois Adriaan Wolvaardt
(20111116)

B.A. Hons. (Political Science and International Relations), University of Western
Australia, 2007

This thesis is presented for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy of
The University of Western Australia

School of Social Sciences

Political Science and International Relations and the Centre for Muslim States and
Societies (CMSS)

2013
Abstract

This dissertation focuses on how political recognition of the Armenian genocide
constructs and reflects the diasporic identities of Armenian-Australians and Turkish-
Australians. For Armenians in the diaspora, commemoration of the genocide and
campaigning for genocide recognition is an important marker of identity. For the Turkish
government, the Armenian genocide allegations accuse the Ottoman government of an
act which is viewed normatively as the ultimate crime against humanity and therefore
undermines the foundation of the Turkish republic. Issues of identity are at stake for
both groups. This thesis focuses on the relevance of political recognition of the
Armenian genocide and the Armenian allegations for Armenian-Australians and Turkish-
Australians. The central research question is: How and why have the Armenian and
Turkish diasporas in Australia participated in the argument surrounding the recognition
of Armenian deaths by the Ottoman government during World War I as genocide?

The research argues that diasporic groups relate differently to the same hostland based
on how they view their diasporic identity and narratives within that identity. It is
demonstrated that remembrance of the genocide and fight for genocide recognition is
central to the diasporic identity of Armenian-Australians as it gives them an
understanding of their dispersion from Armenia and life in Australia. Remembrance of
the genocide is actively mobilised by Armenian diasporic institutions and the family to
develop the Armenian diasporic identity in second generation Armenian-Australians.
Dispersion from Armenia or Armenian communities in the Middle-East and the
prioritisation of maintaining the Armenian diasporic identity in Australia impacts on the
sense of belonging of Armenian-Australians to Australia. Living in Australia threatens the
Armenian diasporic identity with integration into the broader society, which is resisted
due to the importance of the Armenian identity based on narratives regarding the
genocide. The desire for genocide recognition within Australia links them to their past
and the Republic of Armenia, their homeland, and is also used as a means of developing
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a sense of belonging to Australia, the hostland. The opposite is true for Turkish-
Australians. They do not have a strong diasporic identity due to their sense of belonging
to Australia which is developed through Australian notions of multiculturalism. They do
not prioritise maintaining their Turkish diasporic identity and view integration and
assimilation into broader society as a natural outcome of living in Australia. The
Armenian allegations, when raised in Australia and supported by Australian politicians,
impact on the Turkish-Australian sense of belonging to Australia as it undermines their
Turkish identity and ideas of multiculturalism.

This research also demonstrates that diasporic activism in a hostland focused on an
international situation with regards to a homeland can impact on the identity of other
diasporic groups in the same hostland. Armenian-Australian activism is focused on
defending the Republic of Armenia, and Armenian-Australian organisations engage in
long distance activism in support of their homeland. The Armenian allegations, if
recognised federally in Australia, could result in the formation of a stronger diasporic
identity amongst Turkish-Australians due to what is perceived as an attack on their
Turkish identity. Turkish-Australian activism against the allegations is focused on
defending their sense of belonging to Australia.

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Declaration

This thesis contains only sole-authored work, some of which has been published and/or
prepared for publication under sole authorship. The bibliographical details of the work
and where it appears in the thesis are outlined below.

Yasmeen, S &Markovic, N (eds) forthcoming, Muslims in the West: Promoting Social
Inclusion, Ashgate, Burlington, VT.

Chapter 5: pp. 153-164 and Chapter 7: pp. 209-212 and pp. 218-231.

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Acknowledgements

A great number of people assisted me during the process of completing this thesis. This
includes emotional and intellectual support, without which I could not have hoped to
undertake this project. I’d like to start off by acknowledging the opportunity provided by
my academic supervisor, Professor Samina Yasmeen. The Political Science department
has also supported me throughout this process, especially Roderic Pitty and Bruce Stone,
and I am grateful for their feedback, assistance and ideas; also to Van Ikin for looking
over my final draft and assisting me in the completion of the thesis; Linley Hill for her
administrative support throughout my UWA career; and Michael Azariadis for providing
me with ideas and helping to develop my research skills. I would like to thank the staff at
the Centre for Muslim States and Societies, especially Beth, for assisting and
encouraging me.

My parents have played a significant part in my life and in this thesis in particular. They
have encouraged and supported me throughout the research project, helped by reading
drafts, planning, being interested in my findings and assisted me in every way possible. I
am truly grateful for this and they have been integral to the completion of my
dissertation. This is also the case with my brother Cronje and sister-in-law Marcelle who
have shared in my excitement during the research and also in my challenges. Marcelle’s
cooking has, as always, been a delight. Their little boy Jacques has also been an excellent
distraction over the last 18 months, and never once asked me how much longer this
dissertation would take or what I plan to do with my degree. For that I am truly grateful!
I’d like to thank Anja for her support and also for encouraging me to undertake this
degree and follow the research wherever it took me. My other two brothers, Nico and
Stefan and their wives, have also been a wonderful source of support - Nico, by showing
me a different world and Stefan by being a sounding board.

A number of friends have stood with me throughout the research process. This has
especially been the case with colleagues who discussed concepts and ideas with me and
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shared the research process, also working on their own theses. This includes Will, who
has been an excellent source of distraction when needed, Rizwan and his wife Bushra
who have opened their home to me, Wahyu who demonstrated that anything is possible
despite challenges and Carol with whom I shared hours discussing my thesis and life and
everything in between. I would also like to thank Mike who would listen to my
challenges and then tell me to harden up and do my reading, which was what I often
needed to hear. V.v has also been excellent support and wonderful conversation, which
is always appreciated. I am also grateful to Jan and his wife Rene who have been very
kind to me over the last 6 months. Professor Marius Olivier gave me academic
confidence and taught me about research, scholarship and writing, as well as providing
me with enjoyable and rewarding consulting work for 2 years. I am grateful to him for
this. I am grateful to everyone who helped me during the interview process by
introducing me to friends, family and acquaintances who were interested in being part
of my research.

Finally, and most importantly, I’d like to thank all those who allowed me to interview
them, many of whom opened up their homes and shared personal thoughts and ideas
on what it meant to them to live in Australia and how they viewed their diasporic
identity. This was sometimes a painful process, and at other times a complicated one,
but it was always interesting and rewarding. Without their openness and ideas, this
research would never have happened and I hope that I do their ideas justice.

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Contents

Introduction page 1

Research Methodology 5

Chapter 1

Literature Review 17
Diaspora 17
The Homeland, Hostland and Diaspora Nexus 25
Long-Distance Nationalism 28
Genocide 31
Types of Genocide Recognition 38
Victimhood and the Instrumentalisation of Genocide 41
Genocide Denial 46

Chapter 2

The Armenian Genocide Narrative and Activism 51
The Genocide Narrative 51
Relevance of the Narrative for the Armenian Diaspora 61
The Armenian Response and Political Activism 64
Conflict between the Diaspora and the Republic of Armenia 68
Conclusion 71

Chapter 3

The Turkish Historical Narrative and Government Activism 73
Countering the Genocide Narrative in Turkey 73
Opposing the Turkish Narrative within Turkey 77
The Turkish Historical Narrative 79
Countering the Genocide Allegations 87
Creating the Narrative Outside of Turkey 89
Countering Genocide Recognition 91
The Turkish Government and the Turkish Diaspora 96
Conclusion 101

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Chapter 4

The Armenian-Australian Diasporic Identity 102
The Armenian Community in Australia 103
The Armenian Diasporic Identity and Dispersion 108
The Armenian Diasporic Identity 109
Maintaining the Armenian Identity in Diaspora 119
Australia as the Hostland 122
Assimilation versus Integration 130
Conclusion 133

Chapter 5

Armenian-Australians and the Significance of Genocide Recognition 135
Family and Mobilising the Genocide Narrative 135
Genocide 140
Oppression of Armenians Today 146
Turkey and Genocide Recognition 150
Australia and Genocide Recognition 156
Conclusion 167

Chapter 6

Turkish-Australians and the Armenian Question 169
Turkish-Australians 169
State and Education Institutions in Turkey 175
The Role of the Family 178
Encountering the Allegations in the Migrant Space 180
The Turkish Counter-Narrative 184
Rejection of the Claims of Genocide 186
Turkish Perceptions in Relation to Political Lobbying 194
Turkish Forgiveness and Armenian Hatred 198
Conclusion 203

Chapter 7

Turkish-Australians, the Armenian Allegations and Political Recognition 205
The Turkish-Australian Identity 205
Australia and Multiculturalism 212
Perceptions towards Turkey as the Homeland 215
The Armenian Allegations and the Turkish-Australian Identity 220
The Armenian, Assyrian and Hellenic Allegations 228
Fighting the Allegations 231
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Conclusion 235

Chapter 8

Armenian-Australian Activism for Genocide Recognition 237
Armenian Political Lobbying 238
Instrumentalising Genocide Recognition 241
Alliance Building 241
Narrative and Political Activism 249
Using the Concept of Genocide 251
Silencing the Turkish Narrative 254
Australia’s Inclusion in the Narrative 258
Australian Genocide Recognition and Turkey 263
Conclusion 265

Chapter 9

Turkish-Australian Activism 267
Reason for Limited Activism 267
Motives of Turkish-Australian Activism 272
Turkish-Australian Organisations 275
Reactive Turkish-Australian Activism 277
Turkish Government Activism 282
Conclusion 287

Conclusion 289
Bibliography 297

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