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Volume 7 | Issue 9 | Number 3 | Article ID 3064 | Feb 25, 2009 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Imaging Communities: Gendered Mobile Media in the Asia- Pacific Larissa Hjorth Imaging Communities: Gendered cross-cultural case study of gendered Mobile Media in the Asia-Pacific mobile media conducted in Tokyo, Seoul, Hong Kong and Melbourne from Larissa Hjorth 2000-2007. Deploying on interdisciplinary, ethnographic research Abstract conducted over a seven-year period, this paper examines the relationship between In the rise of participatory, networked gender, technology, labour and intimacy and social media epitomised by Web 2.0 through ‘imaging communities’. Imaging and user created content (UCC), mobile communities can take multiple forms — media has been central in ushering in form of texting, camera phone practices new types of consumer agency, creativity or mobile novels (keitai shôsetsu). These and collaboration. Through its rapid communities provide fresh ways for uptake across the world, the mobile conceptualising the region’s multiple phone has become a compelling symbol cartographies of personalisation. for contemporary post-industrial modes Cartographies of personalisation are new of labour and intimacy. In particular, the socio-emotional and political economic icon of the mobile phone is most palpable maps for imaging and imagining the Asia- in the Asia-Pacific where a diversity of Pacific in an age of personalised media innovative production and consumption and Web 2.0. practices can be found. One of the dominant symbols of the region’s mobile media has been the conspicuous symbol of the female mobile media user. And yet, the phenomenon—and its gendered implications—has been relatively under- explored. By charting the rise of gendered mobile media practices, we can gain insight into how technology, gender, labour and intimacy are being conceptualised and how this, in turn, is reconfiguring the region within the twenty-first century. In this paper I draw from a longitudinal 1 7 | 9 | 3 APJ | JF Indonesian capitalist entrepreneurs signing deals with Western companies; white-coated Malaysian or Taiwanese computer programmers and other technical experts at work in electronics plants; and, above all, crowds of Asian consumers at McDonalds or with the ubiquitous mobile phone in hand (Robison & Goodman 1996: 1). The Art of Being Mobile (Larissa Hjorth 2004). At the dawn of the twenty-first century, the Asia-Pacific provides a compelling Introduction model for analysing emerging forms of post-industrialism and postmodernity. In recent years the The region is a powerful player in the imagination of the West, and circulation of mobile technologies—both indeed, of the East as well, has materially and symbolically—and in been captured by the dramatic shaping the emerging lifestyle patterns emergence in East and associated with them. The cultural and Southeast Asia of a new economic power of global mobile middle class and a new technologies in the Asia-Pacific can no bourgeoisie. On the television longer be sublimated under the symbol of screens and in the press of Japan as the production epicentre of Westerns countries, the portable technologies such as the Sony images formerly associated Walkman. Concurrent to the rise of with affluence, power and mobile technologies globally, the region privilege in Asia—the has grown to become both a powerful generals, the princes and the economy and a conveyer of soft cultural party apparatchiks—however capital. Through various forms of outmoded in reality, are being innovative mobile technology in locations increasingly replaced by more such as Tokyo and Seoul, and the recognisable symbols of potentialities of colossal new modernity. Western viewers markets—particularly China—the Asia- are now familiar with images Pacific now plays an important role in of frustrated commuters in global design, production and Bangkok and Hong Kong consumption circuits. In sum, the traffic jams, Chinese and region’s formidable economic power has 2 7 | 9 | 3 APJ | JF transformed into a rising cultural intimacy, labour, communication and currency globally. creativity which provide ways for configuring, and intervening that shape The multiple forms of cultural capital that the region’s ‘imagined community’ the region commands worldwide are (Anderson 1983). [1] undisputed, particularly in the rise of mobile phone cultures as part of its Rather than the region being the sum of techno-cultural capital. This phenomenon what Benedict Anderson (1983) calls parallels the unshakable position mobile ‘imagined communities’—that is, nations phone cultures occupy globally. With the formed through the birth and rise of world’s highest mobile phone printing press and print media, what subscription rates (Mitomo et al. 2005; Anderson styles “print Castells et al. 2007) and housing key capitalism”—networked mobile media is centres for globally innovative production best conceptualised as a series of (Tokyo, Shanghai and Seoul), the Asia- ongoing, micro ‘imaging communities’ Pacific is unquestionably central; in this that span visual, textual and aural forms. positioning we see the deep Moreover, in contrast to Anderson’s interconnections between mobile phone imagined communities that saw the rise production, distribution, and of the nation lead to the demise of the consumption patterns. Given how central local and vernacular, ‘imaging mobile phone production, distribution communities’ further amplify the local and consumption have been in the rise of and the colloquial. In the case of ‘imaging the region as arguably this century’s new communities’, each community shares, global power center (Arrighi et al. 2003), stores and saves its media in diverse to what extent is the transnational ways reflecting localised gift-giving imaginary vested in, and represented by, rituals and practices. the cultural index of the mobile phone? Equally striking is the fact that imaging As the rise of the mobile phone into communities frequently transcend mobile media is marked by gendered national, and in some cases even practices of User Created Content (UCC), regional, borders. For example, similar the examination of gendered mobile techniques of sel-ca (camera phone self- media provides much insight into the portraiture) can be found in the region — region in the twenty-first century. Central the only difference being how these to the emergence of UCC is what I call images are saved and stored. In locations ‘imaging communities’. By ‘imaging’ I like Tokyo, purikura (stickers) are made refer to all the mobile media UCC and best friends collaboratively practices that take the form of visual, customise their phones with the ultimate textual, aural and haptic modes of personalisation — pictures of themselves. expression. From text messages to In Seoul, young women often take control camera phone images, these practices of of customising their boyfriend’s phone so imaging communities reflect forms of that they become mini-shrines to, and 3 7 | 9 | 3 APJ | JF perpetual reminders of, the girlfriends we can also see how these modes of (and the need to call them)! Examples intimacy and labour reconfigure and can be found where girlfriends save the reflect the region’s post-industrial work / sel-ca as a screen saver on their life patterns as part of broader boyfriend’s phones along with cartographies of personalisation. customising the outside of their phone. Cartographies of personalisation are new This act of feminising the phone signals maps reflective of the gendered media out to others much like an engagement scapes and practices in the region. To ring — the phone is the constant chart the rise of mobile communication reminder (and significant in the into mobile media is to trace the maintenance) that “he is taken”. cartographies of personalisation. The poignant role played by mobile phones—as both a symbol and set of material practices—can be mapped back to the rise, fall and reemergence of new forms of consumption and labour around the region’s 1997 financial crisis. As Richard Robison and David S.G. Goodman noted, through the symbol of the mobile phone we can gain great acuity into the region’s emerging ‘new rich’ (1996) that operate as an index for new forms of post-industrial lifestyle narratives in which consumption and production are reconceptualised (Chua The i in the eye: girlfriend’s eye is the 2000). The adoption of the mobile screen saver on her boyfriend’s phone—partly because of its ‘class’ status phone (Larissa Hjorth 2005) and lifestyle—suggests a localised appropriation of consumption and post- These ‘imaging communities’ are industrialism. [2] Since 1997 the mobile indicative of emerging forms of gendered phone has shifted from the symbol of the labour and intimacy comprising the new rich and economical mobility to region’s cartographies of personalisation. being adopted by young and old in a On the basis of sample studies of imaging variety of ways. These shifts in the usage communities in four locations, I argue and meanings of the mobile phone can be that we can begin to re-imagine the seen as reflective of the consumption and region’s new socio-emotional and production paradigm changes in the political economic maps through the region post 1997. rubric of cartographies of personalisation. Through recognition of Indeed once a symbol for a rising class the gendered character of mobile media, and leisure culture in the region, the 4 7 | 9 | 3 APJ | JF mobile phone has come to encompass as a poignant symbol for emerging diverse social, cultural and economic classes and attendant modes of lifestyle, dimensions. These dimensions are the mobile phone has become multiple, divergent and always evolving, intrinsically linked to personalisation like the region itself. In these emerging techniques as expressions of labour, lifestyle cultures we can see a variety of creativity and intimacy. More attendant forms of gendered mobility and significantly, these changes are immobility — epitomised by the forms of correlated with shifts in gender and labour and intimacy surrounding mobile power relations. To study how the mobile media. To explore mobile technologies is phone has transformed into mobile media to investigate the ongoing significance of is to analyse new practices of female localisation practices — that is, the labour and intimacy in the Asia-Pacific. deployment of personalisation. As the As pioneers in mobile communications politics of leisure and work increasingly globally, the region’s various production become intertwined, processes of centres have seen this technological personalisation can provide insight into the growing geo-imaginaries of the development, and the politico-economic twenty-first century. power it secures, translated into new forms of cultural capital both within and beyond the region. For example, technological innovation has been instrumental in the rise of South Korea’s transcultural capital in the form of the Korean wave (Hallyu). Once a centre for the production of domestic-technology hardware, Korea has become a major exporter of cultural products in the form of films, TV dramas and online games. As well as housing global leaders in the development, innovation, manufacture and distribution of mobile technologies, the Asia-Pacific has also reflected emergent paradigms around user agency Waiting for immediacy (Larissa and technologies. From the example of Hjorth 2004) the Japanese high-school girl pager In the case of the Asia-Pacific, in which revolution in the early 1990s to the mobile technologies are both the symbol camera phone empowerment pioneered and product of high post- by women in Seoul in the early 2000s, the industrialisation, mobile media region is awash with the rise of mobile epitomises new cartographies of localised phone users, and agency, inextricably labour and intimacy. Not only operating linked to female users. This phenomenon 5 7 | 9 | 3 APJ | JF has resulted in its domestication of Thus the mobile phone is a poignant mobile technologies implicitly tied to symbol, and set of material practices gendered practices of consumption. Thus within the region’s various contesting to explore mobile consumption is to cartographies. Yet despite its pivotal role investigate the emergence of gender in the global production, distribution, and inflected technologies in shaping consumption of mobile technologies, the consumer identities and post-industrial region has been under-explored imaginaries. (McLelland 2007). Moreover, the crucial role of the young Asian female as synonymous with the rise of mobile media and UCC practices has also been overlooked. These new gendered forms of media creativity and storytelling, ‘imaging communities’, are inflected by the local and the contingent. The rise of gendered mobile media practices in the Asia-Pacific has produced, and reflected, new cartographies of personalisation. In order to examine these new cartographies, it is necessary to show how the mobile phone becomes a tool for new practices of personalisation and new Keitai kimono: remediated and imaginings of geography. feminised new media (Larissa Hjorth 2004) As a key icon of mobile phone consumption, the construction and representation of the young female Asian ‘produser’ operates across multiple levels — national, transnational, governmental, social, cultural and economic. The rise of the mobile phone has been accompanied by increased subversive appropriation of the technology by the active female user. Parallels can be drawn with other domestic technologies, illustrating the instrumental role of gender and power in inscribing technology with the socio- cultural. [3] 6 7 | 9 | 3 APJ | JF In examining gendered practices in the region there is a need to analyse new forms of intimacy and labour. Indeed, through women’s deployment of mobile media and UCC practices, we can explore some of the emerging paradigms for labour and creativity that suggest new—and also rehearse and adapt older or what Jay Bolter and Richard Grusin (1999) call ‘remediated’—media tactics in which women figure prominently. Via the rubric of gendered mobile media, we can investigate patterns of intimacy, creativity and labour that are produced by, and within, the region’s cartographies of personalisation. In order to do so, we need to locate the place of the region’s gendered mobile media in the context of mobile communication research. In this first section, I trace a gendered genealogy of DoCoMo girl (Larissa Hjorth 2004) mobile media literature and mobile The obvious role of gender in shaping communication research. This is followed mobile media practices has been largely by the second section, ‘maps of overlooked beyond the studies that have personalisation’, where I discuss how the conflated women with youth and fashion. personalisation of mobile phones and Drawing on a revised notion of Judith mobile media can be considered as a new Butler’s (1991) ‘gender performativity’ in way of mapping the region via the rubric which gender is seen as not innate but of cartographies of personalisation. rather is naturalised by regulated Epitomised by UCC, cartographies of actions, I argue that in the case of the personalisation are best understood region and the gendered use of socio- through the relationship between media technologies, we can see a ‘gendered convergence and intimacy. They are performativity’ that differs dramatically marked by the shift from mobile phone from Western or Eurocentric identity and (as a means of communication) to mobile subjectivity. This is evident in the case of media (as a form of creativity and gendered mobile phone customisation in expression), and the consequent the Asia-Pacific whose distinctive production of new forms of gendered patterns and meanings differentiate it intimacy and labour. Personalisation is from other world regions. linked to, and an expression of, the 7 7 | 9 | 3 APJ | JF various attendant forms of mobility — social, geographic, technological, economic. It is also a reflection of emerging forms of gendered labour (creative, social, affective and emotional) and intimacy. Personalisation takes material and immaterial forms that converge as they diverge upon micro (individual) and macro (communities, national and transnational) levels. In the third section, ‘Beyond “The New Rich”: Re-imaging the region’, we consider how micro imaging communities (such as those that use / deploy UCC) can reveal macro cartographies of personalisation as part of broader post- industrial lifestyle movements. Here I reflect upon emerging forms of post- industrial lifestyle narratives that have arisen since the pivotal 1997 economic crisis and how, by engaging in the micro Dislocated localisation (Larissa imaging communities, we can begin to Hjorth 2004) reconceptualise current models of cultural consumption and production 1.1 Locating the mobile: current within the Asia-Pacific. literature in the field … the mobile phone is far too much of a newborn creature to have a storied history, or even much of a reputation in social science research. Its advent and rapid evolution have bypassed most researchers who are deeply engaged in their own research pursuits, but few if any social scientists would fail to recognise the impact this technology has had on all of us and on aspects of our behaviour (Beaton & 8 7 | 9 | 3 APJ | JF Wajcman 2004: 2). times and life in the fast lane’ and has become iconic of ‘work-life balance’—or As mobile technologies grew from the lack thereof—in contemporary life (2009: twentieth into the twenty-first century, 9). These boundaries of time and space they were marked by the transformation are determined, in part, by ‘debates from communication into media. One of about work/life boundaries’ that are the defining features of this paradigmatic imbued by traditional gendered divides shift was the rise of the active user ‘between the separate spheres for market playing a pivotal, co-producer role in the work (male) and domestic work (female) orchestration of the device into a form of wrought by industrialisation’ (2009: 10). creative and expressive media. Despite Thus the mobile phone is deeply the ubiquity of mobile media with global implicated in debates around various everyday life, this all-pervasive forms of mobility and immobility that cut phenomenon has only recently gained across gender, labour, technology and critical attention. This paucity is capital within contemporary especially apparent in one of the main globalisation. global producers, distributors, and consumers of mobile media, the Asia- This is, in part, due to the multiple Pacific. In particular, the dominant role dimensions of mobile communication as played by the female mobile media user metaphor, icon, culture and practice. As has yet to be fully addressed. To chart a consequence, it lends itself to the rise of mobile media in the region is interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary to do so in the context of localised forms analyses. At mobile communication of gender. conferences the rooms are filled with sociologists, media theorists, As Beaton and Wajcman observe, the anthropologists, philosophers, new media social impact of the relatively nascent artists, economists and IT researchers. rise of mobile communication cannot be The mobile phone can be read for its ignored. In their important study of social, technological, economic, and Australian mobile telephony, they note creative properties. And yet within this the transformation and diffusion of burgeoning area gaps remain — most boundaries between traditional private and public spheres (2004: 9), a trend that notably the role of the mobile phone as a sees mobile telephony penetrating ‘new cultural index, the implications of the geographic spaces that enable the mobile phone within the changing consumption and communication process modernity of the Asia-Pacific, and the to be applied in new social, cultural and way in which the rise of the mobile phone psychological spaces’ (2004: 12). In as a symbol and practice is imbued with ‘Intimate Connections: The Impact of the gendered genealogies. Despite the Mobile Phone on Work Life Boundaries’ region’s significant role in producing, (2009), Wajcman et al. note that the marketing and consuming mobile mobile phone ‘characterises modern technologies, it has gained little focus in 9 7 | 9 | 3 APJ | JF comparison to mobile communication practice. Ann Moyal’s (1992) study on research in Europe. Of the handful of gender and the (landline) telephone in researchers specialising on the region, Australia was an earlier pioneer in what only a few such as anthropologist would become mobile communication Genevieve Bell have explored the role of research. Patricia Gillard’s research in mobile communication in the region, with Australia in the 1990s (particularly with most focused on specific locations such the Australian government) was as Tokyo, Seoul, and the Philippines. significant in conceptualising new models for studying telecommunications as a Unsurprisingly, the early studies of the cultural practice. Michele Martin’s mobile phone—which were highly (1991a & b) eloquent study explored the inflected by gender—can be traced to its transformation of the telephone from formation and transformation from the business tool to a feminised social and landline. As with the landline, the cultural artefact. [4] emergence of mobile phone technology was marked by an appropriation of the In a similar vein as Martin’s study, Lana mobile phone’s original intended use as a Rakow’s (1992) lucid study investigated business tool into an instrument for social some of the ways in which gender has and domestic use, notably by younger informed conventions around telephonic women. This transformation from male practices. The issue of reproductive business tool to vehicle for female social labour and the shifting politics of ‘care “gossip” and reproductive / social labour cultures’ that Arlie Hochshild details so has indelibly marked the history of vividly in her research is presciently telephony. Despite this gendered outlined in Rakow’s and Vija Navarro’s formation, the pivotal role of gender in (1993) ‘Remote Mothering and the the domestication of the technology into Parallel Shift: Women Meet the Cellular a cultural and social practice has been Telephone’. Here, the role of the marginalised in the literature, with telephone as both a product and symbol researchers preferring to emphasise the of particular types of emotional and ‘youth’ aspects and relegating gendered reproductive labour is emphasised. customisation to the realm of fashion or Despite the fact that during these motherhood. This is astounding given the interesting early years the rise of mobile often subversive ways in which female communication was clearly invested with users in the region have transformed the gendered politics and the socio-cultural technology as part of rapidly increasing economies of the domestic sphere, socio-cultural media practices. history repeated itself. Like the landline The first studies of mobile culture around that started off as a business tool, to be the early 1990s tended to highlight the later transformed—feminised—by women implicit role that gender played in the into a socio-cultural practice and emergence and transformation of the artefact, the mobile phone replicated the business technology into a socio-cultural same cycle. So why, second time around, 10

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global power center (Arrighi et al. 2003), to what extent is the From text messages to camera phone images .. cursory understanding of the research without providing insight into the cultural context. [6]. Moreover, the issue of gendered practices received little attention, despite the fact that t
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