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258 Pages·2014·4.2 MB·English
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From Subjects to Citizens Society and the Everyday State in India and Pakistan, 1947–1970 Edited by Taylor C. Sherman William Gould Sarah Ansari Cambridge House, 4381/4 Ansari Road, Daryaganj, Delhi 110002, India Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge. It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of education, learning and research at the highest international levels of excellence. www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781107064270 © Cambridge University Press 2014 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2014 Printed in India A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data From subjects to citizens : society and the everyday state in India and Pakistan, 1947-1970 / edited by Taylor C. Sherman, William Gould, Sarah Ansari. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. Summary: “Offers a fresh and timely perspective on the broader field of early postcolonial South Asian history”-- Provided by publisher. ISBN 978-1-107-06427-0 (hardback) 1. India--Politics and government--1947 2. Pakistan--Politics and government--20th century. 3. Postcolonialism--India. 4. Postcolonialism--Pakistan. 5. Public administration--India. 6. Public administration--Pakistan. 7. Political culture--India. 8. Political culture--Pakistan. I. Sherman, Taylor C., author, editor of compilation. II. Gould, William, 1973- , author, editor of compilation. III. Ansari, Sarah F. D., author, editor of compilation. DS480.84.F77 2014 954.04--dc23 2013040360 ISBN 978-1-107-06427-0 Hardback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. Contents Acknowledgements v Introduction Taylor C. Sherman, William Gould and Sarah Ansari 1 1. Personal Law and Citizenship in India’s Transition to Independence Eleanor Newbigin 10 2. From Subjects to Citizens? Rationing, Refugees and the Publicity of Corruption over Independence in UP William Gould 38 3. Performing Peace: Gandhi’s Assassination as a Critical Moment in the Consolidation of the Nehruvian State Yasmin Khan 64 4. Migration, Citizenship and Belonging in Hyderabad (Deccan), 1946–1956 Taylor C. Sherman 90 5. Punjabi Refugees’ Rehabilitation and the Indian State: Discourses, Denials and Dissonances Ian Talbot 119 6. Sovereignty, Governmentality and Development in Ayub’s Pakistan: The Case of Korangi Township Markus Daechsel 143 7. Everyday Expectations of the State during Pakistan’s Early Years: Letters to the Editor, Dawn (Karachi), 1950–1953 Sarah Ansari 172 iv Contents 8. Concrete ‘Progress’: Irrigation, Development and Modernity in Mid-Twentieth Century Sind Daniel Haines 193 9. Partition Narratives: Displaced Trauma and Culpability among British Civil Servants in 1940s Punjab Catherine Coombs 216 Contributors 241 Index 243 Acknowledgements This volume arose out of a workshop organized in September 2008 as part of an AHRC-funded research project, ‘From Subjects to Citizens: Society and the Everyday State in South Asia, 1947–1964’. This three-year collaborative project (2007–2010) included William Gould, Sarah Ansari, Taylor Sherman, and two PhD students, Daniel Haines and Catherine Coombs. As per the nature of such a project, we are indebted to a gamut of other people. However, we first owe our gratitude to the AHRC for funding this collaborative research. We are also grateful to the other members of our Steering Committee, namely Steven Evans, Craig Jeffrey, Ian Talbot and Francis Robinson, for their helpful advice on the project. In the course of this research we conducted three workshops. Although the papers from all of them could not be included here, the discussions that took place during each of them certainly helped strengthen the scholarship in this volume. We would like to thank Paul Brass, Vazira Zamindar and Christophe Jaffrelot for their valuable contributions as keynote speakers. Those who presented papers at these workshops – Talat Ahmed, Kamran Asdar Ali, Tommaso Bobbio, Ilyas Chattha, Nicholas Jaoul, Tahir Kamran, Ravinder Kaur, Paul McGarr, Lata Parwani, Alasdair Pinkerton, Uditi Sen, Ornit Shani and Ali Usman Qasmi – provided us with invaluable comparative case studies. In addition to the presenters, the participants at these gatherings, including Katherine Adeney, Masooda Bano, Crispin Bates, Joya Chatterji, Rabia Dada, Antara Datta, Rohit De, Miraj Desai, Oliver Godsmark, Bérénice Guyot-Réchard, Humeira Iqtidar, Roger Jeffrey, Justin Jones, Andrea Major, Iftikhar Malik, David Hall-Matthews, Ayesha Mehta, Zaki Nahaboo, Matt Nelson, Newal Osman, Pallavi Raghavan, Francis Robinson, Yunus Samad, Shalini Sharma, Farzana Shaikh, Shabnum Tejani, David Washbrook, Philippa Williams and John Zavos, ensured that the conversation remained unfailingly amicable as well as steadfastly critical in the most productive way. Colleagues at Devonshire Hall and the University Conference Office, University of Leeds, as well as those at the Royal Asiatic Society, London, and the Royal Holloway Conference and Events Office, were generous in their support in setting up the three workshops. Special thanks to Sarah Ansari, and the many others who helped to facilitate our project in Sindh and Karachi, including Nausheen Ahmad, Sabihuddin Ahmed (sadly departed), Aabida Ali, Karamat Ali, Sharafat Ali, Amin Ansari, Babar Ayaz, Caroline Bates, Dr Aly Ercelan, Hameed Haroon, Dr Masuma vi Acknowledgements Hasan, Dr Ghulam Muhammad Lakho, Rafiq Safi Munshee, Lata Parwani (and family), Gul Muhammad Umrani, and the patient staff of the Institute of Sindhology (Jamshoro), the Pakistan Institute for International Affairs (Karachi), and the Sindh Archives (Karachi). We would also like to thank Ekta Gautam, Ram Advani, Vibhuti Narain Rai, C.R. Arun and the staff of the UP State Archives (Lucknow) for their help in the parts concerning Lucknow in this research. For help in Hyderabad and Delhi, we owe our thanks to Dr Fatima Ali Khan and family, Padma Sree and Ravi Shankar, Rajagopal Vakulabharanam, Vinod Jairath, Amer Ali Khan and Zahid Ali Khan at Siasat newspaper, and the staff at the Andhra Pradesh State Archives and the National Archives of India. We would also like to thank Modern Asian Studies for permission to reprint these articles, which were originally published as a special issue of that journal in 2011, vol. 45(1). Paul Brass, Farzana Shaikh, Joya Chatterji and David Hall-Matthews deserve special mention for their comments on the chapters in this volume, as do the many anonymous reviewers whose suggestions improved these pieces. A final note of thanks should go to Suvadip Bhattacharjee at Cambridge University Press, India for seeing this volume through to publication. Introduction Taylor C. Sherman, William Gould and Sarah Ansari Today there are more states controlling more people than at any other point in history. Our world is shaped by the authority of the state. Yet the complexion of state authority is patchy and uneven. While it is almost always possible to trace the formal rules governing human interaction to the statute books of one state or another, in reality the words in these books often have little bearing upon what is happening on the ground. Their meanings are intentionally and unintentionally misrepresented by those who are supposed to enforce them and by those who are supposed to obey them, generating a range of competing authorities, voices, and allegiances.1 The above-mentioned comment about the negotiated relationship between people and the states in which they live directly points to the importance of the interactions that ordinary citizens have with the state on an everyday basis. The chapters in From Subjects to Citizens accordingly engage with what is now a critical debate in the social sciences, namely the concept of the ‘everyday state’ and the various processes by which elite ideologies and institutions are interpreted, translated and manipulated at the quotidian level by men and women as they negotiate their lives. As their authors emphasize, the state in the context of newly independent South Asia did not operate as a uniform entity, but rather conducted its business in terms of specific networks 1 Adam White (ed.), The Everyday Life of the State: A State-in-Society Approach (Seattle, 2013). 2 From Subjects to Citizens of power and class structures that affected what it meant to different sets of interests. As a result, the representatives of the ‘everyday state’ developed complex but crucial relationships with individuals and institutions alike, which greatly influenced how the state was experienced by those living in this part of the world. South Asia’s transition from colonialism to independence and democracy in 1947 was undoubtedly one of the most momentous events of the mid-twentieth century. Indeed, the project that brought together the contributors to this volume aimed to investigate the shift from colonial to postcolonial rule in India and Pakistan in order to unravel the explicit meanings, and relevance, of ‘independence’ for the new citizens of India and Pakistan in the two decades following 1947. Rather than looking at the state from the perspective of high politics and policy making, it took as its focus how ordinary people experienced the end of British rule, and what the transition from being colonial subjects to becoming Indian and Pakistani citizens meant in practice for them. Inevitably, its approach was influenced by pioneering studies such as Fuller and Bénéi’s The Everyday State and Society in Modern India, that shed light on the ways in which the large, amorphous and impersonal Indian State affected the everyday lives of its citizens, arguing that state and society merge in the daily lives of most, with the boundary between the two blurred and negotiable according to social context and position.2 Though the study of postcolonial South Asia has blossomed in recent years, including a burgeoning interest in the nature of the ‘everyday state’ within the fields of geography, political science, anthropology and development studies, a certain lacuna exists in the historical perspective, particularly in relation to the period straddling independence. Some work, for instance, explores the experiences of Indian citizens, providing insights into the strategies of dominant castes in specific localities in contemporary India, or looking at specific popular notions of state corruption.3 Likewise, 2 C.J. Fuller, and Veronique Bénéi (eds), The Everyday State and Society in Modern India (New Delhi, 2000). 3 Akhil Gupta, ‘Blurred Boundaries: The Discourse of Corruption, the Culture of Politics and the Imagined State’, American Ethnologist 48, 4 (1995), pp. 787–796.

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