Franz Anton Mesmer and the Rise and Fall of Animal Magnetism

20 Pages·2007·1.55 MB·English

21
Franz Anton Mesmer and the Rise and Fall
of Animal Magnetism: Dramatic Cures,
Controversy, and Ultimately a Triumph
for the Scientific Method
Douglas J. Lanska and Joseph T. Lanska
In the late eighteenth century, Franz Anton Mesmer or imagined illness, some of his patients went on to
(1734–1815) promulgated “animal magnetism” as lead quite functional lives when before they were
a pervasive property of nature that could be chan- deemed hopeless invalids, a point that even his
neled as an effective therapy for a wide variety of detractors acknowledged.
conditions (Fig. 1). His claims of dramatic thera-
peutic success were supported by glowing testimo-
nials, in some cases from socially prominent
Mesmer and the Introduction
individuals. However, mainstream medical practi-
of Animal Magnetism
tioners, professional societies, and political bodies
rejected Mesmer and his treatment, and ultimately
moved to eliminate Mesmer’s practice and that of Mesmer, a German by birth, studied medicine for 6
his disciples. In retrospect it is clear that traditional years in Vienna before presenting his dissertation
physicians in the late eighteenth century had little for the degree of doctor of medicine in 1766. His
to offer their patients therapeutically that had any dissertation, De Planetarum Influxu (“On the influ-
real possibility of benefit,1and instead, often harmed ence of the planets”) (Mesmer, 1766, 1980),
their patients with their treatments, whereas Mesmer attempted to relate the motion of the planets with
could demonstrate cases “cured” by his treatment effects in humans, but was largely plagiarized from
that had previously failed all conventional appro- a book published in 1704 by the acclaimed English
aches. While one might be tempted to dismiss his physician Richard Mead (Pattie, 1956; Pattie,
therapeutic successes as only applicable to hysterical 1994). Mesmer’s dissertation is of consequence
1As noted by Golub (1994, p. 55–57): “[Therapeutics] at the very end of the eighteenth century), fresh fruit or
had not changed significantly during almost two millen- fruit juice for the prevention and treatment of scurvy as
nia prior to 1800... For all practical purposes, Galen and recommended by James Lind (though largely ignored at
the gentleman physician of eighteenth century London or that time) (Lind, 1753, 1762), cinchona for treatment of
Paris treated patients virtually the same way.” The few fevers and malaria (introduced from Peru by the 1600s),
effective preventatives or treatments available to eigh- willow bark (containing salicin) for fever or pain (Stone,
teenth-century physicians included variolation for the 1764), narcotics such as opium and laudanum (a tincture
prevention of smallpox (e.g., Boyslton, 1726; Franklin, of opium) for pain (known to Hippocrates), marginally
1759; Jurin, 1723; Massey, 1723; Montagu, 1717, 1861, effective mercurials for syphilis (introduced perhaps in
1970; Nettleton, 1722, 1723; Woodward, 1714) (and later the late fifteenth century), and foxglove (containing digi-
vaccination with cowpox as introduced by Edward Jenner talis) for “dropsy” (Withering, 1785).
301
302 Douglas J. Lanska and Joseph T. Lanska
childhood, seemed to have a very weak nervous
manner, had undergone terrible convulsive attacks
since the age of two ... [and] had an hysterical
fever to which was joined periodically, persistent
vomiting, inflammation of various visceral organs,
retention of urine, excessive toothaches, earaches,
melancholic deliriums, opisthotonos ... blind-
ness, suffocation, and several days of paralysis and
other irregularities” (Mesmer, 1775, 1980, p. 26).
Mesmer initially tried to treat the young woman in
his home using “the most accredited remedies to
counteract these different ailments ... without,
obtaining, however, a lasting cure, for the irregu-
larities always returned after some time” (Mesmer,
1775, 1980, p. 26). Despite Mesmer’s efforts using
orthodox medical treatments, including blistering,
bleeding, and various medicines, no progress was
made over a period of 2 years.
In late 1774, Mesmer was introduced to a new
FIGURE 1. Franz Anton Mesmer (1734–1815) promul- form of treatment with magnets by the Reverend
gated “animal magnetism” as a pervasive property of Father Maximillian Hell (1720–1792), a Jesuit priest
nature that could be channeled as a universal cure for dis- and the Austrian Astronomer Royal. Several months
ease. He achieved his height of fame and fortune in Paris earlier, in June 1774, Hell had lent a heart-shaped
before his magnetic doctrine was demolished by the sci- steel magnet (magnetized by repetitive stroking with
entific evaluation of the Royal Commission in 1784. a lodestone) to a baroness afflicted with intractable
Courtesy of the National Library of Medicine
abdominal pain. Four days later, the baroness was
restored to health, and Hell ultimately concluded
only in retrospect, because Mesmer subsequently that the magnet had produced curative effects by act-
cited it in an attempt to claim priority for his con- ing on the nervous system. Hell suggested Mesmer
ceptualization of animal magnetism. Despite the try his magnets on Miss Österlin, who had suffered
later course of his career, Mesmer’s approach to a relapse of hemiplegia in July 1774.
medicine was basically orthodox during his first Taking Father Hell’s advice, Mesmer attached
eight years of practice. Hell’s magnets to Miss Österlin’s feet and another
After his marriage in 1768 to a wealthy widow, heart-shaped magnet to her chest with dramatic
Anna Maria von Posch, Mesmer was prosperous results.
and socially well-positioned in Vienna, even to the
point of entertaining the family of the young She soon underwent a burning and piercing pain which
climbed from her feet to the crest of the hip bone, where
Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart (1756–1791) and per-
it was united with a similar pain that descended from
haps staging the first performance of Mozart’s
one side – from the locality of the magnet attached on the
opera Bastien et Bastiennein his garden theater in
chest – and climbed again on the other side to the head,
1768 (when Mozart was 12).
where it ended in the crown. This pain, in passing away,
left a burning heat like fire in all the joints. (Mesmer,
The Hysterical Miss Österlin 1775, 1980, pp. 26–27)
and a Treatment from Hell
Despite pleas from the patient and Mesmer’s assis-
A defining case for Mesmer’s career was that of tants that the treatment be terminated, Mesmer not
Franziska (“Franzl”) Österlin, a 28-year-old only persisted, but added further magnets, continu-
woman with hysteria (she would now meet diag- ing the treatment through the night. Gradually after
nostic criteria for somatization disorder) (American the symptoms waned and ultimately disappeared,
Psychiatric Association, 2000), who “since her Mesmer pronounced her cured. Several subsequent
21. Franz Anton Mesmer and the Rise and Fall of Animal Magnetism 303
relapses were easily addressed with further mag- By means of magnetism I restored menstrual periods and
netic applications, so Mesmer advised her to wear hemorrhoids to their normal condition ... I cured
several magnets as a prophylactic. hemoptysis, a paralysis following an apoplexy, an unex-
A controversy over the distribution of credit for pected trembling after a fit of passion, and all kinds of
hypochondriac, convulsive, and hysterical irregularities
this apparent therapeutic success followed with a
in the same way. (Mesmer, 1775, 1980, p. 28)
series of alternating public “letters” by Hell and
Mesmer (Pattie, 1994). Father Hell published the Mesmer proposed that “magnetic matter, by virtue of
first letter on January 6, 1775, reporting Mesmer’s its extreme subtlety and its similarity to nervous
successful application of the magnetic therapy to fluid, disturbs the movement of the fluid in such a
Miss Österlin, but claiming for himself the idea of way that it causes all to return to the natural order,
treating such patients with magnets. Affronted by which I call the harmony of the nerves” (Mesmer,
Hell’s attempt to take credit for the magnetic cure, 1775, 1980, p. 29). But how could such a powerful
Mesmer immediately published his account in the force have escaped previous notice? Mesmer
newspapers and as a pamphlet. explained (conveniently so as to preclude refutation
In his public rebuttal to Father Hell, Mesmer of his thesis) that such magnetic effects could not be
claimed priority for the concept of using magnets perceived by healthy persons, but only by persons in
therapeutically, stating that he had written in his whom “the harmony is disturbed” (Mesmer, 1775,
doctoral thesis in 1766 on a property of the animal 1980, p. 9).
body that makes it sensitive to universal gravita-
tion, a property he said he had labeled “gravity ...
Failed Solicitations in Vienna
or animal magnetism” (Mesmer, 1775, 1980,
p.25). However, the term “animal magnetism” was Around 1775, Mesmer sent statements of his ideas on
not, in fact, used in the dissertation, and the prop- animal magnetism to a majority of the academies of
erty that was described (“gravitus animalis”) sub- science in Europe and to a few selected scientists,
sequently shifted in Mesmer’s usage from a force inviting their comments (Mesmer, 1779, 1980). The
that acts upon the body to a property of the body only reply he received, from the Berlin Academy in
itself (Pattie, 1994). March, 1775, was dismissive, arguing reasonably
In any case, Mesmer claimed that Hell’s magnets that: (1) Mesmer’s statements that magnetic effects
were superfluous for the magnetic therapy, because could be communicated to materials other than iron
virtually any object could be magnetized and used and concentrated in bottles contradicted all previ-
therapeutically. ous experiments; (2) Mesmer’s evidence – based on
“the sensations of a person afflicted with convulsions”
I observed that magnetic material is almost the same thing
(Berlin Academy quoted in Pattie, 1994, p. 45) – was
as electrical fluid, and that it is propagated by
intermediary bodies in the same way as is electrical not adequate or even appropriate for proving the exis-
fluid. Steel is not the only substance that attracts the mag- tence of the postulated animal magnetism; (3) the
net; I have magnetized paper, bread, wool, silk, leather, absence of detectable effects in healthy persons made
stones, glass, water, different metals, wood, men, dogs – the report of “animal magnetism” highly suspect; and
in one word all that I touched – to the point that these (4) other explanations could account for the results
substances produced the same effects upon the patient as obtained in patients (and indeed the Academy sus-
does the magnet. (Mesmer, 1775, 1980, pp. 27–28)
pected Mesmer had “fallen into the fallacy of consid-
Mesmer claimed to be able to fill bottles with this ering certain things as causes which are not causes”)
previously unrecognized magnetic material, and to (Berlin Academy quoted in Pattie, 1994, p. 46).
direct it from a distance of 8–10 ft, even through Mesmer’s attempts around this time to demon-
other people or walls, so as to produce “jolts in any strate the effects of animal magnetism to physician-
part of the patient that I wanted to, and with a pain scientist Jan Ingenhousz (1730–1799) were even
as ardent as if one had hit her with a bar of iron” more negative and publicly humiliating (Mesmer,
(Mesmer, 1775, 1980, p. 28). Despite the apparent 1779, 1948; Mesmer, 1779, 1980; Pattie, 1994).
brutality of the treatment, Mesmer was able to pro- While Mesmer demonstrated the magnetism of a
duce seemingly miraculous cures for a wide range single teacup in a group and elicited convulsions by
of conditions. pointing a magnet toward a relapsed Miss Österlin,
304 Douglas J. Lanska and Joseph T. Lanska
Ingenhousz surreptitiously tested the effects of strong deemed incurable. Her parents tried to enrich the
magnets which he had concealed. Ingenhousz found poor girl’s life with music lessons, and she eventually
that the patient reacted only to objects which she became a talented singer and player of the clavichord
believed were magnets or that were connected with and organ. The Empress attended one of her per-
Mesmer. As a result, Ingenhousz publicly denounced formances and became her patron when she was just
Mesmer as a fraud. In response, an incensed Mesmer eleven, providing her with a pension so she could
publicly attacked Ingenhousz’s scientific ability and continue her musical education.
demanded a court-ordered commission to establish Mesmer began treating Miss Paradis when she
the facts concerning his treatment of Miss Österlin. was 18 – at that time, totally blind with bulging
Mesmer’s treatment was ultimately observed for eyes “so much out of place that as a rule only the
8 days by a local hospital physician, but the physi- whites could be seen” (Mesmer, 1779, 1980, p. 72),
cian became cold and indifferent, a response Mesmer depressed, and with “deliriums which awakened
attributed to the machinations of Ingenhousz who fears that she had gone out of her mind” (Mesmer,
“succeeded in having those who suspended judgment 1779, 1980, p. 72). Under Mesmer’s treatment, as
or who did not share his opinion classed as feeble- attested by her father, she experienced trembling in
minded” (Mesmer, 1779, 1980, p. 55). Mesmer then her limbs, hyperextension of the neck, increased
temporarily abandoned efforts both to obtain a court- “spasmodic agitation in her eyes” (Mesmer, 1779,
appointed commission and to disseminate his treat- 1980, p. 72), severe head pains radiating to the
ment into hospitals. eyes, dizziness, and other symptoms. Suddenly
light bothered her eyes, and she was kept with her
Controversy over Mesmer’s Treatment eyes bandaged in a dark room as “the slightest sen-
sation of light on any part of her body affected her
of the Blind Miss Paradis
to the extent of causing her to fall” (Mesmer, 1779,
Through 1775 and 1776, Mesmer accumulated testi- 1980, p. 74). Only very gradually was she exposed
monials from several prominent individuals who to light and then was reportedly able to distinguish
reported being successfully treated by Mesmer, light and dark, as well as various colors, shapes,
including Professor Bauer of the Vienna Normal and faces, although with some reported distortion
School, Baron Hareczky de Horka, and Peter von and limited understanding of what she saw.
Osterwald, Director of the Munich Academy (Pattie,
She was frightened on beholding the human face: the
1994). However, controversies stemming from
nose seemed absurd to her and for several days she was
Ingenhousz’s denouncement as well as Mesmer’s unable to look upon it without bursting into laughter...
failure to obtain public recognition from physicians, Not knowing the name of the features, she drew the
scientists, or scientific academies, caused Mesmer to shape of each with her finger. One of the most difficult
attempt a dramatic cure of a difficult case, which he parts of the instruction was teaching her to touch what
hoped would redeem his reputation and demonstrate she saw and to combine the two faculties. Having no idea
to all observers the effectiveness of his discovery. of distance, everything seemed to her to be within reach,
Therefore, in 1777, Mesmer began treatment of the however far away, and objects appeared to grow larger as
she drew near to them...Nothing escaped her, even the
blind pianist, Maria Theresa Paradis (1759–1824),
faces painted on miniatures, whose expressions and atti-
but the outcome of this therapeutic gamble was far
tudes she imitated. (Mesmer, 1779, 1980, p. 75)
worse for Mesmer than he anticipated.
Miss Paradis, the only child of a secretary to the Unfortunately, partial restoration of Miss Paradis’
Holy Roman Emperor Francis I (1708–1765) and sight did not make her happy and threatened her
Queen-Empress Maria Theresa (1717–1780), report- financial support from the Empress. She became
edly awoke with acute blindness at the age of 3 years increasingly irritable, annoyed with the constant
and 7 months. She was treated by the most prominent questions and testing, and prone to attacks of crying
Viennese physicians – with blistering plasters for two and syncope. Light bothered her, yet when her eyes
months, cauterization, leeches, purgatives, diuretics, were covered she became unable to take a step
and thousands of electric shocks through the eyes without guidance, whereas before, she was able to
from discharging Leyden jars – but without the least walk about her house in complete confidence. Her
success (Mesmer, 1779, 1980). She was ultimately musical performances also suffered dramatically,
21. Franz Anton Mesmer and the Rise and Fall of Animal Magnetism 305
and her father fretted that her royal pension might inventions, and scientific and medical marvels ...
be terminated. In addition, a prominent Professor [making] Paris a fertile ground for dissemination of
of Diseases of the Eye, Dr. Joseph Barth the magnetic doctrine” (Pattie, 1994: 69). Patients,
(1745–1818), became convinced that Miss Paradis many of them from the nobility and upper classes,
could not really see, undermining Mesmer’s claims flocked to Mesmer for treatment, even while others
of therapeutic success. A fracas ensued between labeled him a charlatan who had been forced to flee
the parents, patient, and Mesmer, with the absurd Vienna (Pattie, 1994). Mesmer was soon operating at
chain of events reportedly including a convulsion the top of the Parisian social pyramid, actively
by the patient, an angry mother throwing her head- seeking patients and admirers of high prestige and
first against a wall, a sword-wielding father loudly ultimately collecting among his adherents
demanding Mesmer release his daughter, the Queen Consort Marie Antoinette (1755–1793), a fel-
mother fainting, the servants disarming the father, low Austrian; Charles-Phillip, Count d’Artois
the father swearing oaths and curses, and a relapse (1757–1836), one of the two younger brothers of King
into blindness, vomiting, and rages by the patient. Louis XVI (and later, himself, King Charles X); and
Still Mesmer kept the patient under treatment, Marquis de Lafayette (1757–1834), a young aristocrat
even in opposition to the pleading of the chief court who would later become an American Revolutionary
physician, saying that Miss Paradis could not be War hero and proselytizer for mesmerism in America.
released without danger of death. Within a month, Mesmer was in fact so inundated with patients in
Miss Paradis’ vision had again been restored and her Paris that he devised a method of mass treatment
health was improved, her father was apologetic, and using various rituals and paraphernalia, including
the public was invited to witness her recovery. When most notably a device called a baquet, a large
the patient was ultimately released after nearly six wooden vat of “magnetized” water with 20 or so
months of care, though, her family soon reported that protruding bent metal rods (Fig.2). The baquetwas
she was still blind and prone to convulsions. Mesmer placed in the center of the magnetization room so
bitterly responded (possibly correctly) that the par- that numerous patients could simultaneously stand
ents had a conflict of interest and “compelled her to or sit around it while applying the metal rods to their
imitate fits and blindness” (Mesmer, 1779, 1980, afflicted areas. Simultaneously, Mesmer and his
p.63) so as to retain her pension. In any case, Miss assistants moved about the room directing magnetic
Paradis forever after lived the life of a blind person. energy at the afflicted, either with metal wands or
Following his ignominious public failure in the manually: “Patients are magnetized by the laying of
treatment of Miss Paradis, Mesmer found himself hands & the pressure of fingers on the hypochondria
thoroughly discredited and derided in Vienna – with & lower abdominal areas; the contact often main-
absolutely no supporters among the medical profes- tained for a considerable time, sometimes a few
sion – and he ultimately left for Paris in January, 1778. hours” (Franklin etal., 1784, 1997, p. 69). The flow
of animal magnetism was facilitated further by hav-
ing patients hold hands, by careful placement of mir-
Dissemination of Animal
rors (purportedly to reflect the magnetic energy
Magnetism: Lay Versus toward the patients), by looping a knotless rope
Professional Channels around them (as knots supposedly would impede the
flow of the magnetic fluid), and by certain sounds
(which also would communicate the postulated
A Lucrative Practice in Paris
fluid). Ethereal sounds were provided either by a
Mesmer arrived in Paris in February 1778 and, glass harmonica2(Finger, 2006), a piano or singing.
despite his previous humiliation in Vienna, quickly
established an extremely lucrative practice, fostered by
his charismatic personality and his unshakeable belief
in the importance of his discovery of animal magnet-
2A glass harmonica (or armonica) was a musical instru-
ism. Prerevolutionary Paris society was much more
ment invented by Benjamin Franklin that incorporated a
open than Vienna, and Parisians were periodically
series of graduated revolving glass bowls made to vibrate
“carried away by sensational reports of novelties, like water glasses by contact with the fingertips.
306 Douglas J. Lanska and Joseph T. Lanska
involuntary movements of limbs & the entire body, by a
tightening of the throat, by the twitching of the
hypochondria & epigastric area, by blurred & unfocused
vision, by piercing shrieks, tears, hiccups & excessive
laughter. They are preceded or followed by a state of lan-
guor & dreaminess, of a kind of prostration & even
sleepiness. (Franklin et al., 1784, 1987, p. 69)
Thwarted Dissemination Through
Academic and Professional
Channels
During his time in Paris, Mesmer sought testimonials
attesting to the value of his discovery from the Royal
Academy of Sciences (Académie des Sciences), the
Royal Society of Medicine (Société Royale de
Médecine), and the Faculty of Medicine (Faculté
FIGURE2. The Magnetism, drawn by Sergent, engraved
de Médecine), believing that these societies would
by Toyuca, ca. 1785. Fashionable Parisians are shown
confirm what his many patients and the general
participating in a group treatment or séance around a
baquet(French for tub or vat), which is filled with mes- public already acknowledged de facto. However,
merized water. The therapeutic magnetism was pur- Mesmer was repeatedly rebuffed or ignored.
ported to be transferred through the moveable iron rods An attempt to demonstrate animal magnetism
protruding through the baquet to the ailing body parts, before a meeting of the Academy of Sciences in
thereby resolving obstructions to the free flow of animal early 1778 was received poorly and failed to con-
magnetism within the body. Some patients experienced vince any of the attendees. Later Mesmer was
convulsive crises (as in the woman on the right) and had
asked by two members of the Academy to demon-
to be carried off to a padded crisis room (background).
strate the utility of his supposed discovery by cur-
Courtesy of the Bakken Library and Museum,
ing patients. Mesmer embarked on several months
Minneapolis
of treatment of a group of patients in a village near
Paris, but Mesmer’s subsequent entreaties for a
review of the success of his treatment by the
Academy were discussed and dismissed without a
Responses to the magnetic treatment varied reply to Mesmer. There was indeed no way of val-
widely but were sometimes quite dramatic, in both idating any treatment response by interviewing or
Mesmer’s practice and that of his followers. As examining these patients at the end of their treat-
noted later in the practice of one of Mesmer’s dis- ment – no clear baseline had been established, and
ciples, “Some are calm, quiet, & feel nothing; oth- other potential factors impacting on outcome (e.g.,
ers cough, spit, feel slight pain, a warmth either natural history of the conditions, placebo effects,
localized or all over, & perspire; others are agitated etc.) had not been addressed.
& tormented by convulsions” (Franklin et al., Mesmer’s subsequent attempt to solicit members
1784, 1987, p. 69). Some patients experienced vio- of the newly founded Royal Society of Medicine
lent convulsions during the treatments, sometimes fared no better. The Royal Society was responsible
requiring further management in an adjoining for oversight and regulation of new remedies,
padded room. and on this basis its representatives suggested
the appointment of a commission to investigate
These convulsions are extraordinary in their number,
duration, & strength. As soon as a convulsion begins, Mesmer’s animal magnetism. However, Mesmer
many others follow ...some lasting for more than three refused the Society’s proposal on the grounds that
hours ...These convulsions are characterized by quick, he had no medicine to patent or license, that he did
21. Franz Anton Mesmer and the Rise and Fall of Animal Magnetism 307
not wish to trust the fate of his doctrine to com- accomplished this. d’Eslon tried to raise interest
missioners unknown to him, and further that he did among members of the Faculty of Medicine and
not wish his therapy lumped among the licensed selected three physicians to observe Mesmer’s
drugs (that he undiplomatically alleged were noth- work every two weeks over a period of seven
ing more than poisons). Instead, Mesmer entreated months. However, the doctors remained uncon-
the society to simply accept the testimonials of his vinced and could not decide how many of the
patients and “be witnesses of the salutary effects of apparent cures could be attributed to treatment
my discovery, to assert its truth while rendering and how many resulted from spontaneous recov-
homage to it, and by this simple means to merit the eries. When d’Eslon defended Mesmer to the
gratitude of the nations” (Pattie, 1994, p. 82). After Faculty of Medicine and wrote a book supporting
further haggling, the Royal Society and Mesmer at Mesmer’s therapy (d’Eslon, 1780), the Faculty
least temporarily agreed that he would treat became openly hostile and unanimously cen-
patients previously certified by physicians of the sured d’Eslon. Mesmer nevertheless refused to
Faculty of Medicine so that the success of his treat- acknowledge d’Eslon as a qualified disciple.
ment could be judged; however, when the physi- Later, when Mesmer learned that d’Eslon had
cians charged with this certification had difficulty established a clinic of 60 patients where he pro-
establishing the presence of disease in Mesmer’s duced cures using animal magnetism, Mesmer
patients, Mesmer doubted that they would be any became enraged and charged d’Eslon with
less hesitant to certify the cures he anticipated betrayal, breach of promises, and theft of his ideas
afterhis treatments. When a commission was nev- and techniques.
ertheless appointed, Mesmer adamantly stated he
would not even receive the commissioners, where- The Society of Harmony: Dissemination
upon the society discharged the commission and
Through Lay Disciples
terminated any further consideration of Mesmer
and his treatment: the official response stated, Nicolas Bergasse (c. 1750–?), an unhappy young
“The commissioners whom the Society has lawyer, began seeing Mesmer as a patient in 1781
appointed at your request to follow your experi- and believed that Mesmer significantly improved
ments, cannot and should not render any opinion his health. So, with growing ambivalence and even-
without having previously certified the condition tual resentment, Bergasse began serving Mesmer
of the patients by mean of a careful examination” as an unpaid secretary, writer, and tutor of French.
(Pattie, 1994, p. 83). Bergasse wrote public defenses of Mesmer’s ideas
Never very diplomatic, typically grandiose, and (in much better French than Mesmer could muster),
frequently somewhat paranoid, Mesmer in frustra- and became among the clearest expositors and dis-
tion charged that if his techniques were dissemi- seminators of mesmerism, trying to establish a
nated among even a small number of physicians, coherent doctrine from among Mesmer’s vague
the rest of the medical profession would be forced and inconsistent statements and writings. In 1783,
to see him and his disciples as dangerous enemies Bergasse proposed and was the primary architect
who threatened their profits, and in their greed and developer of the Society of Harmony (Société
would attempt to undermine and destroy his doc- de l’Harmonie), a secret society of wealthy patrons
trine (Pattie, 1994). who paid handsomely to ensure Mesmer’s fortune
By 1780, Mesmer was able to recruit only one and signed nondisclosure covenants with severe
disciple of high professional and social standing – penalties for any breech, with the understanding
Dr. Charles d’Eslon or Deslon (1750–1786), who that when sufficient subscriptions had been sold
held the highest rank (docteur-régent) in the Mesmer would reveal his system to them for their
Faculty of Medicine and who was the personal own use. However, although Mesmer collected an
physician (premier médecin) of Count d’Artois. incredible sum – some 400,000 livres – he contin-
d’Eslon observed Mesmer’s practice and became ued to manipulate the members, while never fulfill-
a true believer in Mesmer’s ability to cure patients ing his verbal agreement. Still, such mesmeric
using animal magnetism, although d’Eslon admit- societies proliferated across France and eventually
ted he did not understand fully how Mesmer spread to other countries.
308 Douglas J. Lanska and Joseph T. Lanska
Evaluation of Animal Magnetism: the practice of Mesmer himself. The rationale for
this choice was not disclosed (Pattie, 1994), but
The Royal Commissions (1784)
Mesmer naturally objected: “I do not want him
[d’Eslon] to determine the destiny of a doctrine
Appointment of the Royal Commissions
which belongs to me, and whose importance and
The popularity of mesmerism alarmed the physi- extent I alone know, I am bold enough to say ...”
cians and the government. The orthodox practition- (Pattie, 1994, p. 144). The Commissioners dis-
ers saw Mesmer – with his lucrative practice, his agreed that there was any significant difference in
aristocratic patronage, and his recruitment of one the practices of d’Eslon and Mesmer, and in any case
of their most prominent members – as an economic believed that their evaluation applied to the practice
threat to their own practices. The monarchy, nobil- of animal magnetism in general and not to the spe-
ity, and police also began to see mesmerism and its cific practice of an individual practitioner:
secret societies as a threat, especially as Bergasse
These principles of M. Deslon are the same as those in
and other revolutionary agitators in the Society for
the twenty-seven propositions that M. Mesmer made
Harmony opposed the established order of the
public through publication in 1779...Now it is easy to
ancien regime and helped propagate subversive
prove that the essential practices of magnetism are
ideas (Darnton, 1968). The controversy over ani- known to M. Deslon. M. Deslon was for several years the
mal magnetism escalated with open dissention disciple of M. Mesmer. During that time, he constantly
among Mesmer’s disciples and increasing hostility saw the employment of the practices of Animal magnet-
from various academic and professional opponents. ism & the means of exciting it & directing it. M. Deslon
Eventually, King Louis XVI (1754–1793), being himself has treated patients in front of M. Mesmer;
less enthralled than his wife with Mesmer and his elsewhere, he has brought about the same effects as at
M. Mesmer’s. Then, united, the one & the other com-
treatments, and concerned with the intensifying con-
bined their patients & treated them without distinction, &
troversy, established a Royal Commission of the
consequently following the same procedures. The
Royal Academy of Sciences and the Faculty of
effects correspond as well. There are crises as violent, as
Medicine to evaluate Mesmer’s claims (Franklin
multiplied & as pronounced by similar symptoms at
etal., 1784, 1997; Franklin etal., 1784, 2002). The
M. Deslon’s as at M. Mesmer’s; these effects therefore do
distinguished Commission included four members not belong to a particular practice, but to the practice of
from the Faculty of Medicine and five members magnetism in general. (Franklin etal., 1784, 1987, p. 83)
from the Royal Academy of Sciences, including
The Commissioners understood their purpose was:
diplomat-scientist Benjamin Franklin (1706–1790),
America’s Minister Plenipotentiary to France, as to unravel the causes & to search for proofs of the exis-
well as chemist Antoine-Laurent Lavoisier tence & the utility of magnetism. The question of exis-
(1743–1794), astronomer Jean-Sylvian Bailly tence is primary; the question of utility is not to be
(1736–1793), physician Joseph-Ignace Guillotine addressed until the first has been fully resolved. Animal
(1738–1814), Jean François Borie, professor magnetism may well exist without being useful but it
cannot be useful if it does not exist. (Franklin et al.,
Charles Louis Sallin, physician and chemist Jean
1784, 1987, p. 70)
Darcet (1725–1801), geographer and cartographer
Gabriel de Bory (1720–1801), and physician Michel The Commissioners judged that Mesmer’s theory
Joseph Majault (Duveen & Klickstein, 1955). A sec- supporting the practice of animal magnetism was
ond commission was also established, drawn from irrelevant to the question of whether the phenome-
the Royal Society of Medicine, but their report was non actually existed.
largely redundant and will not be further discussed.
If M. Mesmer announces today a more encompassing the-
ory, there is no need whatsoever for the Commissioners to
Justification of the Commissioners’
know this theory to decide on the existence and utility of
Investigative Approach magnetism. They had only to consider the effects. It is by
the effects that the existence of a cause manifests itself; it
The Commission was charged “to examine & is by the same effects that its utility may be demonstrated.
report on animal magnetism practiced by Monsieur Phenomena are known through observation a long time
Deslon” (Franklin etal., 1784, 1987, p. 68) and not before one can reach the theory that links them & which
21. Franz Anton Mesmer and the Rise and Fall of Animal Magnetism 309
explains them ...The theory of M. Mesmer is immate- cured disease, the Commissioners cited Mesmer’s
rial & superfluous here; the practice, the effects, it has own statement in this regard.
been a question of examining these. (Franklin et al.,
1784, 1987, p. 83) The Commissioners are in agreement on this with
M. Mesmer. He rejected the cure of diseases when this
They recognized that, “The most reliable way to way of proving magnetism was proposed to him by a
ascertain the existence of animal-magnetism fluid Member of the Academié des Sciences: it is, said he, a
would be to make its presence tangible” (Franklin mistake to believe that this kind of proof is irrefutable;
etal., 1784, 1987, p. 70). However, the existence of nothing conclusively proves that the Physician or
the animal magnetism could not be proven by its Medicine heals the sick. The treatment of diseases, there-
fore can only furnish results that are always uncertain &
physical properties, because the magnetic fluid was
often misleading. (Franklin etal., 1784, 1987, p. 71)
claimed to be an intangible agent.
Therefore, the Commissioners chose to restrict
[This] fluid escapes detection by all the senses. Unlike
their investigations “to the temporary effects of the
electricity, it is neither luminescent nor visible [as is
fluid on the animal body, by stripping these effects
lightning]. Its action does not manifest itself visibly as
does the attraction of a magnet; it is without taste or of all illusions possibly mixed up with them, &
smell; it spreads noiselessly & envelops or penetrates making sure that they cannot be due to any cause
you without your sense of touch warning you of its pres- other than animal magnetism” (Franklin et al.,
ence. (Franklin etal., 1784, 1987, p. 70) 1784, 1987, p. 71).
Thus, the existence of animal magnetism could
only be determined by any effects it might have on Observational Studies and Hypothesis
human behavior or disease.
Generation
In 1780, on behalf of Mesmer, d’Eslon had pro-
posed a comparative trial of animal magnetism ver- The Commissioners verified the absence of an
sus conventional medical therapy to the Faculty of electrical charge or magnetic field associated with
Medicine (Donaldson, 2005; Mesmer 1781, 2005), the baquetused during the group treatments:
and in 1784, d’Eslon similarly advised the
The Commissioners used an electrometer3& a non-mag-
Commissioners to study principally the therapeutic
netic, metal needle to check that the vat did not contain
effects of animal magnetism, but the Commissioners
any electrical or charged matter; and upon the declara-
rejected an assessment of the effects of animal
tion of M. Deslon [d’Elson] regarding the composition of
magnetism in the treatment of diseases. They the inside of the vat, they agreed that no physical agent
acknowledged the existence of cases where seri-
ously ill patients had not responded to “all means
of ordinary medicine” (Franklin etal., 1784, 1987,
3The precise instrument used by the Commissioners is
p. 71) and yet had fully recovered after treatment
unknown. Various electroscopes and electrometers were
with magnetism. However, it was impossible, the in use at the time and the terminology employed was not
Commissioners reasoned, to separate the effects of consistent. Eventually “electroscope” was used for
spontaneous recovery from the effects of treatment. instruments that could detect the presence of an electro-
static charge, whereas “electrometer” was used for
Observations over the centuries proves [sic] & Physicians instruments that could quantify such charges. John
themselves recognize, that Nature alone & without the Canton made one of the first portable electroscopes in
help of medical treatment cures a great number of 1754 (Canton, 1754; Herbert, 1998). This instrument uti-
lized a pair of pith balls hung on linen threads, while
patients. If magnetism were inefficacious, using it to
later electroscopes utilized a pair of thin gold leaves
treat patients would be to leave them in the hands of
attached to a conducting rod and held in an insulated
Nature. In trying to ascertain the existence of this agent,
frame. When a charge was applied to the instrument, the
it would be absurd to choose a method that, in attributing
balls or leaves moved apart, due to mutual repulsion of
to the agent all of Nature’s cures, would tend to prove like charges. In 1772, William Henley described a quad-
that it has a useful & curative action, even though it rant electrometer which utilized a single cork ball hung
would have none. (Franklin etal., 1784, 1987, p. 71) by a thread from a stem; when the electrometer was
charged, the ball was repelled from the stem and the
To defuse potential arguments that the Commissioners divergence of the ball from the stem was measured on a
had ignored the evidence that animal magnetism quadrant scale.
310 Douglas J. Lanska and Joseph T. Lanska
capable of contributing to the reported effect of magnet- Nor did they experience any effects when they
ism was present. (Franklin etal., 1784, 1987, p. 69) were magnetized for 3 days in a row. The contrast
could not have been greater between the dramatic
The Commissioners also observed group treatment
effects they observed among patients during the
sessions to familiarize themselves with the practice
group treatments and the absence of effects they
of animal magnetism, witness the range of apparent
experienced during their own private treatments.
effects, and formulate their own initial hypotheses
They concluded that “magnetism has little or no
for the observed phenomena. They were absolutely
effect on a state of health, & even on a state of
astounded by the magnitude of the responses of
slight infirmity” (Franklin etal., 1784, 1987, p. 72).
patients during the séances:
The Commissioners next observed the effects of
Nothing is more astonishing than the spectacle of these private application of the magnetic treatment to
convulsions; without seeing it, it cannot be imagined: & in sick patients. Of the first seven patients, all com-
watching it, one is equally surprised by the profound
moners, three felt some effects (e.g., local pain,
response of some of these patients & the agitation that ani-
headache, or shortness of breath), and four felt
mates others ...All submit to the magnetizer; even though
nothing. The next seven patients were “chosen
they may appear to be asleep, his voice, a look, a signal
from high society who could not be suspected of
pulls them out of it. Because of these constant effects, one
ulterior motives & whose intelligence would per-
cannot help but acknowledge the presence of a great
power which moves & controls patients, & which resides mit them to discuss their own sensations & report
in the magnetizer. (Franklin etal., 1784, 1987, p. 69) on them” (Franklin et al., 1784, 1987, p. 72) and
noneof these felt anything that could be attributed
The Commission realized that the group séances
to magnetism. The difference, the Commissioners
were too complex to sort out the factors responsi-
reasoned, stemmed from the commoners’ expecta-
ble for the observed effects. A simpler setting was
tions and desire to please.
needed in order to isolate and control the underly-
ing factors: “The freedom to isolate the effects Let us take the standpoint of a commoner, for that reason
was necessary in order to distinguish the causes; ignorant, struck by disease & desiring to get well,
one must like them have seen the imagination brought with great show before a large assembly com-
work, partially in some way, to produce its effects posed in part of physicians, where a new treatment is
administered which the patient is persuaded will produce
separately & in detail, so as to conceive of the
amazing results. Let us add that the patient’s cooperation
accumulation of these effects, to get an idea of its
is paid for, & that he believes that it pleases us more
total power & take account of its wonders”
when he says he feels effects, & we will have a natural
(Franklin etal., 1784, 1987, p. 82). Therefore, the
explanation for these effects; at the least, we will have
Commission chose to observe the responses to the
legitimate reasons to doubt that the real cause of these
treatment of individual subjects separated from effects is magnetism. (Franklin etal., 1784, 1987, p. 74)
the communal psychological influences of the
The Commission observed that magnetism
group treatment.
“seemed to be worthless for those patients who
The Commissioners themselves were magnet-
submitted to it with a measure of incredulity [and]
ized in a private setting so they could experience
that the Commissioners ... did in no way feel the
the effects, if any, firsthand. They were magnetized
impressions felt by the three lower-class patients”
once a week by d’Eslon or a disciple in a separate
(Franklin et al., 1784, 1987, p. 74). Therefore, the
room.
Commissioners hypothesized that the effects
[They] stayed for two to two & a half hours at a time, the observed in the lower-class patients “even suppos-
iron rod resting on the left hypochondrium, & them-
ing them all to be real, followed from an anticipated
selves surrounded by the rope of communication, & from
conviction, & could have been an effect of the
time to time making the chain of thumbs ... they were
imagination” (Franklin et al., 1784, 1987, p. 74).
magnetized, sometimes with the finger & iron rod held &
The generation of this rival hypothesis to Mesmer’s
moved over various parts of the body, sometimes by
animal magnetism focused all subsequent investi-
applying hands & finger pressure to either the hypochon-
dria or on the pit of the stomach. None of them felt a gations: “From now on, their research is going
thing, or at least, nothing that could be attributed to the to be directed toward a new object; it is a ques-
action of magnetism. (Franklin etal., 1784, 1987, p. 72) tion of disproving or confirming this suspicion, of