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Foodies: Democracy and Distinction in the Gourmet Foodscape PDF

277 Pages·2015·1.065 MB·English
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Foodies The second edition of Foodies updates Johnston and Baumann’s important cultural analysis of food. It simultaneously presents good food as democratic and as a source of status and distinction, maintaining and producing social inequality. By considering both of these perspectives and studying how they operate in tension, the authors concoct a delicious cultural sociology of food. A new chapter considers how gender plays out in food culture and expands the analytical scope. This teachable and relevant text is perfect for teaching a broad range of food, culture, and sociology courses. Josée Johnston is associate professor of sociology at the University of Toronto. Her major substantive interest is the sociological study of food, which is a lens for investigating questions relating to consumer culture, politics, gender and the environment. She has a forthcoming book with Kate Cairns entitled Food and Femininity. Shyon Baumann is associate professor of sociology at the University of Toronto. He studies questions of cultural evaluation, legitimation, and clas- sifi cation. In addition to the study of gourmet food, he has investigated these questions in the realms of Hollywood fi lms, television advertising, and ethical consumption. Cultural Spaces Series Editor: Sharon Zukin, Brooklyn College and CUNY Graduate Center Cultural Spaces presents in-depth, sociological portraits and interpretations of geographical areas, social districts, and archaeological outcroppings that reso- nate with contemporary cultural innovations and confl icts. Available After the World Trade Center: Rethinking New York City edited by Michael Sorkin and Sharon Zukin Silicon Alley: The Rise and Fall of a New Media District by Michael Indergaard Buyways: Billboards, Automobiles, and the American Landscape by Catherine Gudis Capitalism’s Eye: Cultural Spaces of the Commodity by Kevin Hetherington Branding New York: How a City in Crisis Was Sold to the World by Miriam Greenberg The Global Architect: Firms, Fame and Urban Form by Donald McNeill The Diaspora Strike Back: Caribeño Tales of Learning and Turning by Juan Flores Global Suburbs: Urban Sprawl from the Rio Grande to Rio de Janeiro by Lawrence Herzog Foodies Democracy and Distinction in the Gourmet Foodscape SECOND EDITION JOSÉE JOHNSTON AND SHYON BAUMANN S econd edition published 2015 b y Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 and by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2015 Taylor & Francis The right of Josée Johnston and Shyon Baumann to be identifi ed as authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice : Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identifi cation and explanation without intent to infringe. First edition published 2010 by Routledge Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data J ohnston, Josée. Foodies : democracy and distinction in the gourmet foodscape / Josee Johnston, Shyon Baumann. — Second edition. pages cm. — (Cultural spaces) Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Food—Social aspects. 2. Food habits—Economic aspects. 3. Social status. 4. Gourmets. I. Baumann, Shyon. II. Title. GT2850.J64 2014 394.1′2—dc23 2014022736 I SBN: 978-1-138-01511-1 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-138-01512-8 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-79460-0 (ebk) Typeset in Avenir and Dante by Apex CoVantage, LLC Contents Preface to Second Edition vii Series Foreword to Second Edition xii Acknowledgments xiv Introduction: Entering the Delicious World of Foodies 1 The Fall of the French: A Historical Perspective on Culinary De-sacralization 5 The Contemporary Gourmet Foodscape: Foodies and Inequality 14 Key Features of the Gourmet Foodscape: Tastes and Trends 19 Chapter Overview 28 1 Foodies, Omnivores, and Discourse 30 An Introduction to the Study of Food and Taste 30 Discourse, Democracy, and Distinction 36 What is a “Foodie”? 48 2 Eating Authenticity 61 Unpacking Authenticity 62 Dimensions of Authentic Food 65 The Cultural Politics of Authenticity 82 3 The Culinary Other: Seeking Exoticism 86 Culinary Colonialism? 89 vi Contents Culinary Cosmopolitanism? 92 Operationalizing Exoticism 95 4 Foodie Politics: This is One Delicious Revolution! 112 Political Eating: A Historical Perspective 114 Competing Ideologies in Foodie Politics 119 The Discourse of Foodie Politics 122 Foodies Speak: Balancing Pleasure and Politics 144 Conclusion 149 5 Class and Its Absence 152 Frames in Gourmet Food Writing: Obscuring Inequality 154 Three Frames for Maintaining Classlessness 157 The Foodie as Omnivore: Rejecting Snobbery and Negotiating Status 169 Conclusions on Class and Status: Minimized but Still Relevant 174 6 Caring about Food: Doing Gender in the Foodie Kitchen 177 KATE CAIRNS, JOSÉE JOHNSTON AND SHYON BAUMANN An Introduction to Gendered Foodies 177 Gender, Food, and Identity 178 Doing Gender in Foodie Culture 180 Pleasure 182 Care Work 186 Knowledge and Expertise 195 Conclusion: How Foodies Do Gender 199 Conclusion: Foodie Continuity, Change, and Moral Ambiguity 202 Appendix A 210 Appendix B 213 Appendix C 215 Endnotes 222 References 231 Index 255 Preface to Second Edition A s we write the preface to the second edition of Foodies, the United States economy is still struggling to grow its way out of an economic recession. Most disturbingly, income inequality is in a state unparalleled since the 1920s (Alvaredo et al. 2013). What is the state, or relevance, of the “foodie lifestyle” in these times? When we wrote the fi rst edition in 2009, the fi nancial crisis had just happened, and it was not surprising that the question was posed of whether it was the right moment to write a book about something as frivo- lous as food, and even worse, foodies —people who obsess about hand-crafting the perfect meatball and then uploading a meatball photo to their blog. Given that tough fi nancial times have persisted or worsened for the least well-off groups in American society, is now the right time for a second edition about foodies? T here are at least of couple of reasons why we think food is not only still relevant as a sociological topic, but also vital. First, as we saw right after the start of the fi nancial crisis, foodies and a broad interest in food have not gone away. Instead, some consumers see food as an affordable luxury, some- thing that can be indulged in even when bigger-ticket items, like luxury cars and real estate, are priced out of reach. Tellingly, Whole Foods Market stock prices have increased tremendously, from lows of $4/share in 2008 to $40/ share at the time of this writing. In 2013 the chain even opened a store in Detroit—just weeks before the city fi led for bankruptcy protection. As a cul- tural phenomenon, foodie discourse is as lively and dynamic and salient as ever. In this revision, we have updated our analysis of foodie discourse with more recent food writing including food blogs. Since we started this research, food blogs have grown tremendously as a cultural phenomenon. Prominent viii Preface to Second Edition food bloggers have emerged as major sources of infl uence in the larger culi- nary fi eld, publishing best-selling cookbooks and gaining a multi-media pres- ence. The food blogosophere is only one part of the larger culinary fi eld, but its vibrancy suggests that food remains a key way people constitute their identity, channel creativity, and form social connections. Second, rather than distract us from the topic of inequality, we would argue that the study of food culture can help us better understand the com- plexity of inequality, and how it is socially reproduced on a day-to-day basis. A study of foodie discourse provides a deep and rich understanding of the ways that cultural consumption is implicated in the construction of group boundaries that can reproduce and reinforce social inequality. One type of inequality that we neglected in the fi rst edition of this book is gender inequal- ity. We realized the seriousness of this omission shortly after the publication of the fi rst edition, and are happy to include a chapter on gender inequality in this second edition. T here are, of course, many ways that masculinity is instantiated through foodie culture. Think of the masculine bravado of food competitions like I ron Chef, or the toughness of professional chef culture, or the one-upmanship and status associated with eating unusual kinds of foods, especially meats. At the same time that foodie culture has key masculine elements, other parts of foodie culture are closely linked to dominant constructions of femininity. Preparing and serving food is still a key form of feminine care work linked to ideas of love, maternal responsibility, and health. Perhaps not surprisingly, women dominate the realm of food blogging, and continue to carry out the mainstay of everyday cooking and baking in home kitchens. In the chapter on food and gender, we explore some of the gendered tensions and inequali- ties that emerge in the everyday lives of foodies, and how the world of food blogging also displays these tensions. To be clear, there is no simple foodie binary of self-satisfying men, and pleasure-denying women. Female foodies may feel more responsible for caring for familial health than their male coun- terparts, but they also challenge long-standing norms about feminine self- sacrifi ce and the abnegation of culinary pleasure. As with the other chapters in this book, there is a tension between food’s democratizing potential, and its role reproducing and naturalizing social hierarchies. I n our personal lives, we continually observe the tension between the two stories we tell in this book about food’s role promoting greater democ- racy while naturalizing distinction. We have seen how knowledge of foodie phenomena like sous-vide cooking, “undiscovered” ethnic cuisines, and single- origin chocolate can operate as a form of cultural capital, even in reces- sionary times. In the neighborhood where we live, a food journalist reported Preface to Second Edition ix that “foodie children” are desirable accessories, and described parents who proudly boast that their children eat pig intestines at local Korean restaurants. We can personally attest that having a picky eater can be a source of social shame, while one gains status points parenting children who eat raw oysters and prefer high-quality dark chocolate to cheap candy-bars. At the same time as food serves as fuel-generating cultural status, foodie culture valorizes foods outside of the traditional culinary canon eaten in and outside of formal dining rooms—foods like Vietnamese bánh mì, South Indian dosas, and Hakka take- out. Not only is the foodie repertoire wide reaching and relatively multicul- tural, but we have also observed how food can mobilize social and environmental critique. We live in a city, Toronto, that is known not just for its fi ne dining and innovative chefs, but also for its vibrant food activist scene and municipal food policy council. This city is home to various projects seek- ing to connect eaters with locally grown, sustainably produced, culturally appropriate foods. In conditions of economic recession, these food projects take on increased importance, while conspicuous culinary consumption can appear excessive and grotesque. In tough times, food writing can be more sensitive to gastronomic excess, and more demotic—publishing comfort food recipes and travel articles about cheap eats in Paris and London (even though the criterion for affordable usually means over $100 for a meal). W hen we began our research on food about a decade ago, we didn’t really consider ourselves foodies. Sure, we baked our own bread with a sourdough culture that we vigorously tended like a beloved pet. And yes, we have found ample inspiration in glossy food magazines like Bon Appétit and Saveur, and were deeply saddened by the shuttering of Gourmet in 2009. We have watched all seasons of Top Chef, as well as a good share of the Food Network shows. After watching Bobby Flay’s show, T hrowdown, we were thrilled—even touched— when friends fl ew home from Boston transporting six sticky buns from the winning bakery, Flour, and we later worked to recreate these sticky buns in our own kitchen. We have spent countless hours reading food blogs, and reg- ularly turn to sites like Smitten Kitchen, Food 52 , and S prouted Kitchen to churn out everyday meals and desserts. We have long known the names of our city’s most acclaimed chefs, and read many of their reviews, even though the demands of having young children (and professors’ salaries) means that we only eat their food on special occasions. While we feel familiar with our city’s high-end food establishments (even if we read about them more than we eat at them), we frequent an extensive roster of lower-cost eateries selling foods like bibimbap, lamb roti, sushi, and barbeque brisket. We try to eat organic and local foods as frequently as possible, but we are not above tucking into food court French fries, or using the occasional bribe of Cinnabon to obtain

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