Five Decades of Bangladesh Foreign Policy

33 Pages·2022·0.303 MB·English

Journal of Bangladesh and Global Affairs
Volume 01, Number 01, 2022
https://doi.org/10.55875/jbga.bd.may22.001; ISSN: 2791-075X (Print)
The Five Decades of Making, Unmaking and Remaking of
Bangladesh Foreign Policy
Delwar Hossaina and Md. Shariful Islamb
a Professor of International Relations, University of Dhaka, and the Director of the East
Asia Center, University of Dhaka, Bangladesh; b Assistant Professor of International
Relations, University of Rajshahi, Bangladesh.
Abstract
This paper intends to understand the five decades of Bangladesh foreign policy
by looking at three phases, i.e. making, unmaking and remaking period. From an
international basket case, Bangladesh is now a ‘development miracle’, a ‘role model
of development’ to many. Behind such success of Bangladesh in the last fifty years, the
foreign policy of the country played a crucial role. The paper argues that though there
was a promising beginning for Bangladesh foreign policy under the Bangabandhu
regime, in the unmaking period of Bangladesh foreign policy under the military and
BNP regime, Bangladesh largely failed in shaping a proactive and visionary foreign
policy. However, in the remaking period of Bangladesh foreign policy under the Awami
League regime, Bangladesh succeeded in formulating a proactive foreign policy due to
the visionary leadership of Sheikh Hasina. Thus, the paper suggests that Bangladesh
needs to continue the current foreign policy priorities, focusing on peace economic
diplomacy and global humanitarian concerns.
Keywords: Bangladesh foreign policy, diplomacy, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman, non-alignment, balancing and multilateralism
Introduction
One can understand five decades of Bangladesh foreign policy by dividing it into
three phases, i.e. making, unmaking and remaking. Here, the making of Bangladesh
foreign policy can be analyzed by looking at the initial stages of Bangladesh foreign
policy under the Bangabandhu government. However, one also needs to understand
the emergence of Bangladesh to have a broader picture on Bangladesh foreign policy
making. In this case, understanding the 1971 Liberation War of Bangladesh and the
Bangabandhu government becomes necessary.
CONTACT
Delwar Hossain • [email protected] Md. Shariful Islam • [email protected]
© 2022 The KRF Center for Bangladesh and Global Affairs (CBGA)
6 ■ Hossain and Islam
Two decades of political, economic, and cultural exploitation of East Pakistan
by West Pakistan inspired Father of the Nation, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
to emancipate the people of East Pakistan (East Bengal) economically, politically and
culturally. In this context, though Awami League gained a landslide victory securing
167 seats out of 313 in the 1970 elections, the Pakistani military junta did not handover
the power to the Bengali majority. Instead, the military junta led by Yahya Khan started
suppressing East Pakistan people when Bangabandhu called upon the nation for a
peaceful non-cooperation movement. In the peaceful movement, the military junta
started shooting, which resulted in hundreds of people dead. Against such a backdrop,
people in East Pakistan enforced a general strike on March 2 and March 3, 1971
following Bangabandhu’s instruction. On March 2, 1971, student leaders hoisted the
flag of the new independent Bangla on the Dhaka University campus. Bangabandhu
held a mass rally in Paltan (Dhaka) on March 3, 1971, where the manifesto of
independence was readout. In the manifesto, the issues of the national flag, national
anthem, geographical boundary of Bangladesh, basic principles and overall outline of
the state were mentioned.
Finally, on 7 March 1971, Bangabandhu called for Liberation at Race Course
(Dhaka) public gathering. At the gathering, Bangabandhu reiterated that: ‘Now the
people of Bengal want freedom. The people of Bengal want to live. The people of
Bengal want to have their rights’ (Bangladesh Awami League, March 6, 2021). In
his speech, Bangabandhu also spoke about the necessity of economic, political, and
cultural freedoms. In the words of Bangabandhu, ‘Our National Assembly will sit.
We will draw up the Constitution there. And we will build this country. The people of
this country will have economic, political and cultural freedom’ (Bangladesh Awami
League, March 6, 2021).
Bangabandhu also spoke about the exploitation and torture by West Pakistan
against East Pakistan people. For Bangabandhu, ‘The history of the last twenty- three
years is the history of the wailing of dying men and women. The history of Bengal
is the history of the staining of streets with the blood of the People of this country’
(Bangladesh Awami League, March 6, 2021). Against such a backdrop, Bangabandhu
felt the necessity for an independent Bangladesh and thus called for the independence
movement. Bangabandhu asked the people of East Bengal to prepare for the Liberation
War. In the words of Bangabandhu:
Build a fortress in each and every home. Face the enemy with whatever you have.
In case I can’t give you any further order, I tell you; close all roads and highways
indefinitely. In every village, every locality, every union and every sub-division
establish ‘Resistant Council’ under the leadership of the Awami League. And be ready
with whatever you have. Bear in mind that since we have given blood, we will give
more. By the grace of Allah, we will surely liberate the people of this country. The
struggle this time is the struggle for our emancipation. The struggle this time is the
struggle for our independence (Bangladesh Awami League, March 6, 2021).
Thus, this call for independence was the cornerstone behind the creation of
Bangladesh as a sovereign nation-state in 1971. Notably, on 25 March mid-night of
Journal of Bangladesh and Global Affairs ■ 7
1971, the Pakistani junta committed the worst genocide of history on East Pakistan
people since the Second World War. As a response to the genocide, Bangabandhu
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman declared independence in the early hours of 26 March 1971.
According to Bangabandhu:
This may be my last message; from today, Bangladesh is independent. I call upon the
people of Bangladesh wherever you might be and with whatever you have to resist
the army of occupation to the last. Your fight must go on until the last soldier of the
Pakistan occupation army is expelled from the soil of Bangladesh, and final victory is
achieved (Cited in Trivedi, 1999, p.8).
Thus, Bangladesh as a sovereign state emerged in the international community on 26
March 1971 with the Declaration of Independence of the country. Rehman Sobhan
(2013) wrote that ‘By March 25, 1971, Bangladesh was a sovereign state in the minds
of its citizens. Bangabandhu’s proclamation of independence on March 26, in response
to the military assaults ordered by Yahya Khan, was a juridical act recognizing a de
facto and legitimate authority’. Sobhan (2013) also contended that ‘From the launch
of the Six Point Program in 1966 to the defining two-year period from March 1969
to 1971, Bangabandhu played a dominant role in the struggle for self-rule’. It is also
worthy to note that in the Proclamation of Independence, it was emphasized that:
Whereas the people of Bangladesh by their heroism, bravery and revolutionary fervor
have established effective control over the territories of Bangladesh; We, the elected
representatives of the people of Bangladesh, as honor-bound by the mandate given
to us by the people of Bangladesh, whose will is supreme, duly constitute ourselves
into a Constituent Assembly, and having held mutual consultations, and in order to
ensure equality, human dignity and social justice for the people of Bangladesh declare
and constitute Bangladesh to be Sovereign People’s Republic and thereby confirm the
declaration of independence already made by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
(Cited in Trivedi, 1999, p.11).
Therefore, on 10 April 1971, a provisional government was established in Bangladesh,
known as the Mujibnagar Government. This was the first government formed in
Bangladesh by appointing Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as President, Syed
Nazrul Islam as Vice-President and Tajuddin Ahmed as Prime Minister. During the
oath-taking ceremony, the people of Bangladesh were called upon to wage war by every
means against the Pakistani military. The newly-formed government played a crucial
role in creating public opinion internationally for independent Bangladesh and running
the government during the Liberation War (Mujib Olympiad, n.d.). Behind the victory
of Bangladesh in the 1971 Liberation War, the role of the Mujibnagar Government
was significant. In the nine-month-long Liberation War of Bangladesh, an estimated
3 million people were killed, some 278,000 women were raped, and 10 million had to
take refuge in neighboring India (Liberation War Museum, n.d.). In addition, 45 million
people suffered from internal displacement throughout the nine months (Liberation War
Museum, n.d.). On 16 December 1971, Pakistan Army surrendered, and Bangladesh
achieved victory. Bangladesh has duly celebrated its Golden Jubilee of Independence
and birth centenary of Father of the Nation, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. In
8 ■ Hossain and Islam
its journey of 50 years Bangladesh has achieved several milestones domestically and
externally. The transformation of Bangladesh from an LDC to a developing country is
phenomenal. As an independent and sovereign nation, Bangladesh foreign policy has
also traversed its fifty years milestone.
Keeping the 50-year history of Bangladesh foreign policy, this paper investigates
two key questions: how does one understand the five decades of Bangladesh foreign
policy in terms of identifying core interests, values, norms, trends and achievements?
What are the issues or factors that defined the making, unmaking and remaking period
of Bangladesh foreign policy? There is no scholarship available on a holistic view of
five decades of Bangladesh foreign policy. Thus, this paper is an attempt to fill the
existing knowledge gap.
This paper is divided into five sections, including the introduction and conclusion.
In the introductory section, the background of the emergence of Bangladesh, research
questions and the rationale of the paper has been discussed. The second section
focuses on the first phase of Bangladesh foreign policy, i.e. the making period under
the Bangabandhu government, while the third section discusses the unmaking period
of Bangladesh foreign policy under military and BNP regimes. The fourth section
explains the remaking period of Bangladesh foreign policy under the Awami League-
led governments. Finally, the paper focuses on concluding remarks.
Making of Bangladesh foreign policy
With the emergence of Bangladesh, its foreign policy was also formulated under
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, which has been defined as the making period
of Bangladesh foreign policy.1 The defining features of Bangladesh foreign policy in
this phase is discussed in this section.
Friendship to all, malice towards none
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman laid down the peace-centric foreign policy
principle of Bangladesh, i.e. ‘Friendship to all, malice to none’, to uplift the country
from acute poverty, hunger, and war-torn situation. In fact, the picture of a war-ravaged
country might not be unknown to anyone. On the one hand, ruined houses were needed to
be built, roads were needed to be repaired, food production, offices, and administrative
functions of the state were needed to be restarted. On the other hand, there was a severe
problem of poverty, hunger, famine and illiteracy. Against this backdrop, the foreign
policy of Bangladesh was formulated based on friendship, cooperation, non-alignment
and peaceful co-existence. Thus, the foreign policy of Bangladesh emanated from the
Article 25 (Promotion of international peace, security and solidarity) of the Bangladesh
Constitution.
1 Bangladesh and Bangabandhu are synonymously used. Atiur Rahman (2010), in his book,
Bangladesh’s Other Name is Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib thinks Bangabandhu is Bangladesh’s
other name.
Journal of Bangladesh and Global Affairs ■ 9
There were twin principles of Bangabandhu’s foreign policy, i.e. peaceful co-
existence and friendship for all (The Bangladesh Times, June 20, 1975). To execute these
twin principles, Bangladesh employed a non-aligned foreign policy (The Bangladesh
Observer, January 25, 1972). In the words of Bangabandhu, ‘We firmly believe in the
policy of friendship to all and malice towards none, the policy of peaceful co-existence.
We are, therefore, following a positive non-aligned foreign policy by keeping ourselves
aloof from the military power blocs’ (Cited in Trivedi, 1999, p.336). In his September
1974 speech at the United Nations, Bangabandhu reiterated that ‘Bangladesh, from its
very inception, has adopted a non-aligned foreign policy based upon the principles of
peaceful co-existence and of friendship towards all’ (UN General Assembly, September
25, 1974, p.159). He further added that ‘Bangladesh will continue to strive for good
unneighborly relations with all of its neighbors on the basis of the principles of peaceful
co-existence, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and non-interference in
one another’s internal affairs’ (UN General Assembly, September 25, 1974, p.161).
Bangabandhu believed that ‘Bangladesh cannot afford to entangle itself in the
rivalries of super-power politics’ (The Bangladesh Times, June 20, 1975). Thus, he
strongly felt the urgency of non-aligned foreign policy. In the 1973 Commonwealth
conference, Bangabandhu reaffirmed that ‘We believe that non-alignment has been
a positive force and can materially contribute towards the reduction of tension and
building an environment of peace in the world’ (Trivedi, 1999, p.384).
The foreign policy principles of Bangabandhu helped Bangladesh to achieve
Bangladesh’s recognition from states around the world and build cooperative
partnerships. The current Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, AK Abdul Momen, claims
that ‘With a foreign policy dictum of “friendship to all and malice towards none”,
Bangabandhu made his mark amongst the international community within a very short
span of time (MOFA, Bangladesh, March 16, 2020).
Non-alignment and autonomy
Before I was arrested, we had published a statement protesting against the Pakistan-
American military pact. The Awami League’s policy was to pursue a foreign policy that
was independent and neutral. - Bangabandhu at Unfinished Memoirs, 2012, p. 286.
In May 1954, Pakistan signed military pact with the United States. Later, the
country joined some of the military pacts, i.e. Southeast Asia Treaty Organization
(SEATO), Central Treaty Organization (CENTO), and Baghdad Treaty. Bangabandhu
strongly protested that. Bangabandhu wrote in the mid-1950s,
The newly created state of Pakistan should have followed a neutral and independent
foreign policy. We should not have made enemies of any county. It was our duty to
become friends with all counties of the world. It should have been a sin for us to even
think of joining any military bloc since we should help maintain peace in the world and
since peace is imperative to ensure the economic welfare of the people of a country
(Rahman, 2012, p. 285).
10■ Hossain and Islam
Therefore, one can argue that the idea of peace, economic welfare, non-aligned
and independent foreign policy was conceived by Bangabandhu in the early 1950s
which influenced him shaping Bangladesh’s non-aligned and independent foreign
policy, focusing on the welfare of the people in the world which is explained in details
under ‘enlightened foreign policy’ approach. Consequently, after the emergence of
Bangladesh as a sovereign nation-state, we observe that non-alignment and autonomy
became two important keywords of Bangladesh foreign policy under Bangabandhu.
Non-alignment means ‘non-participation in military pacts with great powers, a
response to the Cold War and a product of the nationalism of the newly-independent
nations, one of the many means to secure the national interests of the non-aligned
states’ (Ratnam, 1970, p.261). In his March 1972 Moscow visit, Bangabandhu clarified
that ‘non-alignment that we have in mind does not mean an inactive or passive policy.
We propose to play a positive role in the comity of nations for the promotion of world
peace and security’ (Trivedi, 1999, p.104). Thus, the promotion of international peace
and solidarity has been enshrined in the Constitution of Bangladesh as one of the
fundamental principles of state policy under Bangabandhu. It is worthy to note that
Bangladesh emerged when Cold War was going on between the United States and
the Soviet Union. During the Cold War period, the whole world was divided into two
blocs, the American bloc and the Soviet bloc. In that context, the Third World countries
were the center of gravity for competition, rivalry and for the establishment of spheres
of influence between the United States and the Soviet Union (Badgley, 1970; Talbot,
1970; Wriggings, 1970).
Against such a backdrop, it was prudent to formulate a non-aligned foreign
policy as a war-torn Bangladesh needed cooperation both from the Eastern and
Western countries, from both capitalist and socialist countries, from the international
organizations, including the United Nations. And thus, friendship and cooperation
with all countries was the foreign policy motto of Bangladesh under Bangabandhu.
He wanted to make Bangladesh ‘The Switzerland of the East’, which signifies his
non-aligned foreign policy. Bangladesh’s joining in the Non-aligned Nations Club,
the Commonwealth, and the Islamic Summit Conference strengthened Bangladesh’s
position on non-aligned foreign policy. This policy helped Bangladesh address the
existing socio-economic challenges by developing good relations with all.
On the other hand, Bangladesh under Bangabandhu also ensured autonomy
through formulating and executing an independent foreign policy. Though critiques
argue that Bangladesh foreign policy was subservient to India, this paper argues
that Bangabandhu formulated an autonomous foreign policy. For instance, though
Bangladesh signed the Treaty of Friendship and Peace with India, what critiques
viewed negatively, the country [Bangladesh] raised its concerns and interests against
India, i.e. border sharing, water sharing, and maritime dispute resolution issues. In
addition, though India and China were engaged in rivalry due to their 1962 border
war, Bangladesh tried to develop relations with China that implies that Bangladesh
formulated an autonomous and independent foreign policy.
Journal of Bangladesh and Global Affairs ■ 11
Enlightened foreign policy approach
As a man, what concerns mankind concerns me. - Bangabandhu.
The above statement from Bangabandhu’s Unfinished Memoirs, reveals that
Bangabandhu’s thinking or concerns was not confined to Bengalis or Bangladesh only,
but he thought about the whole planet, mankind. Thus, Bangabandhu’s foreign policy
focused not only on the welfare and well-being of the people of Bangladesh but also on
the promotion of overall human welfare which can be defined as ‘enlightened approach’
to foreign policy. ‘Enlightened approach’ to foreign policy focuses not only on the
interest of a particular country but also on the countries of the world based on shared
prosperity and development and humanity at large. At the meeting of the Commonwealth
Heads of Government in Ottawa on 3 August 1973, Bangabandhu contended that an
‘enlightened approach’ to foreign policy becomes essential in ‘eliminating sources of
tension and conflict’. This approach to foreign policy argues that without tension and
conflict, states can concentrate on a peace-centric foreign policy approach focusing on
the well-being of the people across countries. For instance, Bangladesh was a strong
voice for the helpless, oppressed people in the world. Bangladesh strongly advocated
the interest of all developing countries on the global platforms.
In his speech at the United Nations, Bangabandhu reiterated that ‘Bangladesh,
from its very inception, should stand firmly by the side of the oppressed people of the
world’ (UN General Assembly, September 25, 1974, p.159). Indeed, this was reflected
in the conduct of Bangladesh’s international relations. For instance, in the post-war
time, though Bangladesh was struggling with its own reconstruction challenges, the
country made a token contribution of US$ 10,000 to the United Nations Disaster Relief
Coordinator’s Fund to help Nicaraguan earthquake victims in December 1972 (Office
of Public Information, 1973).
During his March 1973 Moscow visit, Bangabandhu, in his speech, reiterated
that ‘We [Bangladesh] believe that the Middle East problem must be resolved in
accordance with the Charter of the United Nations through peaceful means, and my
government will support all measures towards this end’ (Trivedi, 1999, p.104). In his
speech, Bangabandhu also urged the world community, including the Soviet Union, to
end the tragedy of the Vietnamese people. According to him, ‘Peace can be achieved
only if all foreign forces are withdrawn leaving the people of Vietnam to decide their
own destiny. On our part, we shall support all initiatives for peace not only in Southeast
Asia but all over the world’ (Trivedi, 1999, p.104).
In addition, Bangabandhu spoke for a ‘just international economic order’
for the benefit of all. For instance, during his speech at the UN General Assembly,
Bangabandhu pronounced that ‘The great economic upheavals that have recently
shaken the entire world should generate a sense of urgency for building a just
international economic order’ (UN General Assembly, September 25, 1974, p.160).
Bangabandhu also emphasized ‘sharing of technology and resources on a global
scale, so that men everywhere can begin to enjoy the minimal conditions of a decent
12■ Hossain and Islam
life’ (UN General Assembly, September 25, 1974, p.160). These examples reveal that
Bangladesh pursued an ‘enlightened approach’ to foreign policy under Bangabandhu
regime, which was concerned about the broader well-being of the nations of the
world.
Constitutional provisions as the greatest achievements and powerful display of peaceful
foreign policy
The 1972 Constitution of Bangladesh provides guiding principles for the country’s
peaceful foreign policy and international relations. This can be identified as the most
outstanding achievement for Bangladesh’s foreign policy discourse. Article 25 of the
Constitution is about ‘Promotion of international peace, security and solidarity’ where
it is stated that:
The State shall base its international relations on the principles of respect for national
sovereignty and equality, non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries,
peaceful settlement of international disputes, and respect for international law and
the principles enunciated in the United Nations Charter, and on the basis of those
principles shall –
(a) strive for the renunciation of the use of force in international relations and for
general and complete disarmament;
(b) uphold the right of every people freely to determine and build up its own social,
economic and political system by ways and means of its own free choice; and
(c) support oppressed peoples throughout the world waging a just struggle against
imperialism, colonialism or racialism (Ministry of Law, n.d.).
In addition, Article 63 deals with the issue of war while Article 145 (1) deals with
international treaties. These constitutional provisions reveal the peaceful nature of
Bangladesh foreign policy and international relations.
Recognition and economic diplomacy at the heart of Bangladesh foreign policy
In the initial stages, Bangladesh focused on both recognition and economic diplomacy
simultaneously. On the one hand, Bangladesh needed recognition from the international
community. On the other hand, Bangladesh needed to address the socio-economic
challenges in the war-torn country. Thus, recognition and economic diplomacy became
two critical focuses of Bangladesh foreign policy under Bangabandhu regime.
At the first press conference in London on 8 January 1972, Bangabandhu
drew attention to the international community concerning granting recognition and
establishing diplomatic relations with Bangladesh. After returning to Bangladesh from
London, during addressing the public at Suhrawardy Uddyan (Race Course, Dhaka)
on 10 January 1972, Bangabandhu reasserted that ‘I appeal to all free countries of
the world to recognize Bangladesh without any delay and help her in becoming a
member of the UN’ (Trivedi, 1999, p.65). As a result, by 8 December 1972, 96 states
accorded recognition to Bangladesh as a sovereign nation-state, including the Soviet
Union, Australia, Germany (both East and West), United Kingdom, Japan. Bangladesh
Journal of Bangladesh and Global Affairs ■ 13
also pursued strong recognition diplomacy bilaterally and multilaterally to attain
Bangladesh’s entry into international organizations, including the United Nations
and its special bodies. Thus one can argue that recognition diplomacy dominated the
foreign policy discourse of Bangladesh under Bangabandhu at the very early phase of
his regime.
Bangladesh’s economic diplomacy during the Bangabandhu period mainly
focused on aid, trade, and infrastructural cooperation. In a conversation with the
Australian Foreign Minister on 28 May 1972, Bangladesh Foreign Minister noted that
‘furthering trade and economic interest’ is one of the critical priorities of Bangladesh
foreign policy (Trivedi, 1999, p.167). To face the post-war challenges of the country,
economic cooperation in the form of trade, loans, grants, food aid, and other commodity
aid was essential for Bangladesh, which was achieved by employing economic
diplomacy. In fact, Bangladesh pursued an active foreign policy focusing on the socio-
economic needs of the people of the country. And economic diplomacy (focusing on
aid, trade, and economic cooperation) was the key tool to addressing socio-economic
needs. Therefore, countries from Asia, Europe, North America, Africa, the Middle East
and Oceania expanded their cooperative hand to Bangladesh due to Bangabandhu’s
firm and active economic diplomacy.
Bangladesh also developed trade relations with countries around the world.
For instance, soon after independence, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and
the United Kingdom emerged as major trading partners of Bangladesh. European
Economic Community (EEC) became Bangladesh’s most significant single export
destination between 1972 and 1974. In total, Bangladesh exported US$ 206.73 million
worth of products while it imported US$ 363.24 million worth of products between
1972 and 1974. The United States emerged as Bangladesh’s largest single trading
partner in terms of exports and imports. In fact, Bangabandhu realized the importance
of developing relations with the superpowers, including the United States, despite its
opposition in the 1971 Liberation War of Bangladesh. Indeed, economic diplomacy
inspired Bangabandhu to deepen Bangladesh’s relations with the United States, despite
criticisms from some corners of the country. The United States has remained the
single largest export destination for Bangladesh since Bangabandhu’s time. Hence,
recognition and economic diplomacy were key diplomatic strategies of Bangladesh
under the Bangabandhu regime.
Migration diplomacy
Creating economic opportunities abroad for the country’s unemployed people became
one of the critical priorities of Bangladesh foreign policy under the Bangabandhu
regime. According to the government statistics, the number of unemployed persons in
Bangladesh was recorded at 78, 00,000 in July 1974. Consequently, the Bangabandhu
Government tried to explore manpower export possibilities in the African and oil-rich
Middle Eastern countries by employing migration diplomacy. For instance, it was
reported that in May 1974, a delegation from Uganda interviewed 3000 applicants in
Dhaka. Among the applicants included 679 doctors, 786 experienced teachers. The
14■ Hossain and Islam
rest were engineers, graduate teachers, and lawyers. At the first stage, Uganda sent an
appointment letter for 78 applicants. Moreover, in July 1974, it was reported that at the
government level, Bangladesh opened a manpower recruitment center in Abu Dhabi,
United Arab Emirates. It is also worthwhile noting that during the official visit of Sir
Alec Douglas-Home, M.P., Principal Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth
Affairs of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in Bangladesh, Bangladesh Foreign
Minister requested the British Government to adopt liberal policies on the question of
entry of Bangladeshi nationals to the United Kingdom.
Regional cooperation
Bangladesh emphasized regional cooperation in its foreign policy from the very
beginning. In Bangladesh, it is widely perceived that normal, peaceful and improved
relations between South Asian countries are essential for the socio-economic
development of the region. Thus, Bangladesh under Bangabandhu employed a dynamic
and constructive foreign policy focusing on the well-being of the people of South Asia.
Bangabandhu as the head of the state, strongly believed that improved bilateral relations
based on mutual trust, non-interference in other state’s affairs, and reciprocity would
be beneficial to everyone. Therefore, maintaining close understanding and cooperation
with the neighboring countries was one of the critical objectives of Bangladesh foreign
policy under the Bangabandhu regime. Rabindranath Trivedi contends that the origin of
the South Asian regional cooperation (SAARC) needs to be dated back to Bangabandhu’s
speech during his India visit on 6 February 1972, where he unambiguously spoke for
the necessity of regional cooperation. In the words of Bangabandhu:
It is my earnest hope that there will at least be peace and stability in the sub-continent.
Let there be an end, once for all, to the sterile policy of confrontation between
neighbours. Let us not fritter away our national resources but use them to lift the
standard of living of our people. As for us, we will not be found wanting to co-operate
with all concerned for creating an area of peace in South Asia where we could live
side by side as good neighbours and pursue constructive policies for the benefit of
our peoples. History will not forgive us if we fail in this challenging task. In a world
torn by distrust and friction, achievement of peace and stability in this region can be a
model of others (Trivedi, 1999, p.81-82)
Though Bangabandhu did not mention SAARC, he felt the necessity of a regional
organization for South Asian peace and prosperity. In addition, in its foreign policy,
Bangladesh also expanded the idea of regional cooperation from the terrestrial to the
maritime domain. Instead of great power competitions over spheres of influence in
the Indian Ocean region, Bangladesh emphasized making the region a zone of peace
and cooperation. Bangladesh under Bangabandhu believed that Indian Ocean Region
(IOR), free from competition, would be imperative for establishing Asian and world
peace and cooperation.
Multilateralism
Multilateralism matters. It is argued that ‘multilateralism is a more demanding form
of cooperation than that of unilateralism or bilateralism’ (Fukushima, 1999, p.11).