Financing Armed Conflict Volume 2 resourcing us military interventions from the spanish-american war to vietnam Thomas M. Meagher Financing Armed Conflict, Volume 2 Thomas M. Meagher Financing Armed Conflict, Volume 2 Resourcing US Military Interventions from the Spanish-American War to Vietnam Thomas M. Meagher Armstrong State University Savannah, Georgia, USA ISBN 978-1-137-54992-1 ISBN 978-1-137-54993-8 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-54993-8 Library of Congress Control Number: 2016953847 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the pub- lisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. Cover illustration: © Lebrecht Music and Arts Photo Library / Alamy Stock Photo Printed on acid-free paper This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature The registered company is Nature America Inc. The registered company address is: 1 New York Plaza, New York, NY 10004, U.S.A. In loving memory of Thomas Francis Meagher—a man whose life was a daily inspiration to everyone who knew him. P reface “Wars are not decided exclusively by military and naval force; finance is scarcely less important. When all other things are equal, it is the longer purse that wins.”1 For some time now, there has been an ongoing academic debate regarding an “American Way of War”. This debate has its roots in the work of mili- tary historian Hans Delbruck, who, in his landmark analysis of the German army, argued that there were two strategic approaches to modern warfare: annihilation and attrition.2 With this framework in mind, Russell Weigley argued that the United States has, since the Civil War, pursued a strategy of annihilation.3 Brian McAllister Linn by contrast argued the opposite; that is, the United States instead has employed both approaches.4 Antulio Ecchevaria and other distinguished military historians have also weighed in with opinions on the subject. However, I believe that a pure focus on military strategy and opera- tions misses a critical point; any discussion of an American War of War must include a detailed analysis of political, economic and financial fac- tors as well. Why study the interaction between politics, strategy, military history, finance and economics? While a substantial amount of scholarly work exists relative to politics, strategy and military operations, the study of the study of the resource management of armed conflict, by contrast, is a relatively under researched sub-concentration of military history and national security policy for two primary reasons. First, this subject matter falls outside of the traditional boundaries associated with military history, as historian John Lynn notes: vii viii PREFACE “To me, the essence of military history is combat; it is what makes our sub- ject unique. The life and death nature of war defines attitudes and practices within militaries, even in peacetime and even in elements of the military which are not directly in harm’s way.”5 Secondly, war resourcing is also viewed by many historians as an exclu- sively economic as opposed to a military issue. The most influential pro- ponents of this thesis were Mary and Charles Beard and Louis Hacker. The Beards regarded the Civil War as a watershed resulting in the “rise of capitalism”.6 Yet, as Chester Wright noted: “In the Revolution, the direct outlay, Continental and state expenditures were probably not over one hundred fifty million specie value and the post war reaction was relatively brief. Government outlay was under ninety mil- lion, but the post war depression, while slower in appearing, was more seri- ous; yet some of this should be attributed to the abnormal stimulation given the country’s economy before 1812 by the European wars. The Civil War losses must have achieved much greater proportions. The direct govern- ment outlay in the Union alone was over five billion dollars and the process of readjustment was not completed before 1878.”7 Economic historian Herman Krooss calculated that “each of America’s three wars (following the War of 1812) cost ten and one half times the previous one; the Civil War cost the United States over three billion dol- lars, World War One over thirty three billion dollars, and World War Two approximately three hundred and sixty billion dollars”.8 This leads to a question: what are the goals and concerns of the finan- cial system in the event of war? Jonathan Kirshner argues that “Bankers dread war. More precisely, financial communities within states favor cautious national security strategies and are acutely averse to war and to politics that risk war. This general rule holds across time and place, in a wide variety of political and economic settings. Finance wants macroeco- nomic stability. Because war is largely incompatible with macroeconomic stability, the financial community is especially leery of risking armed conflict. This disposition is an important influence in contemporary international relations and will remain so long as financial globalization endures.”9 Thus, while financial and economic forces have and were not been the main cause of American wars, they often played an important role in pushing the nation towards war. The role of finance and economics in PREFACE ix war and peace therefore is still an important component in the study of military history and the development of future national security policy, particularly as the United States faces some grim new realities attempting to finance its current defense establishment in light of current threats. The negative consequence of armed conflict upon the financial system is well known: extraordinary government expenditures resulting in higher taxes, increased debt levels, currency debasement, post war deficits, and inflation. Still, bankers have been financing and resourcing armed conflict since the beginnings of the modern financial system in the early fifteenth century. If financiers are that leery of the consequences of armed conflict, why should this be? In this book, I make the argument that, despite the disinclination towards war, there were significant incentives to providing financial and resource management support to individual rulers and nation states in times of war. This is particularly true when considering the mili- tary history and national security policy of the United States of America. This book utilizes from two different approaches: • A qualitative methodology that seeks to analyze the resourcing of American armed conflict through the study of political, economic, military and other cultural factors • At the same time, utilizing a quantifiable methodology that supports conclusions drawn from the above By analyzing the resourcing of American armed conflicts utilizing a limited number of quantifiable variables (internal and external taxes, loans, fiscal policy, monetary policy, and debt policy for example), and a series of other political, strategic, military, and economic factors, can an argu- ment be made that the United States possesses a “strategic resourcing culture” when it comes to national security and has this contributed to “an American way of war”? The answer to these questions is yes, although the relative mix of war financing and resourcing techniques varies from administration to administration historically subject to differing political, economic, and military philosophies and other geopolitical factors. Moreover, I argue that there have been three distinct stages of American war financing: individual financiers (the Revolution to the War of 1812); investment banks, domestic, and foreign financial markets (the Mexican- American War through the Spanish-American War); and government public finance, specifically the use of income taxes, the printing press and supplemental funding (World War One to the present). x PREFACE Adopting this analytical approach allows for direct comparison between the conflict finance and resource management approaches of different administrations and the establishment of a theory of U.S. strategic finan- cial culture. In addition, the theory can be used in a predictive manner as well. For example, such a model provides a basis of comparison between the geopolitical, military, economic, and financial factors colonial America faced in its relations with Great Britain and the U.S.’s current relation- ship with the Peoples Republic of China (a major trading partner with a dominant or resurgent military capability conceivably posing a threat to American independence or national security interests), giving U.S. deci- sion makers some historical perspective in future policy formulation. With this analytic framework in mind, the book explores why various U.S. administrations chose the war resource management options they did and how these different choices were influenced by the political, strategic, operational, economic, and financial environments at the time. It does so by incorporating existing analytical models encompassing a wide variety of disciplines such as politics, classical military theory, and political economy, utilizing the “ends, ways, and means” analytical framework developed by the U.S. Army War College. At the end of each chapter, I then answer three specific questions regarding ends, ways and means and whether the combatants were successful in achieving their desired objectives.10 An important caveat: while the manuscript takes a best of breed approach in integrating the models that have been developed in each of these areas, it has been developed as a survey level textbook. I am not a politician, career military officer or an economist; to that end, the under- lying philosophy of the book is based on an old saying senior American non-commissioned officers have about junior officers—“they are knowl- edgeable enough to be dangerous”. In other words, while I possess some level of expertise in politics, strategy and operations, economics, and the financial markets, there is no detailed analysis of American political history, Clausewitz’s thoughts, the mechanics behind the economics of national security, or specific schools of thought on fiscal, monetary and debt pol- icy. While these subjects are referenced in the text, the reader desiring additional information on a specific subject matter will be directed to the appropriate detailed source. In order to properly map, analyze and support this thesis, this book is divided into six chapters. With the exception of chapter one (Defining U.S. Strategic Resourcing Culture), each chapter relating to an American conflict is further subdivided into three sections: a pre-war analysis using PREFACE xi the strategic resourcing cultural model outlined above, a side by side chronological recounting of the important political, military, and resource management (economic and financial) events during the conflict in order to assess how political and operational factors impacted war time finance and supply actions; and finally, an analysis of how the post war strategic resourcing culture changed in both the short and long term. The book concludes with a series of recommendations for future defense planning efforts, in particular, a new long range planning structure based on the current U.S. National Security Council (NSC), many of which have been outlined by other subject matter experts in the field. This model is out- lined in chapter one. The narrative concludes by answering the question “Does the United States possess a strategic resourcing culture in resourcing its armed con- flicts and has this led to “an American way of war”? I believe it has although there is a strong argument to be made that this culture and its impact on American policy, strategy and military operations has and will continue to undergo a radical shift as the nature of threats and the impact of resource constraints evolve over time. Thomas M. Meagher Savannah, Georgia Notes 1. Julian Corbett. Some Principles of Maritime Strategy, (Mineola, NY: Dover Publications, 2012), 102. 2. Hans Delbruck, History of the Art of War, Vol. I-IV, (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1997). 3. Russell Weigley, An American Way of War, (Bloomington, IN: University of Indiana Press, 1977). 4. Brian McAllister Linn, “The American Way of War Revisited”, Journal of Military History, vol. 66, no.2, (2002), 501–530. 5. John Lynn. “Rally Once Again”, The Military History Foundation, http://www.militaryhistoryfoundation.org/resources/lynn.html, accessed February 4th, 2015. 6. Charles and Mary Beard, The History of the United States, (New York: MacMillan, 1921).
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