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345 Pages·2001·23.46 MB·English

University of Alberta
The Limits and Potential of Civic Nationalism:
The Case of the Scottish National P w
A thesis submitted to the Facuify of Graduate Studies and Research in partial
fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Political Science
Edmonton, Alberta
Fall2000
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ABSTRACT
Nationdism, justifiably, has been vifified for its chauvinistic, atavistic and
exclusionary characteristics. Overlooked by many observers is the potential of national
to serve a a foundation for colIective action which may then be used for progressive
political purposes. This thesis examines the potential of the civic-nationalist discourse
of the Scottish National party to serve as a non-ethnic, non-exclusionary social
movement for the enhancement of Scottish democracy and sovereignty. Issues of
sovereignty, identity and sovereignty are examined through an analysis of the officia1
discourse of the party. The t h e areas examined are critical features of a nationdist
party's discourse. A thorough exarnination of each yields the evidence on which to
draw conclusions about the lirnits and potential of civic nationalism for providing the
foundation for local resistance to neo-liberal globalization. The discussion of
sovereignty considers the impact of economic globalization and Scotland's membership
in the European Union. The volatility of the gIoba1 oil market and the mobility of
financial capital constitute threats to the objectives of the Scottish National Party's
social policy agenda. The European Union also threatens to intrude upon Scottish
sovereignty by reducing the scope for independent policy-making by a Scottish
government. Identity is examined in order to determine the cornmitment of the Scottish
National party to a non-ethnic, non-exclusive conception of political community. The
party has made a determined effort to transcend societal cleavages of gender, race,
religion and sexual identity within the limitations of the party's broad cornmitment to
Iiberal values of equality. Finally, the extent to which the Scottish National Party's civic
nationalism cm create the conditions for a robust and renewed Scottish democracy is
andyzed. The party's cornmitment to a written constitution, as well as electoral reform
contains the promise of remedying the democratic deficit with which Scotland has had
to deal with in the United Kingdom.
DEDICATION
To my parents, who sacrificed so much for their children.
There is only one author attached to this thesis, but 1 can thank a number of
people whose invaluable assistance made this project possible. My parents sacrificed so
much to enable me to pursue graduate studies and patiently waited for me to finish. My
sister and brother-in-Iaw were behind me too. 1 couldn't have completed without their
support.
My supervisor, Laurie Adkin, was patient and attentive. She is a supervisor's
supervisor. 1 have Iearned a great deal fmm her over these years. In tough times she
was an understanding friend and this thesis could never have been compIeted without
her rernarkable tenacity and attention to detail.
Gratitude is also extended to the members of my cornmittee, particularly Gord
Laxer and Fred Judson, who patiently read drafts and made constmctive criticisms.
They offered encouragement when needed and pushed me when 1 needed to be. Also, 1
shouId thank Ian Urquhart who has gone beyond the cd1 of duty as Graduate Chair.
1 must also ùiank various members of the Scottish National Party, the Scottish
Union For Civil Liberties, Cynog Dafis of Plaid Cymru, A. Sivanandan, and Tirn
Ewart of the Equality Network for submitting to interviews with a Canadian stranger.
The thesis is stronger for their contribution. Whatever the views of those interviewed,
they are dedicated to the bettement of their respective societies.
1w ant to acknowledge the many friends 1m et in Alberta. 1 didn't know a sou1
when 1 amved on a bus so many years ago and 1 am much ncher for having met so
many fine people. 1 am delighted to c d F rancis Abiew, Tom Butko, Pat Daley, Paul
Gecelowsky, Rob Groves, Terry and Kealy Kading, Darin Nesbitt, Dimiti Panopalis,
Marc Poulin, and Pat and Kirnrny Irnpero Wilson lifelong fiends. In their own way,
each made my doctoral expenence more pleasant.
Finally, I shouId acknowledge the Faculty of Graduate Studies for travel
assistance 1 was awarded for two trips to the UK. Also, I want to thank Elizabeth
McGregor for her generous gift and Rob MacGregor for his cornputer wizardry.
Table of Contents
Part One
Introduction
Chapter Outline
1 Civic Nationalism and Collective Action
Nationaiism: Some Definitions
Civic Nationalism, State Sovereignty and Globalbation
Democratic Responses to Neo-liberal Globakation
Civic Nationalism and IrreducibIe Pluralism
Conclusion
2 Methodology
The Scottish Case
Research Methods and Design
Analyzing the Discourse of the SNP
Conclusion
3 The Development of Political
Nationalism In Scotland
After Union
The SNP and Its Antecedents
Conclusion
Part Two
4 The Politicai Economy of Scottish
Nationalism
Sovereignty and Economic Nationalism:
ShT Oil Policy
Post-Independence Economic PoLlcy
Economic Models: Eire? Norway?
5 The Turn Towards Europe
Independence in Europe: Myth and Reality
Scotland in Post-Maastricht Europe
What is Sovereignty For?
Conclusion
Part Three
6 Scotfish Identities and the SNP
Scottish Ideotity and the SNP
Feminisrn and Nationalism
Gay and Lesbian Scotland
Regional Cleavage
Ethnicity, Religion and National Identity
Sectarian Divisions
Societal CIeavage and the SNT
Class and Nationalism
A Peculiar Nationalism
7 Independence: A Prerequisite for Scottish Democracy?
British Democracy
Devolutionary Politics
D evolution
Devolution Since 1979
The SNP Critique of British Politics
The 1998 Scotland Act
Democracy and Independence
Conclusion
Conclusion
References
Appendix A
List of Tables
Table Page
1 Interviews 74
2 National Identity in Scotland, 1992 (percent) 93
3 Support for Party by Class (percent) 97
4 Electoral Performance of the Scottish National Party 1945- 1997 101
5 Liquid Fuel Production and Consumption in ~etajobles(1 995) 110
6 Oil Prices $US/barreI 1960- 1995 (19 90 constant) 112
7 National Identity by P a q P reference (lune 1994) (percent) i 94
8 Support for Constitutional Options by Gender (Scotland 1997) 20 1
9 Women Candidates in Generd Elections, 1970-1997 (Scotland) 209
10 Racial Incidents Reported to Scottish Police Forces, 1988- 1993 236
1 1 Percentage Voting for Political Parties by Religion (1992 and 1979) 245
12 Powers Devolved to Holyrood 272
13 1997 Scottish Referendum Result 274
14 Constitutional Option by Self Declared Partisanship, Nov. 1997. 274
15 Seat Breakdown at Holyrood, 1999 279
16 National Identity by Country (UK) 285
Maps
Scotland
1997 Scottish General Election Results
19 94 European Election Results
1975 EEC Referendum Results
Gas and Oil Fields
Employrnent Volatility in Oil Sector
Manuf acturing Employment
Minonty Representation in Scottish Police Forces
1997 Devolution Referendum Results
Introduction
NationaIist movements in Western democracies are in a process of transition.
Scholarship has been ambivalent about the potential for nationalism to adhere to
fundamental democratic principles in Light of the numerous human tragedies fostered by
atavistic nationalism over the course of the century. Yet, the 'micro-nationalisms' of
Westem Europe have held considerable appeal for me. Like biblical Davids, they have
s tniggled for recognition and autonomy for particular cornmuni ties. Against enormous
odds, icdigenous minority cultures have sought to came a space within which the
lepacy of generations rnight be perrnitted to survive and perhaps even recapture a degree
of previously held autonomy and self-determination.1 Recent examples of such renais-
sance can be seen in France, Spain, and in Wales, where bilingual education and mass
media have revived Welsh. These stmggles seem quite distinct from the nationalisms
which have been so often vilified, justly, by liberals and socialists alike. 1 agree with
the view expressed by Balibar and Wallerstein (Ngf, 45) that: "we have no right
whatever to equate the nationalism of the dominant with that of the dominated, the
nationalism of liberation with the nationalism of conquest" and we must attend to "the
oppressive potentialities contained within every nationalism." Nationalism is an
umbrella term for a variety of politicd agendas. Any andysis must be sensitive to this.
Contrary to the expectations of rnodemization theorists who dominated
comparative political science in the L96Os, expressions of cultural-territorial
distinctiveness persist in the very States which were held to be the midwives of
technocratic modernization. In the face of the proliferation of sameness, itself a by-
product of the export of Anglo-Amencan cultural and economic imperialism (now
referred to as globalization), expressions of resistance make themselves heard. This
I 1 am not referring here to transplanted minorhies whether immigrants or
refugees who are also beset with confiicting desires to maintain cherished traditions
while adopting cultural features of their adopted homelands. 1 am considering peoples
who live in a temtory long considered their "native" land.