Euro-English Accents

46 Pages·2005·0.32 MB·Swedish

Lund University
Department of Linguistics

Euro-English Accents-
Pride and Prejudice

Britta Larson Bergstedt

C-level essay in General Linguistics
Spring Term 2005
Supervisor: Gisela H(cid:229)kansson
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1 Introduction ............................................................................................ 1
1.1 Research interest 1
1.2 Purpose 1
2 English Background ............................................................................... 2
2.1 Across the world 2
2.2 In Europe 2
2.3 In Sweden 3
3 Language and Identity ........................................................................... 3
3.1 Euro-English origins 3
3.2 Euro-English findings 4
3.3 Personal and group identity 4
3.4 Connection between identity and language 5
3.5 Consequences 6
4 Language Attitudes ............................................................................... 7
4.1 Social factors 7
4.1.1 Cultural stereotypes 7
4.1.2 Contact 7
4.1.2 Caveat 7
4.2 Responses 8
4.3 Attitude Research 8
4.3.1 Theoretical 8
4.3.2 Practical 9
4.3.3 Ground for this study 10
5 Hypotheses ............................................................................................ 10
6 Method .................................................................................................. 11
6.1 Variables 11
6.2 Material 11
6.2.1 Recordings 11
6.2.2 Speakers 12
6.2.3 Questionnaire 12
6.3 Participants 13
Table 1 ........ 13
6.4 Procedure 13
7 Results .................................................................................................... 14
7.1 Hypothesis One Tables 7.1.1, 7.1.2, 7.1.3 14
7.2 Hypothesis Two Graphs 1-9 16
7.3 Hypothesis Three 20
Table 7.3.1 ........ 20
Table 7.3.2, 7.3.3 ......21
Table 7.3.4 ........ 22
8 Discussion ............................................................................................. 23
8.1 Summary of results 23
8.2 Implications 23
8.3 Limitations 26
8.4 Conclusion 27
9 Literature ............................................................................................... 28
10 Appendix ............................................................................................. 30

10.1 The Rainbow Passage 30
10.2 Attitude scale 30
10.3 Identification task 31
10.4 Non-contact identification 32

10.5 Contact identification 33

Abstract
This study considered whether or not 20 female Swedish high school students (the
(cid:145)listeners(cid:146)) responded differently to and to what extent were able to correctly identify nine
European female non-native English speakers and if contact amounting to more than one
month with a foreign culture affected their reponses. The connection between identity and
language, Euro-English and attitude studies serve as a background to an 18 question 6-
point Likert scale language attitude survey based on power, solidarity, and competence
qualities. The resulting data revealed that differences were perceived by listeners and that
the amount of contact may somewhat negatively affect attitudes, scoring and accent
identification.
1 Introduction

1.1 Research Interest
Like many other mammals, human beings are complex social animals that are
fundamentally built to rely on the group for survival while still possessing the skills to
endure alone. Although our metacognition skills may distinguish humans from other
groups of mammals, our lack of, among other things, sufficient fur, has left us at a
disadvantage in the natural environment and thereby even more dependent on a well-
structured and effective social network. Individuals are fundamentally aware of the social
hierarchy surrounding them and of their place in it. It is no wonder then, that upon
meeting unknown people, we both consciously and subconsciously listen and look for
clues displaying rank so that we know how to behave (Trudgill, 2000).

A person(cid:146)s language often serves as a sort of index, or (cid:145)scent marker(cid:146) if you will, of one(cid:146)s
life by displaying geographical and social origin, as well as some of one(cid:146)s ideas and
opinions. It is apparent in the animal kingdom that scent markers, vocalizations, and
similar cues incite a response in the listener and help to determine whether a stranger is
friend or foe. As territorial animals, what kind of reactions do strange and different accents
provoke within us, the listeners? Is our response based on previous contact with a
particular group and the stereotypes associated with them? Does the amount of time
we(cid:146)ve spent abroad in general affect our reply? And without the sensitive olfactory organs
of other mammals, how accurately can we actually identify these vocal (cid:145)scent markers(cid:146)?
Are we able to discriminate between them, and most importantly, do we truly recognize
our own? As the world continues to contract, we have the opportunity to interact with
more and more people outside of our own flock than ever before. How do we react to
them and how will they react to us?

1.2 Purpose
The main aim of this study is to investigate the response of non-native English speakers,
specifically, Swedish female students, towards European (female) foreign accents in
spoken English. Are there differences between the attitudes towards different accents? In
that case, is the difference in perceived Power, Solidarity, or Competence? What kind of
hierarchy is created? How capable are Swedish high school students of correctly
identifying a particular accent as coming from a particular country including their own?
And does spending time in a foreign country affect the attitudes and judgements made?

2 English Background

2.1 Across the world
It is difficult to pinpoint the exact start of the English language(cid:146)s rise to its current status
of fame and fortune, but historians and linguists often link it to coincide with the start of
the British Empire and colonization of parts of Africa, Asia and the Americas. English is
the mother tongue of Great Britain, the United States of America, Ireland and many
countries formerly gathered under the British crown. English is not, however, the world
language with the most native speakers, but rather the one with the most total speakers
(Svartvik, 1999). The global spread of English has quickly surpassed that of former power
languages such as French and Latin.

English is not only the language of Shakespeare and Mark Twain; it is the language used
around the world in air traffic control, travel, movies, music, business, science and
technology. English is being used more and more frequently in the inter-communication
between two, three or more non-native speakers; that is to say, the world is using English
to communicate with each other, not just with America, England, and other countries
where English is native (Smith, 1983). Although English continues to be the cultural
language of native speakers, it has lost its cultural baggage abroad. It is commonplace to
discuss politics in English without regard to the British or American standpoint and
possible to protest, in English, against the influence of English upon one(cid:146)s native tongue.
2.2 In Europe
While large portions of the globe came under the influence of English between the 16th
and 19th century, this was not really the case in Europe. Not until after World War II did
English truly begin to flourish, sweeping across Europe at an uneven pace, starting in the
west and spreading eastward after the fall of the Iron Curtain. It was also around 1945
that American English began to exert a stronger influence than its predecessor from the
British Isles. Since that time American English has dominated the European and world
scene primarily through influence of media, technology and power while British English
has predominated the educational systems. Internationalization and increased mobility
have also played their part and as Cevoz & Jessner noted (cid:148)It requires little linguistic
sensitivity to note the omnipresence of English in Europe today(cid:148)(2000, p. 24). Currently
English is one of 20 official languages of the European Union yet enjoys a privileged
status as one of three working languages and as the unofficial status quo. Surveys financed
by the EU have shown that it is the most used and most learned language with an entire
31% knowing English well enough to hold a conversation (Europa website, 2004).
Despite current and probable future opposition, English will undoubtedly continue to play
an important role in Europe and in European cooperation.

2.3 In Sweden
In comparison with the rest of Europe, Sweden has long had an advantage concerning
English. As some of the first countries in Europe to require English as the first second
language learned, Sweden and other Scandinavian countries are well known for their
proficiency. With ready access to quality educational material, British English was the
standard taught for many years. This requirement has since been revoked and though still
largely British-influenced, schools now teach American and other varieties of English as
well. English is used daily in business, in higher education and even in many parts of public
life.
3 Language and Identity

3.1 Euro-English origins
The English language is often considered a cultural byproduct and export of England and
America - a language, like others, inseparable from its literature and history. In many
universities and other institutions, the demand and desire exists that learners of a second
language should try to produce as near-native pronunciation as possible. This has been
supported by studies that have shown that native listeners respond more positively to
lightly or unnoticeably accented speech. For the majority of learners, this task is
impossible and therefore, the feasibility and need for this goal, at least in English, is being
reevaluated (Dalton-Puffer, et al.,1997).

English today functions as an international language, a (cid:145)free agent(cid:146) in society. Released
from cultural constraints, many non-native speakers agree it is no longer necessary to
imitate the pronunciation (or other language features) of the standard varieties but instead
have begun to mark English as their own. Accordingly, English in Europe is losing its
foreignness and becoming nativized. This does not, however, deter from that fact that
English still must be understandable, pertinent, and accepted by the community (Smith,
1983).

In Europe widespread use is leading to one or more non-native varieties dubbed (cid:148)Euro-
English(cid:148) or European English (Modiano 1996, Crystal 1995 in Cenoz & Jessner, 2000)
which differ from standard native varieties of English. These new varieties of Euro-English
are similar to other (cid:148)New Englishes(cid:148) in that they are not the result of a pidgin but rather
education and exposure. As Crystal (2003) mentioned, it is a divergent variety of English
that appears when different nationalities communicate in English. They will adapt and
modify their speech while still exhibiting features (i.e. interference) from their native
tongues. If these speakers are European, the result is an original variety of (cid:145)Euro-English.(cid:146)
What makes these new varieties different from standard English varieties is the mother
tongue interference normally called (cid:145)errors(cid:146) by native speakers and English teachers is not
a limitation, a distraction, or a hindrance. Instead, these (cid:145)errors(cid:146) become standardized,
regular and accepted as part of a nativised European English .

Another explanation for the appearance of (cid:148)Euro-English(cid:148) is the fact that language is the
primary vehicle for a culture; it is the wisdom of centuries passed on and preserved
generation to generation. When a language meets with death it is not replaced by a new
linguistic culture but rather compromises between the old language and the new one,
creating a new variety that is neither one nor the other (Kramsch, 1998). Certainly this is
somewhat the case with the Euro-English varieties; in a similar fashion speakers move
their language features and accent over into spoken English in order to stamp themselves
as belonging to that particular group (and not a native English one) thus creating a new
variety that is neither English nor their mother tongue - it is Euro-English.

3.2 Euro-English findings
In studies concerning Euro-English, several different results have been documented. Some
studies have shown that speakers prefer their own nativised English over standard
varieties, for example Amsterdam English. Broeders and Gussenhoven at Nijmegen
University in the Netherlands presented a study in which they presented several English
accents as models for new students, among them RP (Received Pronunciation), Scots
English, and (cid:148)Amsterdam English(cid:148) (cited in Ketteman, 1993). The students(cid:146) attitudes
showed clearly that (cid:148)Amsterdam English(cid:148) was received positively while RP was not very
popular. (cid:148)This sort of attitude, i.e. showing preference for an indigenous variety, even
though another variety may be more prestigious, is concordant with sociolingistic findings
in English-speaking communities(cid:148) (Kettemann, 1993, p. 141).

However a study done by Dalton-Puffer, et al, in Austria in 1997 with university students
of English showed just the opposite. The standard native English accents, such as RP and
General American, were clearly preferred over the non-native versions. However these
results also displayed the importance of personal contact and experience with a language.
Clear preference was shown for the native varieties to which the students had had most
access to during their schooling and during study abroad/home stays. The students with
more exposure to native speakers of English in their native environment had much more
personal, situation-based reactions (rather than rigid stereotypes) than those who did not
have exposure.

3.3 Personal and group (cid:237)dentity
Contradictory results like those above are not uncommon. They can be at least partially
explained by the social identity theory which states that (cid:148)people will exhibit a preference
for the variety of language that is associated with their most salient in-group(cid:148) (from
Lambert, 1967 cited in Bresnahan, et al., 2002, p. 608). Both of these studies reflect the
importance of one(cid:146)s social network and of one(cid:146)s personal and group identity. Identity is a
term borrowed from the realm of social psychology and is defined as (cid:148)a person(cid:146)s mental
representation of who he or she is(cid:148) (Bernstein, et al, 1994, p.608). A person(cid:146)s identity
results from a basic tension between the necessity to be similar to those around us, group
identity, and a simultaneous desire to feel unique, personal identity. A group is
characterized by two or more people with not only physical but also functional interaction.
Groups are also important in establishing values and norms and therein impose a social
impact on the individual depending on the strength, immediacy, and number of the group.
Both personal and group identities differ along lines of gender and culture.

Group identity may be based on any of several possible factors; among the most salient
factors are ethnicity, nationality, and religion. Trudgill (2000) expressed the point that
people have a much easier time identifying themselves as (cid:148)Jewish(cid:148) or (cid:148)Black(cid:148) rather than
(cid:148)Lower Middle Class.(cid:148) Language, however, (cid:148)may be or may not be included in the
group(cid:146)s cultural bag. According to the subjective view, group members more or less
consciously choose to associate ethnicity with language(cid:148) (Appel & Muysken, 1987, p. 15).

3.4 Connection between identity and language
In the general society, there is commonly believed to be a natural connection between the
language spoken by members of a social group and that group(cid:146)s identity, e.g. Italians
speak Italian. Indeed even an accent may be more important than speaking the language
itself as seen in the comment of a boy participating a study on Breton. He was asked
whether being able to speak Breton was a necessary part of being a Breton. He replied,
(cid:148)(cid:146)No, it(cid:146)s much more important to have the accent, that way you know straight away that
someone is Breton(cid:146)(cid:148) (Hoare, 2001, p.78). Through their accent and other features of their
dialect, speakers identify themselves and are identified as members of this or that
speech/discourse community. Crystal wrote
(cid:148)If you wish to tell everyone what part of a country you are from, you can wave a
flag, wear a label on your coat, or (the most convenient solution, because it is always
with you, even in the dark and around corners) speak with a distinctive accent and
dialect. Similarly, on the world stage, if you wish to tell everyone what country you
belong to, an immediate and direct way of doing it is to speak in a distinctive way(cid:148)
(2003, p. 144-145).
By using accents in speaking English, people bridge the gap between intelligibility and
identity. They retain their group identity while communicating with the world at large.

This group membership gives them also (cid:148)personal strength and pride, as well as a sense of
social importance and historical continuity from using the same language as the group they
belong to(cid:148) (Kramsch, 1998, p. 65-66). Kramsch also stated that group identity is created
through highlighting or blurring the lines of race, nationality, ethnicity, language, and so
forth. This is even the case even for a minority language, regional or social, that may be
highly valued by its speakers for any number of reasons. This close tie between the
language and the social identity of ethnolinguistic groups is not to be overlooked though it
is important also to keep in mind the following:
(cid:148)there is not a one-to-one relation between identity and language. A distinct
social, cultural, or ethnic identity does not always have a distinct language as
counterpart, while groups with distinct languages may have largely overlapping
identities. Furthermore, identities and languages are not monolithic wholes but are
clearly differentiated, heterogeneous and variable. This makes their relation in specific
situations even more intricate(cid:148) (Appel & Muysken, 1987, p. 20).