EU-US Relations: Repairing the Transatlantic Rift

275 Pages·2006·0.789 MB·English

by  Nikos Kotzias, Petros Liacouras (eds.)

EU–US Relations
Also by Nikos Kotzias
GOALS AND TACTICS IN THE IGC OF THE EUROPEAN UNION 1996–1997
(co-author with St. Perrakis)
INTER-GOVERNMENTAL CONFERENCE (in Greek) (with Ch. Rozakis,
G. Papadimitrou, N. Skandamis, S. Perrakis and A. Pliakos)
THE EEC: a Second Degree State of an Emerging System – the National State
and the Procedure for Political Unification in the European Union Community
(in Greek)
GLOBAL COMPETITION: the Comparison of Ethnocratic Systems (in Greek)
THE INTELLIGENTSIA IN GREECE: Social Position and Ideology (in Greek)
(with G. Diamantis, A. Thersiotis, Th. Ioannou, G. Konstantinidis and T.
Symeonidis)
DER AUTONOME INTELLECKT (with P. Brand, H.J. Sandkuehler, F. Schumacher,
W. Von Haren and M. Wilmes)
THE DIALECTIC OF THE STATE: Theories on the State and Greek Political
Parties on the State (in Greek)
GREECE ON THE THRESHOLD OF 2000 (in Greek) (with A. Adrianopoulos and
G. Papadakos)
PASOK’S THIRD WAY (in Greek)
A DISCUSSION THAT NEVER TOOK PLACE
ART AND SOCIETY (in Greek)
THE COALITION OF THE LEFT: Politics and Society (in Greek)
CONSCIOUS AND SPONTANEOUS (in Greek)
Also by Petros Liacouras
INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE USE OF OCEAN FLOOR FOR MILITARY PUR-
POSES
(et al.) NATIONAL AND EUROPEAN SECURITY (in Greek)
EU–US Relations
Repairing the Transatlantic Rift
Kastellorizo Papers
Foreword by
George A. Papandreou
President of the Pan-Hellenic Socialist Party (PASOK)
President of the Socialist International
Edited by
Nikos Kotzias
Senior Expert
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Greece
and
Petros Liacouras
Lecturer in International Law
Department of International and European Studies
University of Piraeus, Greece
Editorial matter and selection
© Nikos Kotzias and Petros Liacouras 2006
All chapters © Palgrave Macmillan 2006
Foreword © George A. Papandreou, 2006
Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2006 978-1-4039-3520-5
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First published 2006 by
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
EU-US relations : repairing the transatlantic rift / edited by Nikos Kotzias
and Petros Liacouras.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Contents: The nature of transatlantic disagreements : duration and
progress – The long-term character of the EU-US disagreements –
Differences and mutual completion – Short-term causes – The
recommendations – The studies and their recommendations.
ISBN 1–4039–3520–3 (cloth) – ISBN 1–4039–3521–1 (paper)
1. European Union countries – Foreign relations – United States.
2. United States – Foreign relations – European Union countries. I. Title:
European Union-United States relations. II. Kotzias, Nikos. III. Liakouras,
Petros El.
D2025.5.U64E8 2006
341.242′20973–dc22 2005058267
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
15 14 13 12 11 10 09 08 07 06
Contents
Foreword: the Importance of Transatlantic Relations and viii
Dialogue
George A. Papandreou
List of Contributors xvii
Part I: The Nature of Transatlantic Disagreements: 1
Duration and Progress
1 Introduction: Rupture and Continuity in 3
Transatlantic Relations
Nikos Kotzias and Petros Liacouras
Part II: The Long-Term Character of 35
EU–US Disagreements
2 Present and Future of the Tensed EU–US Relations 37
William Pfaff
3 The EU and the Future of Transatlantic Relations 41
Christoph Bertram
4 The Future of Transatlantic Relations 43
Scott Barrett
5 Note on the Transatlantic Bonds of the EU 45
Bronislaw Geremek
Part III: Differences and Mutual Completion 47
6 Europe and the Transatlantic Relationship after the 49
Iraq Crisis
Gilles Andréani
7 Improving Transatlantic Relations in the Aftermath of 54
the Iraq War
Joseph Stiglitz
8 EU–US Relations in a Multipolar System 57
Dimitri Constas
vi Contents
9 Reshaping US–EU Relations: Toward a Broader Strategic 61
Agenda
F. Stephen Larrabee
10 The United States and the European Union: 67
is a Partnership still Possible?
Dick Benschop
11 The Choices in Euro-American Relations 69
Christopher Hill
12 Europe and the US: Five Frank Thoughts and 73
One Proposal for the Foreign Ministers of Europe
Timothy Garton Ash
13 Redefining the Transatlantic Partnership 75
Tom Bentley
14 Repairing the Transatlantic Rift 79
Joseph Nye
15 Note to the EU Presidency and EU Foreign Ministers 82
Sherle R. Schwenninger
16 TransatlanticSecurityCooperation 87
Jan Dirk Blaauw
17 Living with Our Differences 91
Kalypso Nicolaidis
Part IV: Short-Term Causes 103
18 On EU/US Relations 105
Stanley Hoffmann
19 HealingtheWest’sWounds 108
TheodoreA. Couloumbis
20 EU–US Relations in Worldwide Context 111
A.A. Fatouros
21 The Future of the Relationship Between the EU and the US: 114
Managing Interdependence and Global Responsibility
Georgios Papastamkos
22 Pursuing Common Security Goals 118
Misha Glenny
Contents vii
Part V: The Recommendations 123
23 TPN Outreach Project: Interim Report from the Co-Chairs 125
Transatlantic Policy Network (TPN)
24 Agenda for a New Transatlantic Relationship: the EU’s 131
To-Do List
Elmar Brok
25 Europe and the United States face the Challenges of the 139
New Century
Kemal Dervis
26 Transatlantic Relations: the EU Stance 143
John Bruton
27 After Iraq: Permanent Transatlantic Tensions 146
Ted Galen Carpenter
28 Strengthening Transatlantic Relations: Statement for the 152
Informal Meeting of EU Foreign Ministers on Strengthening
Transatlantic Relations
Friedbert Pflüger
29 A Structural Approach to Transatlantic Unity 156
Alan K. Henrikson
30 Cooperative Ways to Bridge the Gap 159
George Soros
31 The ‘Washington Consensus’ and the EU–US Relationship 161
Emilios Avgouleas
32 Mending the Transatlantic Partnership 168
David Andrews and Helen Wallace
Part VI: The Studies and their Recommendations 175
33 Recommendations for a New Transatlantic Charta: a Strong 177
Europe – a Partner, not a Rival to the United States
The Potsdam Center for Transatlantic Security and
Military Affairs: Margarita Mathiopoulos
34 European Attitudes Towards Transatlantic Relations 224
2000–2003: an Analytical Survey
The Centre for European Studies, Birmingham: Anand Menon
and Jonathan Lipkin
Index 259
Foreword: the Importance of
Transatlantic Relations and
Dialogue
George A. Papandreou
President of the Pan-Hellenic Socialist Party (PASOK)
New opportunities and challenges for humankind
The end of the Cold War marked a major turning point in modern
history. With the end of polarization between East and West, many
believed that humankind might now focus its attention on tackling real
global problems such as poverty, inequality, illiteracy and environ-
mental degradation. Others spoke of the end of history – the end of
grand ideologies and great conflicts. But their expectations were belied
by the events that followed 1989. Globalization became a new political
and ideological battleground. The breakup of the Soviet Union and
Yugoslavia, the collapse of failed African states, and growing social
inequity in the West all indicated that history had, in fact, not come to
an end. On the contrary, old problems were taking on a heightened
intensity as new problems began to surface.
Today, these problems continue to plague our planet. As we enter the
twenty-first century, new dangers have emerged which pose a real threat
to humanity’s prospects for a brighter future – and indeed to our very
survival. These are the problems on which wealthy, developed countries
like the United States and organizations such as the European Union
should focus both their attention and resources. Instead of using our
powers creatively, all too often we use them to generate new threats to
ourselves and our environment. Now we must gather the resources we
need to meet the challenges of our age. We must act with the requisite
wisdom and resoluteness to confront threats. At the same time, we
should be aware of the new opportunities at our disposal – the new poss-
ibilities, means and channels to solve problems that in the past seemed
insurmountable, in ways that will benefit all our peoples. We must look
to the future with optimism and vision, and we must learn from the past
without becoming the prisoner of history.
viii
Foreword: the Importance of Transatlantic Relations and Dialogue ix
The international community has a moral obligation to try to solve
the world’s problems. In order to meet these challenges, we must first
reach a democratic consensus about our global goals. We must convince
our citizens that the provision of funds and means to combat global
problems will not detract from their prosperity but on the contrary will
create a safer environment that allows for the greater prosperity of all.
Second, those countries capable of rising to such a challenge must
engage in close cooperation, while respecting those states and regions
that suffer most, precisely because they do not have the means to com-
bat complex problems single-handedly. Third, we must be resolute in
fighting any forces that threaten our commitment to democracy, free-
dom, and respect for diversity.
But in our efforts to achieve these objectives, we are likely to confront
a series of obstacles, especially regarding transatlantic relations. While I
am optimistic that these can be overcome, an identification and ana-
lysis of the difficulties that lie ahead will help us move faster towards
lasting solutions.
The implications of terrorism for collective security
Security – and, by extension, terrorism – has become the primary focus
of transatlantic relations. New types of horizontal or asymmetrical war-
fare have become a source of friction between the US and a number of
European states. This hampers the resolution of long-standing trans-
atlantic disputes over related questions of international law, environ-
mental protection, global trade and world poverty.
Transnational terrorism and other types of ‘new’ conflict do not, as a
rule, involve a power struggle between two or more states, nor are they
confined to battles between armies. Their perpetrators subscribe to the
logic of war for war’s sake because they thrive on the ideological fanatic-
ism that is the justification for war, the material means obtained in its
name, and the power secured as a result. Terrorism offers an apparent
opportunity – albeit one that is ultimately catastrophic – to a large sec-
tion of the population who cannot imagine a better future for them-
selves. At the same time, it gives these people the false impression that
they are extremely powerful. Terrorism can strike anywhere in the
world, whenever and wherever it chooses – a capacity once possessed
only by very powerful nations like the United States. As 11 September
2001 demonstrated, a supranational, terrorist network such as al-Qaeda
can strike a serious blow at the most powerful country in the world.
In many ways, terrorism represents the dark side of globalization.
New technologies enable terrorist networks to operate and access funds