ethnic minority livelihoods and agrarian transition in upland northern Vietnam.

15 Pages·2012·0.95 MB·English

The Professional Geographer
ISSN: 0033-0124 (Print) 1467-9272 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rtpg20
“Forever Hmong”: Ethnic Minority Livelihoods and
Agrarian Transition in Upland Northern Vietnam
Sarah Turner
To cite this article: Sarah Turner (2012) “Forever Hmong”: Ethnic Minority Livelihoods and
Agrarian Transition in Upland Northern Vietnam, The Professional Geographer, 64:4, 540-553,
DOI: 10.1080/00330124.2011.611438
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00330124.2011.611438
Published online: 11 Oct 2011.
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Download by: [McGill University Library] Date: 15 March 2016, At: 17:13
“Forever Hmong”: Ethnic Minority Livelihoods and
∗
Agrarian Transition in Upland Northern Vietnam
SarahTurner
McGillUniversity
ThisarticleexamineshowethnicminorityHmongfarmershaveadaptedto,circumnavigated,orresistedstate-
sponsoredagrarianchangeandotherinterventionsinthenorthernVietnamuplandsoverthepasttwentyyears.
BasedonlongitudinalresearchwithHmonginformants,Iexaminetowhatextenttheirlivelihoodstrategies
have led to wealth creation or differentiation. The article highlights the most important transformations,
as farmers conceive and voice them, to Hmong agrarian livelihoods over this period, the importance of
longitudinal fieldwork to help unravel endogenous wealth definitions, and the complex impacts of state
6
1 interventions on ethnic minority ways of making a living. Key Words: agrarian transition, Hmong,
20 livelihoods,stateintervention,Vietnam.
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Li Esteart´ıculoexaminalamaneracomolaminor´ıadecultivadoresHmongsehanadaptado,soslayadooresistido
y alcambioagrariopatrocinadoporelEstado,lomismoqueaotrasintervencionesenlasmontan˜asdelnorte
sit deVietnamdurantelospasadosveintean˜os.Apartirdeinvestigacio´nlongitudinalconinformantesHmong,
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e examine´ conque´ extensio´nsusestrategiasdevidahanllevadoalacreacio´nderiquezaoadiferenciacio´n.El
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ni art´ıculodestacalosiguiente:lastransformacionesma´simportantes,segu´nloscultivadoreslasconcibenylas
U describen,experimentadasduranteesteper´ıodoporelsistemadevidaagrariodelosHmong;laimportancia
Gill dimelpatrcatboasjcoodmepcleajmospdoelolansgiintutedrivneanlcpioanraesaeysutdaatarleasdsoesbernetrloans˜amroldasosddefienviicdiaondeesuennadmo´giennoars´ıade´etnriicqau.ePzaa;laybrlaoss
Mc clave:transicio´nagraria,Hmong,mediosdevida,intervencio´nestatal,Vietnam.
[
y
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d Squattingonasmallwoodenbenchinaneth- startstalkingabouthybridricesubsidizedbythe
e nicminorityHmonghouse,besidemygradu- Vietnam government, locally called “Chinese
d
a atestudentChristineandourHmongtransla- Rice” due to the seeds’ current supply route.
o
nl torfriendXi,wechatwithXi’sauntPa.It’sa Shenotes“before,wedidn’tgrowChineserice,
w cold,dampdayinFebruaryinLa`oCaiprovince, soweonlyhadtenbagsofricetoeateachyear.
o
D Vietnam, and twelve members of Pa’s house- Nowwe’vechanged[fromtraditionalHmong
hold, including many small children, squeeze ricetohybridrice]andwehavetwentybags,so
aroundthefirewhichprovidesthemainlight, doubletheamount;butitdoesn’ttastegoodat
along with adimlyglowing electric bulb.I’ve all.”1Iaskwhatherfamilyusedtoeatwhenthey
known Pa for seven years and we talk about ranshortofrice.Pa,withwrylaughterreplies
thechangesthatshe’sseenoccurinthevalley “we didn’t have anything to eat ... the sweet
duringherlifetime,andthoseshethinkshave corngaveusonlyonecropperyearandwehad
beenthemostimportantsinceherfirstchildwas no rice. We’d eat something ... like potatoes
born, twenty-one years ago. She immediately fromthemountain,that’swhatwe’deat.Only
∗IwouldliketothankChristineBonnin,JeanMichaud,andtheanonymousrefereesfortheirdetailedandconstructiveadvice.Thisresearchhas
beenfundedbytheSocialScienceandHumanitiesResearchCouncil,Canada,andtheNationalGeographicSociety,U.S.
TheProfessionalGeographer,64(4)2012,pages540–553(cid:2)C Copyright2012byAssociationofAmericanGeographers.
Initialsubmission,January2010;revisedsubmission,January2011;finalacceptance,March2011.
PublishedbyTaylor&FrancisGroup,LLC.
EthnicMinorityLivelihoodsandAgrarianTransitioninUplandNorthernVietnam 541
therichpeoplehadenoughcorn.Ionlyhada notonlyaffectthosedirectlyinvolvedinagri-
littlebit,butifthatwasn’treadytoeat,Ihad cultural production but have numerous con-
to eat things from the mountain.” Later, she sequences for entire rural-based populations,
commentsthatshehasjustdepletedthehouse- leadingtocomplexlocal-levelchangesinpeo-
hold’sannualricereserves,sixmonthsshortof
ple’s livelihoods (Hart, Turton, and White
thenextharvest,hencesheisusingcashearned
1989; Borras, Kay, and Akram-Lodhi 2007).
fromcardamomtobuysupplies.Iaskifthereare
In tandem, such processes have often created
otherdifferencesnowthatarenotablefromthe
newsitesofstrugglewherecounterhegemonic
past,andshestartstolistanumber:“Rightnow,
it’sverydifferent.Nowthere’smoney,theChi- movementsandresistancetakeplace,whether
neserice,somepeoplegotoschool,andeven overt or covert, in highly innovative ways
iftheyareverypoor,theystilleatrice.Before, (Scott1985;C.P.White1986;Edelman2001;
whenIwasalittlegirl,weallatepotatoes,we HollanderandEinwohner2004;Amoore2005;
didn’tknowwhatVND10,000lookedlike.Be- Kerkvliet2005).Onesuchsiteistheuplandsof
h 2016 fsm.oi.lor.venenreIoycwh.oa,Ridneigsvl]iehtn.ttl.nei.focIwtohhinieatds’ps,neomoenuvpleyclerhlisabterteeeltentvece[roVrtiynhiesaptnno[Faobmrreefenaosncrehde] Vnowiicenmtntiaanmkoe,rsiwtoyhnfeahrreomwweretso,asreuencgwhaiagtnseePwsasi,ttwhohtuohpehlaaanvgedratehrtieahinr-
c transition and increasing market integration,
r haveasmallhouse,theycaneatrice.”Ibegin
a
M toreflectuponthesimilaritiesanddifferencein envelopingtheirculturallyrootedunderstand-
5 Pa’sresponsescomparedtootherHmongfarm- ingsofsuccessandwealth.
1
3 erswithwhomI’vebeentalking.Whilesome, My aim in this article is twofold. Focus-
1 likePa,seethecurrentpositionasfarmorerosy ing on the Hmong, the most numerous eth-
17: thanpreviously,othersarenotsoadamantthat nic group in La`o Cai province, Vietnam, I
at allthechangeshavebeenforthebetter. aim first to give voice to Hmong residents’
y] own understandings of the most important
r —Reproducedfromfieldnotes,February2009,
bra SaPadistrict livelihooddiversificationstheyhavemadeover
Li the past twenty years. Second, I interpret
y Over the past twenty years, noteworthy whether Hmong farmers consider themselves
sit transformations have occurred in rural betterorworseoffthantwentyyearsagodue
r
ve sectorswithintheSoutheastAsianregiondue to agrarian transition processes and state in-
ni to the relentless commoditization of produc- volvement in the Vietnam uplands, following
U
Gill tainodn,Ptehleucsoom20m0o8n).sW,anitdhsgorceiaalterrelaantidondsee(Npeerviinn-s ealnlydoIgbenuoiludsodnefidnebitaiotenssroegfawrdeianltgh.thCeoangcreapritaun-
c tegrationintoglobalmarketexchanges,access transition in Southeast Asia (see, among oth-
M
[ toland,labor,financialcapital,andtechnology ers, Hart, Turton, and White 1989; Peluso
by hasbeensignificantlymodified.Someindivid- 1992; Rigg 1994, 2001; Bernstein and Byres
d uals have benefited considerably from greater 2001;TurnerandCaouette2009),2thediver-
e
d commoditizationandlinkagestoregionaland sification of rural livelihoods (Chambers and
a
nlo globalmarkets,withpeopleforminginnovative Conway 1992; Ellis 1998, 2000; Bouahom,
w livelihood strategies. Others have seen agrar- Douangsavanh, and Rigg 2004; Niehof 2004;
o
D ianchangeandtheproliferationofwagelabor Turner2007),andinfrapoliticsandcovertre-
resultinincreaseddispossessionandmarginal- sistance (Scott 1976, 1985; Kerkvliet 1995,
ization, especially for smaller landowners and 2003,2005,2009;Turner2011).Viathislon-
agriculturalworkers.Increasinginfringements gitudinalstudy,IexplorehowHmongfarmer
onindigenousrights,diminishingaccesstore- interviewees have adapted to, circumvented,
sources, and escalating cultural conflicts have or resisted state-sponsored rural and agrarian
also transpired (cf. Peluso 1992; Putzel 1992; transformationsoverthepasttwodecades.The
Moore1998;TurnerandCaouette2009). article offers critical insights into how state
This agrarian transition is not new to interventions have brought about neither im-
Southeast Asia or to the Global South more portantwealthcreationnorgreatersocialdif-
generally.Encompassingabroadrangeofpro- ferentiation among the Hmong households
cesseslinkingacountry’sagriculturalsectorto interviewed. This highlights the variation in
the market economy to a greater extent than processesofagrarianchangeinSoutheastAsia,
experienced previously, these transformations complicating conventional interpretations of
542 Volume64,Number4,November2012
this transition. The fundamental ways of as- early 1960s. Although officially only a small
sessingwell-beingamongtheHmongthrough residential land plot and family garden could
endogenous wealth definitions continue to be beprivatelyoperated,withallremaininglands
reflected in culturally rooted, semisubsistence managed by cooperatives or run as state en-
termsratherthanincapitalistmarket-oriented terprises, in reality collectivization was never
or“modernist”consumerrequisites. efficiently implemented in the uplands. The
persistenceofculturalprejudices,superstitions,
HmongUplandFarmersinVietnam andfearamongmanyKinhlowlandersofhigh-
landminorityculturesresultedinalackofKinh
Vietnam is home to fifty-four officially rec- willingtosettleinthehighlandstooverseecol-
ognized ethnic groups, including the Kinh lective logistics (Corlin 2004). Highland mi-
ethnic majority lowland Vietnamese. Of nority interviewees explained that during this
fifty-three ethnic minorities (ca´c daˆn tộc thiểu timetheytendedtocontinuetheirsubsistence
6 số),representing14.3percentofthecountry’s ways,includingriceterracing,aswellasswid-
01 population of 85.8 million, the Hmong num- den agriculture. During the Socialist period,
h 2 ber 1,068,000 (Socialist Republic of Vietnam thenorthernuplandsalsobecamethestagefor
c 2010).ThenorthernhighlandsofVietnam,in- the 1979 Sino-Vietnamese border war.4 In a
r
a
M cludingLa`oCaiprovincewherethisresearchis periodofintensepovertyandhungerformany
5 located,weremostlikelyfirstinhabitedbyeth- residents, many ethnic minorities survived by
1
3 nicminoritygroupsofHmongandYaoandalso collectingavarietyofwildforestfoodsandre-
1 smaller numbers of Ta`y and Gia´y (Michaud treatedtotheforestsforshelterifnecessaryto
7:
1 andTurner2006).3Archivalevidenceandoral avoidthewarfare.
at historiescompletedwithHmongelderssuggest Then, following the initial stages of dổi
y] that Hmong households arrived in the region mới(economicrenovation)inthemid-1980s,5
r
ra aroundthe1820s(MichaudandTurner2006). the Vietnam government abolished permits
b
Li Beforetheirmigrationsouth,Hmongfarm- requiredfortravelbyoverseastouristsoutside
y ers predominantly practiced swidden-based the country’s main cities in 1993. Relatively
sit subsistence agriculture in southern China. As independenttourisminVietnamthusbecame
r
ve theymovedintoVietnam,Hmonglivelihoods possibleforthefirsttimesincetheFrenchcolo-
ni increasinglybecamethoseofsedentarizedpeas- nialera,andtheresultanttourisminfluxtothe
U
Gill atinotns,afsocthuesiinrgancnhuieafllystoanplericceroopr(cCoornrlipnro2d0u0c4-; unpolraitnydsinddrievwiduaaslsmianlltonuthmebcearpoitfahliisgthelcaonndommiy-
c Turner and Michaud 2008). Nowadays, wet through the sale of their textiles and trekking
M
[ rice,orcornanddryriceindrierareas,arein- guide employment. Others turned their hand
by tegraltoHmonglivelihoods,yetmanyhouse- to the expanding trade in nontimber forest
d holdsmaintainaswiddenplotandcollectforest products such as cardamom (Tugault-Lafleur
e
d productssuchasfuelwood,herbalmedicines, andTurner2009;Turner2011).
a
nlo game, and honey. Monetary exchange oppor- More extensively, Hmong households have
w tunities have long been part of the Hmong been pulled into the monetary economy
o
D economy, with trade between inhabitants of through government programs that provide
neighboring valleys and beyond. From the state-subsidized hybrid rice seeds (Pa’s “Chi-
1800s onward this included a trade in opium, nese” seeds). These seeds are only available
untiltheVietnamstatebanneditscultivationin ingovernmentdistributioncenters,andtrans-
the early 1990s. Hmong livelihoods were also actions take place in cash, further fueling the
previously supported by selling forest timber marketintegrationoftheseuplanders.Itisim-
until the state also prohibited such practices portant to note, however, that despite these
during the same period (DiGregorio, Pham monetaryexchanges,Hmonghouseholdmem-
ThiQuynhPhuong,andYasui1996;Table1 berswhoIinterviewedhadneverfeltinclinedto
highlights the main government decrees and abandontheirsemisubsistencelivelihoods(see
interventionsrelevanttothisstudy). BonninandTurnerforthcoming).
The collectivization process that placed all Placing these livelihoods in the context of
land in state ownership and management oc- upland–lowland relations, upland ethnic mi-
curredinthenorthernVietnamuplandsinthe norities in Vietnam are little understood by
EthnicMinorityLivelihoodsandAgrarianTransitioninUplandNorthernVietnam 543
Table1 TimelineofselectivegovernmentdecreesandinterventionsrelevanttotheVietnamnorthern
uplands
Date Vietnamgovernmentdecreesandinterventions
1960s DemocraticRepublicofVietnamextendsagriculturalcollectivizationtothenorthernmountains.
1979 BorderwarbetweenChinaandVietnam.
1981 Householdsassignedoutputquotasandallowedtoretainharvestsexceedingquota.
1986 CommunistPartyofficiallybeginstoliberalizetheeconomyandshifttomoremarket-orientedplanning,
knownasdổimới.
Hoa`ngLieˆnSơnNatureReserveestablished,Decision194/CT.
1988 Resolution10.Scalingbackofthecooperativesystem.Cooperativesterminatedannualcontracts,
allocatedsharesofwet-ricelandtohouseholdsbasedonlaborcapacity.
1991 LawonForestProtectionandDevelopment(alsoknownasForestProtectionandDevelopmentAct).
Definedthreetypesofforests:protectionforest,special-useforest,andproductionforest.Different
regulationsforeach.
1992 Program327,implementedover1993–1998,aimedatforestrestorationandprotectionandthe
6 establishmentofspecial-useforests.FollowedbyProgram661,1998–2010,whichbecamethebasis
1 fortheFiveMillionHectareReforestationProgram(5MHRP;notdetailedinthisarticle).
20 Theexportofround-wood,sawn-wood,andrough-sawnflooringplanksbannedandofficialfellingtobe
h reducedby88percent.Logginginwatershedprotectionandspecial-useforests,andforest
c exploitationinsevenprovincesinthenorthhalted.
r
a 1993 GovernmentbansopiumproductionviaResolutionNo.06/CP29-1-1993.
M
LandLaw:Citizenscouldreceivetwenty-yearrenewabletenurerightsonlandforannualcropsand
5 fifty-yearrightsforperennialcropsandforestland.Landrightscouldbeleased,exchanged,
1
3 transferred,inherited,andmortgaged.
1 Independentoverseastourismallowedagaininuplands.
7: 1997 Permanentloggingbanimposedinspecial-useforestsandathirty-yearloggingbaninstitutedincritical
at 1 1998 GowveartnemrsehnetdDs.ecree20/1998/ND-CPintroducessubsidiesforcommoditiessuchashybridseeds,
y] fertilizers,pesticides,kerosene,iodizedsalt,andbasicmedicinesincommunesclassifiedasupland
ar andethnicminorityareas(“Zone3”communes).
br 1999 SubsidizedriceseedprogramintroducedinLa`oCaiprovince.
Li 2002 12July:Hoa`ngLieˆnSơnbecomesaNationalPark.
y
sit
r
e
v
ni
U lowland Kinh, often characterized as “back- in-depth,conversationalinterviewsfocusingon
Gill wKaorhd”2(0v0an2;deSoWwealrlweianned2G0u0n4e;wWardoernlda 2B0a0n1k; lwivitehlihfoouordteaenndHbrmooadnegracgheadngbeestwineetnhenidniestteriecnt
c
M 2009).Concurrently,theVietnamstateactively and eighty, all of whom I had initially inter-
[
y attemptstobringtheseuplandinhabitantsdi- viewedbetweensixandelevenyearsearlier,as
d b rectlywithinitsgaze.Thestateextendsitsreach partofaninformallivelihood“restudy.”Icom-
e across the uplands by encouraging fixed agri- pleted oral histories with another six Hmong
d
oa culture, cash-cropping, and mono-cropping. individuals able to recall details of livelihood
nl Raw materials are extracted from the periph- changes over the previous twenty years, with
w
o ery,andtransportationlinkagesandeducation whomIhadnotspokenpreviously.Ialsorein-
D
inthedominantlanguageextendintothehigh- terviewed longtime Kinh residents who were
lands (Mackerras 2003; Cribb and Narangoa first interviewed in the late 1990s (albeit not
2004; McElwee 2004). Other projects to in- thefocusofthisarticle).Since1999Ihavevis-
tegrate upland ethnic minorities into the Viet itedLa`oCaiprovince(population614,000,of
nationincludehouseholdregistrationandlocal which 23.7 percent are Hmong; Socialist Re-
politicalorganization(Rambo1997;Vu2003; public of Vietnam 2010) every year between
Scott2009).6 May and July except during 2002 and 2008,
Since1999Ihavecompletedmorethan200 withlongerstaysbetweenJanuaryandJunein
in-depth interviews and oral histories regard- 2007and2009.AllHmongintervieweesinthis
ingsocial–culturalandeconomicchange,liveli- article are resident in the upper Mường Hoa
hood diversification, and economic decision river valley situated in Sa Pa district, La`o Cai
making in the northern Vietnam uplands. In province (see Figure 1). Such a methodology,
2009,specificallyforthisproject,Iundertook buildingonthematicandaxialcoding,provides
544 Volume64,Number4,November2012
6
1
0
2
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1
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7:
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nlo Figure1 SaPadistrict,La`oCaiprovince,Vietnam.(Colorfigureavailableonline.)
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detailedinsightsintohowlivelihoodshavebeen ket integration into two broad time periods.
constructed,negotiated,andexperiencedover First, from the official reopening of the lo-
timeaspartofeverydaysociallife,inwhatcould cal Vietnam–China border in 1988 until the
beconsidereda“marginal”place. late1990s,theirmainfociwerethereduction
ofopiumcultivation,thetree-fellingban,rice
paddyexpansion,andoutsidedevelopmentini-
1988–1999:“OpiumFarmersCan’t tiatives. Second, from the late 1990s debates
MakeMoneyAnymore” andconcernsemergedoverhybridrice,infras-
tructuralchanges,andinflation.
Hmonginterviewees dividedthechangesthat Repeatedly, the most important long-term
they have experienced regarding livelihood livelihood change that Hmong interviewees
diversification, agrarian transition, and mar- raisedwasthereductionofopiumcultivation,
EthnicMinorityLivelihoodsandAgrarianTransitioninUplandNorthernVietnam 545
common in the region until the early 1990s resistant wood has been used in China and
andusedasasourceofcashincomeforethnic Vietnam for centuries to make coffins (Cen-
minoritycultivators.7Beforethecultivationof tre des Archives d’outre-mer 1898). Lue re-
this crop was banned in 1993, via Resolution calledthattheenforcementofthisbanandthe
06/CP, one “could go to the villages and buy opiumbanoccurredsimultaneously,comment-
it,whichsomeKinhdid,oritwasavailablein ing,“Twentyyearsago,theytoldeverybodyto
theSaPamarketplaceintheweekends”(Bang, stopmakingopium.Sothepeoplekeptgoingto
Kinhinformant22March2009). themountaintogetwoodfortheVietnamese
Lue (20 February 2009), a Hmong male people,forbuildinghouses,thepermu...the
farmer born in 1954, married with ten chil- Vietnamesepeople[officials]cameandsawwe
dren, was an excellent source of information hadlostalotofmountain,andtheytookalot
regarding changes over the past twenty ofpeopletojail...theHmongthenlosttheir
years,includingthoseinvolvingopium,timber job clearing the wood to sell in the market.”
6 felling, and rice production. He attempted to Althoughanillegaltradeinthiswoodhascon-
01 comparetheincomehegainedfromopiumcul- tinued, with ethnic minorities using a variety
h 2 tivationtwentyyearsagotocurrentterms.Be- of means to get per mu to eager Vietnamese
c fore1993,heexplained,hecouldharvest“two andChinesecustomers,theincomeitcanpro-
r
Ma bigbowls8ofopiumeachcrop,withonecropa videtoHmonghouseholdshasdeclinedsignif-
5 year.That’sabout2kilosinoneyear....One icantly,astherisksofbeingcaughtrise.
1
3 bowlor1kiloequaledVND300,000,butit’s Indeed, members of poor Hmong
1 VND300,000backthen—soooomuchmoney! households—endogenously defined by
7:
1 It’snotlikerightnow.”Aswetriedtodecipher Hmongasthosewhocannotgroworpurchase
at whatthatwouldequatetobytoday’sstandards, enough rice to support their households
y] Lue continued, “that’s a lot of money ... be- through the year—continue to trade wood
rar fore I had many animals such as buffalo. ... illegally with private Kinh traders. Lim, an
b
Li Rightnow,onebigbuffalocostsVND14mil- elderlyHmongwomanIinterviewed(personal
y lion. Before, it was just VND 125,000 for a communication, 28 June 2006), explained
sit bigone.”Luecontinuedtosuggestthatsucha how one of her sons occasionally cut forest
r
e markup would put his previous annual opium trees for wood but only “very far away in the
v
ni crop income at approximately VND 33 mil- forest, close to [X],” a hamlet located deep in
Gill U lhiaodnu(UtilSiz$e1d,8t7h0e)rteotduaryn.s9fWrohmenopaisukmedshaolews,tLhueye tthheatNthaetioanutahloPriatrike.s Lmiimghtwaasrrevsetryhecronsocenrnbeudt
c explained,“WhenIgrewopiumIgainedalot noted they had little alternative to make ends
M
[ ofmoney,andwiththemoneyIboughtsilver meet, an approach with which other Hmong
by andwemadesilvernecklacesforthegirlsand intervieweesconcurred.
d women.Everydayyouhadmoney.Thepeople OnewaybywhichHmongfarmersdiversi-
e
d whosmokedtheopium—theydidn’tknowhow fiedtheirlivelihoodstrategiesimmediatelyfol-
a
nlo tosavemoney.” lowing the bans on opium and timber felling
w Whentheresolutiontohaltopiumcultiva- wastoopenupmorelandforricepaddy.Lue
o
D tioncameintoforceinthevalley,Luerecalled, explained,“Whenthegovernmentstoppedthe
“Irememberonetimemanypolicecametothis opium, the opium farmers can’t make money
villagetocheckeveryfamily.Theystated,‘Stop any more. The whole village, everyone came
growingopium,ifyoudonotstopwewilltake together,totalkandspeak...thenwewentto
your buffaloes, your pigs, your horses, all of the mountain to clear it to make rice paddies
themwillbetaken.Wewillgouptoyourroom forgrowingriceandtoplantsweetcorn.”
[rice storage], and we will take it all.’” Not Not all livelihood diversification strategies
surprisingly, Lue noted that this had caused havebeendevisedlocally,however,andfurther
considerable resentment among local Hmong interventions from the outside have included
residents,astheirrevenuesdeclinedrapidly. incentives for ethnic minorities to grow fruit
At the same time it became illegal to cut trees. In the late 1990s, Hmong households
foresttimberforsale,haltingwhathadbeena in a number of communes of Sa Pa district
lawful trade of per mu (Fokienia hodginsii, Fu- were given fruit seedlings (mostly plums) for
jian Cypress). This highly sought-after, rot- income generation.10 With little competition
546 Volume64,Number4,November2012
when the program began, fruit prices were This state-sanctioned, internal territorializa-
high;butwhenthetreesstartedtobearfruitsi- tion, “excluding or including people within
multaneously,pricesfellandmanyabandoned particular geographic boundaries, and about
thiscommercialproduction.LocalHmongalso controlling what people do and their access
faced a limited market because no infrastruc- to natural resources within those boundaries”
turewasprovidedforfruitprocessingandthere (Vandergeest and Peluso 1995, 388), means
wasstrongcompetitionnotonlyamongthem- thatagriculturalextensificationinthevalleyhas
selvesbutfromplumgrowersinBắcHa`district notoccurredtoanimportantdegreeduringthe
to the east. Before long, most individuals in- pasttenyears,althoughsmallnewterracesare
volvedinSaPadistrictdecidedthatthelowre- still visible here and there if one looks care-
turnsdidnotwarrantthetimeandlaborspent fullyintributaryvalleys.Inoneoftheselarger
and returned to semisubsistence rice farming valleys—and notably still within the park—a
(Tugault-LafleurandTurner2011). sizable infrastructure construction project is
6 underwaytobuildahydroelectricitydam.Ac-
01 cessroadshavedestroyedmanyfields,forwhat
h 2 1999–2010:“PeopleMightHaveMore locals argue is minimal compensation. When
c MoneyNow,butthePricesof asked for whom the electricity will be pro-
r
a
M EverythingHaveGoneUp” vided, opinion is divided between China and
5 localconsumption;informinglocalresidentsof
1
3 Totheoutsideobserverlikemyself,anumber state plans nearby is not a priority of the lo-
1 of visible changes have occurred in Sa Pa calPeople’sCommittee.Additionally,although
7:
1 district since 1999. The major transportation new,largerschoolshavebeenbuilt,theredoes
at artery that runs down the valley has been notappeartobeanimportantincreaseinatten-
y] tar-sealedafteralongperiodof(deadly)dyna- danceamongHmongchildren.11Indeed,edu-
r
ra miteblasting,andfromthisrouterunaseries cation in the Vietnamese language (enforced
b
Li of smaller roads and footpaths, increasingly inlocalschools)isnotcommonlyseenascen-
y becomingall-weatherroutes.Touristtrekking traltothewell-beingofHmongchildren,and
sit paths have become more formalized, some Hmongparentsoftenexplainedthattheskills
r
ve with paved stone walkways, although others childrenlearnworkingbesidetheminthefields
ni remaindirttracks,yetwidenedandsignposted and at home are more vital to Hmong liveli-
U
Gill ibnuiEltnginlishY.aHooamnedsTtaay`ysfohramtoluetrsisttsarhgaevteedbeebny hwohoodhsaadnbdeceunlttoursec.hIonoladredpitoirotne,dytohuanttghHetmeaocnhg-
c nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), ers often only instruct for a few hours and
M
[ althoughKinhtouristoperatorsinSaPatown then return home to Sa Pa town, with teach-
by consider Hmong households “too dirty” to erssometimesabsentaltogether.Suchirregu-
d receive their trekking guests (Kinh interviews laritycertainlydoesnotconvinceHmongpar-
e
d 2007, 2009). Channeled water has been avail- entsthattheirchildrenneedformalschooling,
a
nlo able in the valley for over ten years, and the whentheirlabor,howeverminimal,ishelpful
w number of houses this reaches has expanded, athome(seealsoWorldBank2009).Accessto
o
D and new, two-story, concrete-block schools medicalcaredoesnotappeartohavechanged
havereplacedformerone-storywoodenones. considerably over the past ten years beyond
One peculiarity that makes livelihood op- better road access, with local clinics still un-
tions more complex for those living in Sa Pa derstaffedandpoorlyequipped.12
district nowadays is the fact that about three It is interesting to observe that although
quartersofthedistrictislocatedwithinHoa`ng overhalf(twelveoftwenty)oftheHmongre-
Lieˆn So’n National Park. All households lo- spondentsexplainedthattheirhouseholdshave
catedwithinthis“protectedforest”havebeen moremonetaryincomenowthantenyearsago,
theoreticallyprohibitedfromcollectingplants the majority of these (nine) also declared that
and animals, lighting fires, or grazing animals things are more expensive now, so they do
within park boundaries since 2002, and such not perceive themselves as “better off” finan-
householdsdonotholdlegaltitletotheirland cially.Lai(2February2009),aHmongwoman
(Hoa`ng Lieˆn So’n National Park director in- with two small children elucidated, “People
terview 26 May 2006; Le Van Lanh 2004). are now earning more money but things cost
EthnicMinorityLivelihoodsandAgrarianTransitioninUplandNorthernVietnam 547
6
1
0
2
h
c
r
a
M
5
1
3
1
7:
1
at
]
y
ar Figure2 HmongfarmerstransplantinghybridriceinMườngHoavalley,SaPadistrict,La`oCaiprovince.
r
b (Colorfigureavailableonline.)
Li
y
sit
r
e
v morenow.Sothingsjustaboutevenoutwith steadily.Whereasthis“usedtobe2to3mil-
ni
U the past. If people aren’t able to make money lion[VND],nowit’sabout8to10millionas
Gill nthoawt bayfatrmekilkyinwgoourldseblleinwgothrsiengosf,ft.”heOnnIethoinftk- wNeelvlearsthcehleicsks,enses,verniceHamlcoonhgol,inatnedrvipeiwgemeseadti.d”
c
M repeatedexampleofincreasingcostsconcerns notethattheirincreasedmonetaryincomewas
y [ buffalo. The region was hit by a severe win- leading to the purchase of new commodities.
b terin2008andmanyhouseholdslostprecious Those with smaller amounts purchased treats
d
e buffalo,essentialforplowingfieldsbutalsoim- for children, lightbulbs, kerosene, and meat,
d
a portantforculturalritualsandceremonies.As whilethosewithmorecashpurchasedagricul-
o
nl Bao(1February2009),anotherHmongwoman turalinputs.
w
with two children noted, “A buffalo is more New rice seeds were the most commonly
o
D important than having a motorbike.” Now in cited change noted over the past ten years by
shortsupply,buffalopriceshaverisendramat- all interviewees (Figure 2). Beginning in the
ically,reflectingLue’searliercomments.Fur- late1990s,theVietnamesegovernmentsubsi-
thermore, May (15 February 2009) remarked dized hybrid rice seeds in specific communes
that“peoplemighthavemoremoneynow,but classified as upland and ethnic minority areas
the prices of everything have gone up too, so (Zone 3 communes), a program that reached
peoplearenotnecessarilythatmuchbetteroff. La`oCaiprovincein1999(Oxfam2001).Also
Eightyearsago,phở(noodlesoup)forlunchin subsidized under 1998 Government Decree
themarketwas1,000[VND];nowit’s10,000. 20/1998/ND-CP are important commodities
So a family that doesn’t have many funds can suchaskerosene,iodizedsalt,basicmedicines,
onlyjustaffordthatbeforetheygobackhome.” and agricultural inputs such as fertilizers and
MayalsoexplainedthattheHmongbrideprice pesticides. Although the program was devel-
hasfallenvictimtoinflation,withpricesrising oped through a national-level framework, the
548 Volume64,Number4,November2012
provisionofthissupportvarieswidelyinprac- Thus, farmers now have to find other appro-
ticeatprovincial,district,andcommunelevels. priatefeedsources,travelingtootherdistricts
Hmong households have adopted the sub- and even other provinces in their search, re-
sidizedriceseedoptionatdifferenttimesand sulting in greater human and physical capital
to different degrees. The majority of Hmong expenditureandenvironmentalstress.
interviewedforthisproject(fifteenoftwenty) The financial costs of cultivating hybrid
saidthat,onthewhole,thenewriceprogramis seedsarefargreaterthantraditionalvarieties,
a“goodthing,”withmorehouseholdsnowhav- as these new seeds not only have to be pur-
ingenoughricetoseethemthroughtheyear, chased but require additional financial capital
via this intensification of production for self- outlaysforfertilizersandpesticides.Notunex-
consumption(verylittlericegrownissold).Yet, pectedly,therefore,Hmongintervieweescon-
intervieweeswerequicktoexpressanumberof sidertheirtraditionalricetobefarmorepracti-
reservations over this shift in livelihoods that, calbecause“youcansavesomeseedsandgrow
6 in sum, is increasing vulnerability and leaving fromthoseeachyear”(Bao1February2009).
01 themlessfoodsecure.Intervieweeswerehighly Hybrid seeds have also been found to be sus-
h 2 cognizantthatanewassortmentofvulnerabil- ceptible to a broader range of diseases than
c ities is being superimposed by the subsidized traditional rice in the region, requiring addi-
r
a
M rice program over existing, long-term liveli- tional pesticides, and other concerns revolve
5 hoodconcerns. arounddelaysindeliveryofseedsandavailabil-
1
3 Partofthewidespreadapprehensionamong ity of specific seeds suitable for local climatic
1 interviewees centers on taste preferences, in- conditions.Duetosuchuncertainties,somelo-
7:
1 creased reliance on the government, and the cal farmers are now resorting to buying seeds
at needforcashtobuyfarminputs.Asonemale external to the government program, to plant
y] Hmongfarmernoted,“ThebiggestchangeI’ve moreappropriateseedsatanoptimaltime(see
r
ra seenisthatthegovernmentnowsellsrice[seed] Bonnin and Turner forthcoming for more on
b
Li tous.ThisriceisbetterthanHmongricefor thestate’shybridriceprogram).
y production;butweallthinkHmongricetastes Hmong farmers are now working to avoid
sit better” (Xang 31 January 2009).13 Indeed, ev- depending on one particular approach to rice
r
e eryoneinterviewedstatedthattheirowntradi- procurementandcultivation,insteadtryingto
v
ni tionalricetastesbetterthan“Chineserice.”As reduceriskbycountingonadiversityofcoping
U
Gill onnumeyboeurnogfHyemarosnrgemwaormkeadn,I“hWavee’llkenaotwintiffowrea ssetrlaltoefgitehse,rheygbarriddlesseseodfpthroeggroavme.r1n4mAencot’mshpaorsd-
c have to, to get through the year” (May 15 iteapproachtolivelihoods,involvingtheadop-
M
[ February2009).Oneofherolderrelatives,Shu tionofnewpractices,butafirmresolutionto
by (27June2009),elaborated:“Hmongricetastes uphold others embedded in local indigenous
d better because it is stickier and nicer to eat. knowledge, has been decided to be the most
e
d ButChinesericeproducesmoresothatmakes prudentcourse.
a
nlo peoplethinkthatitisbetter.”Againandagain,
w Hmongintervieweesnotedthatifpossible,tak-
o
D ingintoconsiderationfoodsecurity,landhold- ConcludingThoughts:Hmong
ings, and the number of male heirs that land Differentiation?
hastobedividedamong,theywouldonlygrow
Hmongrice. Numerous calls have been made by geogra-
ThispreferenceforHmongriceisnotonly phers for greater recognition to be given to
duetotaste.Traditionalrice,especiallysticky “the local embeddedness of agricultural prac-
rice,isimportantforanumberofceremonies ticesandruralidentities”(Marsdenetal.1996,
and celebrations such as Hmong New Year. 364; Whatmore 1994; Rigg 2001). Thus, al-
The window of opportunity for sowing tradi- thoughcarefulstudiesoflivelihoodsinJavanese
tional rice varieties is also wider than for hy- rural villages in Indonesia (e.g., Alexander
brid rice, allowing labor to be shared among and Alexander 1982; Hart 1986), ethnic Thai
households. Furthermore, the stalks of tradi- villagesinThailand(Hirsch1989),andlowland
tional rice can be fed to buffalo after harvest- Vietnamese villages (Kerkvliet 2003, 2005),
ing, whereas hybrid rice stalks are too tough. among others, have confirmed that rural