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Ethics and Manipulation in Advertising: Answering a Flawed Indictment PDF

219 Pages·1997·1.11 MB·English
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E M THICS AND ANIPULATION A IN DVERTISING E M THICS AND ANIPULATION A IN DVERTISING Answering a Flawed Indictment Michael J. Phillips QUORUM BOOKS Westport, Connecticut • London Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Phillips, Michael J. Ethics and manipulation in advertising : answering a flawed indictment / Michael J. Phillips. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1–56720–063–X (alk. paper) 1. Advertising—Psychological aspects. 2. Advertising—Moral and ethical aspects. 3. Manipulative behavior. 4. Consumer behavior. I. Title. HF5822.P49 1997 659.1′01′9—dc21 96–40911 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available. Copyright © 1997 by Michael J. Phillips All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 96–40911 ISBN: 1–56720–063–X First published in 1997 Quorum Books, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881 An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc. Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this book complies with the Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National Information Standards Organization (Z39.48–1984). 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 C ONTENTS Preface vii Chapter 1 The Indictment of Manipulative Advertising 1 Chapter 2 Utilitarian Arguments 41 Chapter 3 Three Other Ethical Criticisms 77 Chapter 4 Manipulative Advertising and Consumer Choice 107 Chapter 5 Advertising and the Propensity to Consume 143 Chapter 6 The Failure of the Critics’ Vision 173 Selected Bibliography 197 Index 205 P REFACE This book discusses and critically analyzes an attack on advertising that has been a permanent feature of American intellectual life since at least the 1930s. Briefly put, the attack says that advertising manipulates consumers, and that this manipulation justifies cor- rective political action. This attack’s influence waxes and wanes, but it is never without adherents. It finds support because it is initially plausible, and because many people find its political conclusions congenial. By and large, however, there is little to support this assault on advertising. Advertising almost certainly does not manipulate as well as its critics believe. This book’s aim, then, is to undermine a critique of advertising that emphasizes its manipulativeness. Chapter 1 opens by develop- ing that critique and the political agenda it has inspired. This agenda ranges from modest recommendations for increased regu- lation of certain ads, through proposals to limit the volume of advertising, to John Kenneth Galbraith’s ambitious program for a less consumerist America. After developing this book’s conception of the term “manipulative advertising,” the chapter observes that because advertising’s manipulativeness might be a good thing—by hypothesis it keeps the economy humming, after all—its critics badly need a moral argument to justify their political agenda. Without such an argument, that agenda is a complete non sequitur viii Preface even if advertising’s powers are enormous. Advertising’s traditional critics, many of whom were economists and implicit utilitarians, usually were not too articulate about the moral underpinnings of their work. But with the emergence of the business ethics move- ment in the 1970s and 1980s, moral arguments for manipulative advertising’s badness finally became available. Chapters 2 and 3 examine the ethicists’ arguments on the assump- tion that advertising manipulates as well as its critics believe. These chapters consider how manipulative advertising fares under three well-known ethical theories (utilitarianism, Kant’s categorical im- perative, and virtue ethics) and one widely accepted ethical value (autonomy). Chapters 2 and 3 conclude that, although the utilitar- ian arguments against manipulative advertising are inconclusive, there are other moral grounds for adjudging it wrong if it works. But does manipulative advertising really manipulate? Employing empirical work and informed speculation of various kinds, chap- ters 4 and 5 maintain that manipulative advertising does not work especially well. (This of course does not mean that it is powerless or useless to business.) Chapter 4 reaches this conclusion about manipulative advertising’s ability to dictate consumer choice among products and services, and chapter 5 reaches the same conclusion about advertising’s stimulation of the propensity to consume. As one might expect, chapters 4 and 5 have implications for the ethical conclusions reached in chapters 2 and 3. They vitiate all the earlier moral arguments against manipulative advertising except one argument based on Kant’s categorical imperative. In chapter 6, I try to dispose of that last ethical argument. Its elimination also eliminates the last advertising-related rationale for the more ambi- tious portions of the critics’ agenda. I say “advertising-related” because the failure of the critics’ assault on manipulative advertis- ing does not necessarily doom these far-reaching proposals. But it does preclude using advertising’s manipulativeness to justify them. On the other hand, nothing in the book necessarily argues against the piecemeal regulation of particular manipulative ads. This book does not consider whether advertising’s other alleg- edly noxious attributes—for example, its tastelessness, its omni- presence, or its effect on the mass media—might justify its regulation. In addition, the book examines only the ethical theories or values employed in the business ethics literature on manipulat- Preface ix ive advertising. Despite my legal training, moreover, the book does not consider whether the regulation of manipulative advertising might offend the First Amendment. My concern is with the ethical implications of advertising’s asserted manipulativeness. (And if enough influential Americans become convinced that advertising’s manipulativeness justifies political controls of one kind or another, American constitutional law most likely will follow their lead.) Furthermore, the book makes only scattered references to a con- ception of advertising residing 180 degrees away from the vision propounded by advertising’s critics. This, briefly, is the view that advertising is information; that consumers respond to it rationally; and that it therefore is a powerful force for competition, efficiency, and abundance. I give this view relatively short shrift because my concerns lie elsewhere and because I am unpersuaded by it. I differ from this advertising-as-information view in thinking that there are forms of advertising to which the label “manipulative” fairly applies. I differ from critics of this manipulative advertising in denying that it manipulates very well. Although I am not an expert in the philosophical, economic, and marketing matters this book considers, I doubt whether this lack matters much. My presentation of the various ethical theories is, and need only be, rudimentary. The theories’ application to ma- nipulative advertising does not require philosophical abilities of a high order. Because I conclude that manipulative advertising does not work very well, I largely am spared the philosophers’ problem of adjudicating among the theories. As for the economic and marketing literature on advertising, I do not perform or critique such studies, but merely report them. Due to the vast amount of relevant work, of course, that report is not exhaustive. This book tries to tie together several distinct branches of knowledge as they apply to advertising. If such books require professional training in all the relevant disciplines, few will ever be written. Such integrative efforts are needed not only to offset the one-sidedness of single-discipline books, but also to avoid their tendency to make casual assumptions about matters that are contentious outside the discipline. Although economists frequently praise or condemn advertising, for example, the utilitarian assump- tions that usually underlie their evaluations rarely are developed or even made articulate. This means that those utilitarian evalu- ations do not consider or confront evaluations of advertising from x Preface other ethical perspectives. Worse yet, as chapters 2 and 4 suggest, it sometimes appears as if economists’ economic/utilitarian argu- ments are influenced by those other perspectives. As for business ethicists, their pronouncements about advertising often make fac- tual assumptions about the very issues disputed by economists and other social scientists. The usual assumption, of course, is that manipulative advertising works quite well in one or both of the senses described earlier. The failure of this assumption has a further implication. Critics of consumerism who urge a transformation of American society should stop relying on advertising’s manipulativeness to justify their position. Too often, I think, that assumption is both an implicit substitute for moral argument (as if consumerism’s illegitimacy and the new society’s superiority follow from it), and a tacit justification for the critics’ paternalism (as if manipulation by business validates manipulation for supposedly better ends). As I suggest in chapter 1, neither conclusion follows even if advertising manipulates as well as its critics believe. And while there are moral arguments for each conclusion, it turns out that manipulative advertising does not manipulate too well. This is not, of course, to say either that a consumerist life is the best life and no alternatives are conceivable, or that paternalism is always wrong. But it is to say that advertis- ing’s asserted manipulativeness cannot aid those who would argue the contrary.

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For more than 50 years the critics of advertising have argued that advertising is bad because it manipulates, and that it must be reined in by political controls. Not so, argues Michael Phillips. If advertising really were as successful in manipulating consumers as its critics claim, it almost certa
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