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Esopete ystoriado (Toulouse 1488) Edition, Study and Notes by Victoria A. Burros and Harriet Goldberg Madison, 1990 Google Original from Digitized by UNIVERSITYO F MICHIGAN t~ 3~55 .'57 13 & 1 Advisory Board of the Hispanic 1 ~ ~ o Seminary of Medieval Studies, Ltd. Samuel Armistead Theodore S. Beardsley, Jr. DiegoCalalán Jerry Craddock Alan D. Deyermond Brian Dutton Charles B. Faulhaber Regina af Geijerstam Ian Macpherson Hans-J. Niederehe Harvey Sharrer Joseph T. Snow Copyright @1990 by The Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Sbldies, Ltd. Spanish Series No. 61 ISBN 0-940639-56-4 Google Original from Digitized by UNIVERSITYO F MICHIGAN - - - J... C:,-LMR / M 1' 11'M. 130-.Jtfl/ spa•) ";/fo!! aÍ R Lf-l-o"( Acknowledgments We would like to extend our sincere thanks the John Rylands University Library of Manchester for their kind permission to study their unique copy of the 1488 Toulouse edition and to produce this edition. The efforts of Alan Deyermond in this regard were especially helpful. We would also like to acknowledge the support and assistance of the Seminary of Medieval Spanish Studies, especially John Nitti, Lloyd Kasten, and Jean Lentz, in the various phases of preparation of this text. Google Original from Digitized by UNIVERSITYO F MICHIGAN TABLEO F CONTENTS Introduction . . . . vil La vida del Esopo . 1 Libro Primero . . 33 Ubro Segundo . 49 UbroTercero . 61 Ubro Quarto . 75 Las fabulas extravagantes . 85 Las fabulas nuevas de Remicio 109 Las fabulas de Aviano 119 Las fabulas coletas . 137 Las fabulas añadidas 165 Tabula . . . . . . 173 Variants and Emendations 177 Glossary . . . . . . . 201 Appendix A - Tables 1-4 217 Appendix B - Motif-lndex . 223 Appendix C - Narrative Hinge/Tale Role Classification 243 Appendix D - Fable Index . . . . . . 255 Abbreviations and Frequently Cited Works 267 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . 269 Google Original from Digitized by UNIVERSITYO F MICHIGAN In the Vida del Esopo tales have a triple INTRODUCTION function: they occur situationally, they are descriptive, and they are persuasive. Situationally Studies of Aesopic collections generally follow a the author uses them as sequential, causative set pattern. First, they define the Aesopian fable. narrative units and as such they are a part of Second, they examine the history of the man Aesop, the central narrative and advance the action (Propp as opposed to the semi-legendary picaresque figure 20). Toey are descriptive when they revea! the who appears in the Lije o/ Aesop. Third, the nature of a character in a tale; Aesop's impudent sources, the dispersion, and the influence of his wit, independent spirit, wisdom, and probity are tales are considered. In addition to exploring these demonstrated indirectly in the Vida. In the narrative tapies, this study will add two folkloristic topics: the context, Aesop uses fables as persuasive tools in relationship between folklore and literature and the incidents that mirror real events.2 Of course, at question of fable structure and classification. times, sorne follctales peñorm a double function; they describe the hero's goodness, and also advance the action in a longer narrative. Por example, Aesop THE FABLE DEFINED feeds the mysterious stranger Ysidis and is rewarded Most definitions of 'fable' stress its with the gift of speech and of understanding animal observational character. In the prologue to his speech. edition of Aesop (1476-77) Heinrich SteinhOwel In the collected tales, the function of the appropriated the definition offered by St Isidore fable is for the most part interna!, i.e., it is of Seville in his disquisition on the fable rarely situational, although sometimes the compilers (Etymologiae I.xl). When an anonymous translator mimic a storyteller's normal discourse style, as in rendered Steinhc>wel's work into Spanish as Esopete a tale-telling session in which a story about an ystoriado, he in turn included the classic definition: eagle brings to mind another or a tale condemning "las fabulas son cosas non fechas, mas fingidas, & tyranny prompts the telling of another. Among the fueron falladas porque por las palabras fingidas delas collected fables, situational context is only rarely animalias irracionales de vnas a otras la ymagen & given, for example in Ubro 1.7 a sage warns a costumbres delos ombres fuessen conoscidas" (2v ). thiers neighbors against encouraging his marriage Toe emphasis is on their observational and practical by telling them how the nations of the world went character rather than on their ethical nature. As to Jupiter to prevent the Sun from marrying because H. J. Blackham puts ic "Fable is heuristic, rather his offspring-many suns-would scorch the world. than positively didactic" (176).l In the Esopete ystoriado most tales begin with All definitions agree that narrative purpose is an a promythium, a brief declaration of topic and essential feature of a fable, be it Aesopic or not. purpose, and end with a more formal statement in However, this purpose can be either internal-the the epimythium, e.g., "Esta fabula amonesta . . .; narrative and moral points are independent of the Es assi segund el prouerbio ... ; Quiere dezir este situational context in which the fable is told, or exemplo ... ; Ensena esta fabula .... " According external-the tale ftows from a previous action in a to the eminent Aesopian, Ben Edwin Perry, these larger narrative or from an utterance in discourse. explicit expressions of purpose originally had a Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett shows how a tale is practical purpose: "Toe function of the promythium used in a particular social context to resolve a was to index the fable under the heading of conflict. She writes: ''The significance of a parable its moral application for the convenience of the or proverb is not in the parable or proverb itself but writer or speaker" (Babrius xv). After a time, in the meaning which particular participants give it the promythium became a brief summary and was in a specific context. Parables, lilce proverbs, are added at the end as an explanation-an epimythium statements of group norms" (127). Toe principal (Babrius xv ). At this point, when headings representatives of the contextual school which "aims had ceased to be thought of as indexing devices, at making the situational context of a storytelling compilations began to be designed to be read event the only legitimare object of study" are Dan consecutively, and, in their new literary existence, Ben-Amos, Richard Bauman and Robert Georges promythia and epimythia were integrated into the (Wehse 251). body of the tale.3 Google Original from Digitized by UNIVERSITYO F MICHIGAN viii Esopete ystoriado According to Blackham, however, these moral Phrygian; he lived in the early sixth century B.C.; indexing devices are never really integral to the text was a slave on the island of Samos, and was later (251). For him the story exists as an independent freed by bis master Iadmon. He is mentioned as narrative unit that illuminates certain behavior but a teller of tales by Aristolle, Herodotus, Eugeon of is innocent of any instructive intent. A storyteller Samos, Callimachus, Alexis, Poseidippus, and much can then append one of several didactic messages later by Plutarch (Babrius xxxv-xlvi). within the natural constraints of the narrative itself. Toe Vida ckl Esopo is based on a Greek U/e o/ Arnold Clayton Henderson describes the process Aesop composed in Egypt in the first century before of appending didactic messages. He notes that ChrisL There are two extant MSS, W (eleventh each tale has an "inherent paUern" within the century, edited by A. Westermann [ Braunschweig, limitations of which the teller is free to select a 18451) and G (tenth century) housed in the morali7.ation, as long as he does not violate the Pierpont Margan Library. According to Perry, pattern ( 40-41 ). lf we use a linguistic model, W is an "editio scholastica expurgara et amputara" this "inherent pattern" is the deep structure while (Aesopica 22) whose archetype is not older than the details-the identity of the principal figures the eleventh century (Studies 2). Perry has edited and many of the circumstances, and even the G, the older and more complete version, with moral point-are merely the surface structure or variants from W (Aesopica 35-107). Maximus realizations (Pearcy 105).4 Jan Michael's concept Planudes (1260-1330), a Byzantine monk, relied on of narrative and moral points and Walter Wienen's W to write a thirteenth-century Greek version that ErziJhlungstypen, 'Narrative Types,' and Sinntypen, was later translated into Latin (ca. 1448) by the 'Sense Types,' also express this distinction. Italian humanist Rinuccio d' Arezw da Castiglione Therefore, it is possible to posit two parallel (b. 1395?), also known as Remicio Aretino and cultural inventories-one made up of universal referred to as Remicio, Remisio, or Remigio in didactic units and another of narrative units. Both the Spanish editions. lt is Rinuccio's version that tales and messages are two distinct pans of a Heinrich SteinMwel used for the U/e o/ Aesop cultural repenory shared by the members of a which begins bis compilation of fables. given social community. Funher, by extending Carl Because most modem critics insist opon treating Wilhelm von Sydow's concept of the oicotype (a Aesop with the kind of reverence due a classical tale variant which talces root and ftourishes in a authority, they tend to react with dismay at the new culture under determined favorable conditions) U/e's earthy content. Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, editor we can also suppose a ftow of both kinds of units of a facsimile edition of the 1489 Vida y fabulas across cultural boundaries.s ck Ysopo, dismisses it as a work "formada por un Thus, tale types, folle motifs, and moral points tejido de patrallas ridículas" (Fdbulas de Esopo x). circulate widely, collide and then re-combine in R. T. Lenaghan in bis edition of Caxton's English the popular imagination either in space or time. translation calls it a "crude episodic 'biography' ," Sorne of the products of these collisions are called putting the word in pejorative quotation marks (5). fables. There is HUie point in distinguishing among Guthrie Vine calls it ''this fatuous life of Aesop" uempla, anecdotes, animal tales, etiological tales, ( 114 ). E ven Perry characterizes it as "a naive, jokes, and parables for a definition. It is sufficient popular and anonymous book composed for the to say that Aesopic fables are shon illuslrative entertainment and edification of the common people narratives that illuminate sorne aspect of human rather than for educated meo" (Studies 2). Kenneth behavior. In their literary realii.ations they are Jackson characterizes this kind of condescension compiled with promythia or epimythia, or they are about folk literature: ''Those who are not conversant incorporated into a larger narrative where they either with this form of literature and its history often tend advance the action, describe the auributes of a to regard it as something necessarily very childish, character, or act as persuasive tools in discourse. very inartistic and crude, and as the almost exclusive propeny of mentally backward, ignorant and boorish yokels, apart from the very occasional patronizing THE HIS10RICAL ANO THE FICTIONAL AESOP use of folktale plots by the literary classes when it LiUle is known about the identity of the happens to suit them" (3). Perhaps because the Life real Aesop. Perry tells us he was Thracian, not o/ Aesop was considered to be a folkbook or a piece Google Original from Digitized by UNIVERSITYO F MICHIGAN I ntroduction ix of ephemera. it was, according to Perry, a rare book Aesop's status as a folk figure-tale teller and until the thirteenth century. Copyists eithe.r left it wise man-seems ro have been already established out of their editions or substituted a short preface al the time of a presumed fourth-century B.C. ascribed to Aphthonius, a fourth-century A.O. authm biography wbich is thought ro be the source of a collection of forty Cables in Greek (Perry of the first-century Egyptian biography. Lloyd Studies 174). Perry supposes a shift from G ro W Daly speculates that the <Xiginal Life reftected sometime before the thirteenth century; however, a "an anti-intellectual, anti-Hellenic bias consonant fourteenth-century Latin translation of the Vatican with the New Greek Comedy . . . in wbich clevei 1192 U/e does include sorne episodes frorn G .6 slaves repeatedly showed their supel'iority ro their It see.rns fair ro conjecture that, at least parts of doltish masters" (20-21). Four centuries later, the U/e we.re gene.rally known by the fourteenth in the first century of the Christian ei-a, its century. Its inclusion in ali the fifteenth-century Hellenized Egyptian adapter must have responded compilations speaks ro its new appea1 to the public ro sorne of the same values, and, al the same laste. time, must have read new meanings inro the st<l"y. Perhaps Aesop's defiance of bis executioners Implicit in the criticism of the Vida is recalled similar behavior in accounts of the virgin the notion that such scholars as Planudes, Rinuccio, SteinhOwel, Julien Macho, and the martyrs. Sorne correspondences with Toe.cesa Hyun's outline of saintly martyrdorn come ro mind: anonymous Spanish aranslaror were naive fools who a) the martyr refuses to accept the values of the unknowingly offered their readersbip a U/e o/ Aesop group; b) he suff ers for bis opposition; e) ordel' that was a hodgepodge of ridiculous tasteless srories is resrored; d) the persecurors later honor their simply becauseo f its association with the collected victim. Toe account of Aesop's persecution in tales. Francisco R. Adrados ("El Ubro" and "La the Vida which follows these steps might even be Vida"), on the other hand, argues convincingly that parodie, considel'ing bis inappropriate use of defiant, the Vida de Esopo is a part of the literary tradition insulting, anger-provoking Cables in bis pleas to bis of ••ta novela realista antigua," in which he includes Delphian judges. 8 Pearonius's Satyricon and TM Golden Ass. In Moving ahead in time, one wonde.rs these works as in the Vida the protagonist is of what Maximus Planudes, Rinuccio d'Arezzo da humble origin and is resentful of the upper classes. Castiglione, and the fifteenth-century translators He succeeds, although he suffers humiliation and made of the central narrative point-Aesop, a blows and bis erotic experiences are anti-romantic. deformed, ugly, tongue-tied slave rises ro a position Fables, proverbs, and othe.r folkloric materials are of powei- and fame as a srorytelle.r, only ro fall, incorporated into a plot slJ'Uctured on travel. both literally and figuratively from this pinnacle Sorne critics see.rn ro have igoored the fact that through bis own injudicious behavior. While by the first century before Christ, Aesop the tale in the pre-Christian version Aesop was punished teller had become a folk culture hero with whom becauseh e had offended Apollo (Daly 20), an early certain narratives, many of them comic, sorne ribald, Christian-era interpretation probably rested upon the but ali entertaining, had by then becorne associated. sins of pride and presumption. In fifteenth-century These include bits of the life and lore of the Castile, a public altuned ro the theme of the fall Assyrian sage, Ahikar (mentioned in the Bible as of the mighty (Peter the Cruel's unfortunate fate either Asaph or Akyrios), and episodes in the life and the dramatic finish of Don Alvaro de Luna's of Loqman, a legendary pre-Islamic sage alluded ro career are two examples) might have found the in the Koran. Babrius, a Hellenized Rornan living sage's figurative and literal fall ro be particularly in Syria in the second half of the first century, had meaningf ul. already recognized him as the prototypical Greek As in othe.r folk narratives, this story teems with fabulisL He explained: •"Fable . . . is the invention comic episodes. Although it is IJ'Ue that much of the Syrians of old, who lived in the days of humor is culture specific, there are certain kinds of Ninus and Belus. Toe first ro tell Cables 10 the jokes that do travel well across time and space, sons of Hellenes, they say, was Aesop the wise; given sorne similarity in the world view of the and ro the Lybians Cybisses also told fables" (Pei-ry affected communities. In fact, because our culture Babrius 139).7 has been shaped by its Graeco-Roman roots, it is Google Original from Digitized by UNIVERSITYO F MICHIGAN X Esopete ystoriado not surpnsmg that we too find humor in what culture requires us to repress" (16). His triumphs was risible at the time of the composition of the over his social superiors relieve vicariously the first-century fictional biography. audience's societally imposed tension. Powerless to How else are we to explain Aesop's ugliness change its own circumstances, it laughs at a comic if not as humor? He is described as ''vn m~ narrative and enjoys meting out punishment to the difforme et feo de cara & de cuerpo mas que overproud and to the deceitful. Most satisfying of njnguno que se fallasse en aquel tiempo, ca era de ali, of course, is the overwhelming victory of the grand ~. de ojos agudos, de negro color, de down-trodden slave. lt is not mere chance that so maxillas luengas & cuello corto, & de pantorillas many of the fables in the U/e o/ Aesop, and also gruessas & de pies grandes, bocudo, giboso & in the collected tales, deal with the individual in barrigudo, & de lengua tartamuda et ~~bilioso" conflict with authority. (3v ). Punctuating the passage one way suggests that Thus we can conclude that the Life o/ Aesop he might have been a black man, a possible memory created an Aesop who suited the fancy of at of Loqman who was said to have been a Nubian least three different audiences-those of the fourth slave with thick lips and flat feet (''Ce Nubien aux century B.C. in Greece, the first century of the l~vres épaisses aux pieds plats" Basset xlii-xliv; see Christian era in Egypt, and the fourteenth to Harris lxxvüi). fifteenth century in Europe. Even though his strange appearance may have been an accidental accretion to the legend, such LITERARY DISPERSION OF AESOP'S FABLES details in a folktale only persist because of an inherent, logical connection to the narrative that was Just as biographical material had accumulated attractive to its audience. Since ugliness and wisdom around the folk figure of Aesop, so too had a are not normally related, the logical connection must repertoire of fables whose preservation in written lie in a deliberate incongruity which emphasizes his form began in the fourth century B.C. It was strangeness, and, at the same time, frees Aesop, the then that an Aesopic canon began to develop. Toe comic figure, from many of society's constraints. first collection of Aesopic fables in Greek prose Another feature not usually associated with compiled by Demetrius of Phalerum {ca. 345-283 either sages or with storytellers is a speech defecL B.C.) has not survived, although it was still extant Aesop's speech handicap might be the result of in the tenth century A.O. (Perry "Demetrius of contamination by the Life o/ Ahikar. Toe Assyrian Phalerum" 287-346). hero, when falsely accused of treason by his Toe earliest compilations designed to be read adopted son, reacts: "And when Haiqar saw this, as literature, i.e., in verse and with sorne thought his limbs trembled and his tongue was tied at given to the order of their telling, were produced once, and he was unable to speak from fear, in the first century after ChrisL Before this time and he hung his head towards the earth and was fable collections were principally reference volumes dumb" (Harris 98). Subsequent narrators may have for rhetoricians. Phaedrus (ca. 18 B.C.-A.D. 54), by transformed this momentary speechlessness into a setting his fables in Latin senarian verse, created a personal characteristic. It too adhered because of the new kind of work that fulfilled the double purpose satisfying way in which the worthy slave's speech is of entertaining and instructing. Toe most complete miraculously restored as a reward for kindness to a codex of Phaedrus's work is clearly defective, mysterious traveler. Not only is he granted normal containing only ninety-four of the nearly one speech, but he is also gifted with the ability to hundred fifty fables he composed {Perry Babrius understand the speech of animals and birds, a talent lxxxii-lxxxiii). Another thirty fables in their metrical especially suited to a fabulisL form were compiled by the Italian humanist Niccolo Aesop, the ill-favored slave, the least puissant Perotti { 1430-80) from a manuscript which is now figure imaginable, repeatedly secures justice for lost.9 himself through the exercise of his wits, his only Other Phaedrian fables are extant only in weapon. Why we laugh at this kind of reversal of prose paraphrases. Sixty-two of them are found power can be explained partly by Martin Grotjahn's in the Aesopus ad Rufum {tenth century). A summary of the aggressive nature of humor: "Wit collection compiled by Ademar de Charbannes begins with an intention to injure, which our (A.O. 988-1030) contains sixty-seven, severa) of Google Original from Digitized by UNIVERSITYO F MICHIGAN I ntroduction xi whicb are not found in other sources. After whicb deviale from Babrius. Phaedrus or Avianus Frederick Nilant publisbed the Codex Ademari in (Babrius I: 422-66; la: 466-70). F abuku anli([UIU ( 1700; ed. Léopold Hervieux The Latin fable tradition continued with Flavius 2: 131-45). this collection was often referred to Avianus. wbo wrote Corty-two Cables in Latin elegiac among critics as Anonymus Nilanti )O The most verse around the beginning oC the fiCth century widely circulated of the prose paraphrases. bowever. (Hervieux 3: 48).12 While the Romulus compilations are the eigbty-odd fables wbicb appear in various are basedo n Phaedrus. Avianus relied most probably medieval collections known as Romulus because they on a Latin prose version of the Greek verse Cables begin with a prefatory epistle of "Romulus" to oC Babrius (McKenzie and Oldfather 10). It had bis son ''Tybel'inus." Although Hermano Oesterley become customary to append tales from Avianus thougbt that there migbt have been a real Romulus, to the Romulus compilations in the Middle Ages both Hervieux and Perry consider the epistle to be a and they carne to be regarded as a part of the fiction. Perry says the collection "falsely pmports canon (Keidel Elliott 295). Walter oC England to be the translation of a Greek Aesop made by (ft. lln) versified fables from the first three books one Romulus and addressed to bis son Tyberinus. of Romulus. sorne fifty-eight of them. After both of whom are p1ainly pseudonymous" (Babrius morali7.ations were later auached to these fables. the xcix).11 work carne to be known as Esopus Moralisatus Soon after Phaedrus. Babrius composed fables (Hervieux edits these moralizations as an appendix in Greelc cboliambic verse. a collection thought to to bis edition of Walter. 2: 316-51; 352-65). This have consisted of about 200 fables. Of these. one collection was often referred to by critics as bundred forty-three have been preserved intact and Anonymus Neveleti because of its publication by are publisbed by Perry in Aesopica and in Babrius. Isaac Nevelet in Mythologia Aesopica (Frankfort. Fifty-seven more have survived in prose paraphrases 1610) until Hervieux at the end of the nineteenth (edited by Otto Crusius). century identified Walter of England as its author. The oldest and largest collection of Aesopian McKenzie and Oldfather edit them as they appear prose fables in Greek is the Augustana Recension in a fourteenth-century manuscript accompanied by I. whose name derives from the manuscript. now a verse translation in French; the manuscript also codex Monacensis 564. once having been housed at contains nineteen fables from Avianus with Frencb Augsburg. It is the parent stock of three subsequent verse translation (Ysopet-Avionnet ). They have also recensions: Recension la; Recension II. known also been edited by Wendelin Foerster in conjunction as the Vindobonensis; Recension III, the Accursiana with bis edition of a thirteenth-century Frencb (named for Bonus Accursius wbo printed it in Milan translation (Lyoner Yzopet ). in 1474; see Keidel Manual 11 ). The Accursiana As we have noted. collections of Aesop's fables was also called the Planudean Recension because based on Phaedrus circulated in the Middle Ages Bonus Accursius had used Maximus Planudes•s early under the name of Romulus. These eigbty-odd fourteenth-century manuscript (Babrius xvi-xvii). fables. divided into four books and arranged in The Augustana collection, unlike the self a relatively fixed order, form the core of the consciously literary verse versions of Phaedrus fifteenth-century vernacular translations wbich stem and Babrius. was a repository of instructive from Heinrich Steinhowel's first bilingual edition tales. compiled by an anonymous author for the printed in Ulm by Johann Zainer in 1476 or 14n.1 3 transmission of the fables themselves, with little For eacb of the Cables in the first three books attention to elegance of style (Perry "Demetrius of Steinh0wel also included the corresponding verse Phalerum" 156). It contains two bundred thirty-one paraphrase from Walter of England. and as R. T. fables and according to Perry it "can be traced to Lenaghan points out. he thus "in effect appropriated an arcbetype of the fourth or fifth century" (Babrius the major rival collection of the fifteenth century" xvi). Supposing a series of re-formations of a ( 15). The four boolcs from the traditional Romulus text that lasted until the ninth century, Francisco are preceded by Rinuccio d• Arezzo•s translation Adrados identifies traces of cboliambic verse in its of the Life o/ Aesop and followed by seventeen prose (''Tradición"). Perry edits the Greelc prose fables that are designated "Extravagantes" because in Aesopica (321-411) and elsewhere lists ali the althougb they were traditional and considered to fables, giving brief Englisb summaries of those be Aesopic. they lacked the authority of forming Google Original from Digitized by UNIVERSITYO F MICHIGAN xii Esopete ystoriado part of the standard collection.14 Oddly enough, 730), he ventured to conclude that "the Aesopic there are a number of correspondences between Fable was never a favcrite fcrm of literature in the contents of the first Reynard epic (Ysengrimus the Iberic peninsula" ("Notes" 722). Pricr to the dated in 1148 cr 1149) and several of the tales fourteenth century he finds only SL Isidore of in Extravagantes. 15 Seventeen fables were selected Seville's disquisition on the fable contained in the by SteinhOwel from Rinuccio's translation (Latin Etymologioe (I.xl) and a ninth-century reference prose ), 16 followed by twenty-seven fables in Latin to a copy of Avianus. In Spanish librarles verse from Avianus (see Appendix A, Thble 2). The he was able to locate various fourteenth- and Disciplina Clericalis of Petrus Alfonsi (1062-1110) fifteenth-century manuscripts of Walter of England's and the Facetiae of Poggio Bracciolini (1380-1459) popular collection of Latin fables in verse and of are the source for sorne twenty more tales, although the Specula Historiale et Doctrinale of Vincent de the number and selection vary in SteinhOwel and Beauvais, which contain a collection of fables. In the French, English, and Spanish editions ( see addition to references to other copies of those works Appendix A, Table 4 ). In his original bilingual he cites a reference to a "quesopete" in Latin in edition. SteinhOwel also included an index of the the inventcry of the library of Alvar García de moral message of each fable with such headings as Santa María ( 1460), references to French lsopets "Freedom, Obstinacy, Old Age, Wisdom," a clear in inventories in Navarre and Aragón, and an sign that he intended the book to be a mcral Aesopus in Greek in the library of the University of reference guide. The Aesopic fable collection had Salamanca. His final reference is to two copies of thus returned to its initial form of publication, a "Isopete en romance" in the inventcry of the library moral handbook or a guide to rhetoricians.17 of Isabel I of Castile.19 Eight years earlier than the first Spanish Although extant medieval collections are translation, an Augustinian friar, Julien Macho, admiu.edly few, there is other equally important ª published his French edition in Lyon (1480).1 evidence that Aesopic literature was known and Wadsworth explains that because early printers appreciated in Spain. The earliest appearance were almost ali German, they had to call on of a reference to an ''ysopete" in Spain occurs friars in local convents ''to help choose and in the fourteenth-centmy Libro de buen amor, prepare manuscripts and to correct proof, to in which Juan Ruiz specifically refers to one of supply introductions, annotations and commentaries" the Aesopic fables as "esta fabula conpuesta de (16-17). A comparison of the French and Spanish Isopete sacada" (96d).20 In addition to Juan Ruiz, texts shows conclusively that the Spanish translation fo urteenth-century Spain produced the figure of don depends directly on SteinhOwel rather than on the Juan Manuel, who included several Aesopic fables French, as has often been asserted. 0n the other in his Conde Lucanor. 21 El libro de los gatos is an hand, William Caxton made close use of Macho adaptation of the tales of England •s Odo of Cheriton to prepare his 1484 English translation (Lenaghan (ca. 1185-1247), sorne of which are Aesopic in 18). None of these other early editcrs prepared origin. Another thirteenth-century Anglo-Latin worlc, a topical index like SteinhOwel's, which leads one the Speculum Laicorum, was rendered into Spanish to think thal they intended their works to be read as the Espéculo de los legos in the fifteenth century. consecutively rather than as a reference guide. Aesopic fables are also found among the hundreds of uempla in the Libro de los exenplos por a.b.c. compiled by Clemente Sánchez de Vercial in the FABLE LITERATURE IN SPAIN fifteenth century. Léopold Hervieux's monumental Les Fabulistes Earlier Spanish interest in fable literature was lcuins, while it included sorne documentation for focused on oriental tales, and Spain was an the dispersion of Aesopic literature in medieval impcrtanl source fer their entry into Europe. In Spain, seemed to Gecrge Keidel to show a lack the twelfth century Petrus Alfonsi, a converted of acquaintance with Spanish libraries ("Notes" Spanish Jew, had collected a number of these tales 720). In 1901 he published an article in which in his Disciplina Clericalis, a book which became he attempted to remedy the situation, but while enormously popular ali over Europe. SteinhOwel admitting thal his findings could only be considered included a selection in the final section of his "a starting point" for future investigation ("Notes" Aesop. The thirteenth century saw even greater Google Original from Digitized by UNIVERSITYO F MICHIGAN

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