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158 Pages·2013·1.19 MB·English
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Eroding the Absolute Character of the Principle of Non-Refoulement? A Comparative Study of the Use of Diplomatic Assurances Against Torture By Yannick Ghelen n o cti e oll C D T e U E C HR MA – LONG THESIS Supervisor: Charlotte Steinorth, Assistant Professor Central European University 1051 Budapest, Nador utca 9 Hungary © Central European University November 29, 2013 n o cti e oll C D T e U E C i Table  of  Contents   TABLE  OF  CONTENTS   II   EXECUTIVE  SUMMARY   IV   LIST  OF  FIGURES   V   LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS   VI   INTRODUCTION   1   CHAPTER  I:  THE  PRACTICE  OF  DIPLOMATIC  ASSURANCES   9   1.   The  context  in  which  diplomatic  assurances  operate   10   2.   Defining  diplomatic  assurances   11   3.   The  presence  of  diplomatic  assurances  in  practice   13   4.   The  challenges  associated  with  diplomatic  assurances   16   Concluding  remarks   24   CHAPTER  II:  GLOBAL  AND  REGIONAL  STANDARDS  OF  NON-­‐REFOULEMENT   26   1.   The  1951  Convention  and  1967  Protocol  relating  to  the  Status  of  Refugees   28   1.1.   The  scope  of  the  rights  contained  in  the  Convention  and  Protocol   29   1.2.   The  content  of  the  principle  of  non-­‐refoulement   30   1.3.   Who  is  protected  by  the  prohibition  of  refoulement?   31   1.4.   Limitations  to  the  principle  of  non-­‐refoulement   35   2.   General  human  rights  standards  and  their  impact  on  the  principle  of  non-­‐refoulement   38   3.   Non-­‐refoulement  as  a  norm  of  customary  international  law?   44   Concluding  remarks   48   CHAPTER  III:  THE  LEGALITY  OF  DIPLOMATIC  ASSURANCES  AGAINST  TORTURE  BEFORE   INTERNATIONAL  HUMAN  RIGHTS  BODIES   50   1.   The  case-­‐law  of  the  UN  Committee  against  Torture   51   2.   The  case-­‐law  of  the  UN  Human  Rights  Committee   56   3.   A  consensus  ‘against’  the  use  of  diplomatic  assurances  within  the  United  Nations  system?   60   Concluding  remarks   64   n o ecti CHAPTER  IV:  THE  LEGALITY  OF  DIPLOMATIC  ASSURANCES  AGAINST  TORTURE  BEFORE  THE   Coll EUROPEAN  COURT  OF  HUMAN  RIGHTS   66   D 1.   The  ECtHR’s  case  law  in  the  run-­‐up  to  Saadi   67   T e 2.   The  Saadi  judgment  and  its  aftermath   71   U E 3.   The  importance  of  the  Othman  (Abu  Qatada)  case   77   C 3.1.   A  new  approach  to  diplomatic  assurances?   79   3.2.   A  violation  of  Article  3  or  not?   82   3.3.   A  violation  of  Article  6  or  not?   86   4.   Developments  since  Othman   89   Concluding  remarks   93   CHAPTER  V:  A  COUNTRY  EXAMPLE:  THE  ROLE  OF  THE  UNITED  KINGDOM  AS  ‘PROMOTER’   OF  THE  USE  OF  DIPLOMATIC  ASSURANCES   95   1.   The  origins  of  the  British  Policy  of  ‘Deportation  With  Assurances’   96   ii 2.   The  UK’s  Memoranda  of  Understanding   100   2.1.   The  United  Kingdom’s  position   100   2.2.   The  content  of  the  MoU’s   103   2.3.   Criticisms   107   3.   SIAC’s  case  law  on  diplomatic  assurances   113   3.1.   The  approach  taken  by  SIAC   114   3.2.   An  analysis  of  SIAC’s  jurisprudence   116   3.3.   Criticisms   118   Concluding  remarks   120   CONCLUSION   122   ANNEXES   129   BIBLIOGRAPHY   143     n o cti e oll C D T e U E C iii Executive  Summary   The present thesis analyses whether and how instances of state practice regarding diplomatic assurances against torture have had an eroding effect on the principle of non- refoulement, and this through a comparative analysis of three different jurisdictions, building on primary and secondary sources. This detailed review and analysis of jurisprudence at international level (the UN Human Rights Committee, the UN Committee Against Torture), at regional level (the European Court of Human Rights) and at national level (the United Kingdom) has allowed to draw certain conclusions with regard to such a potential clash of diplomatic assurances with the principle of non-refoulement. While the present case-law of relevant international human rights bodies did not really reveal such a trend, the impressive jurisprudence at both the level of European Court of Human Rights and before the UK courts points towards the fact that diplomatic assurances against torture have become a ‘hot issue’. Crucially, none of the jurisdictions analysed have principally outlawed or labeled the use of these assurances as illegal. The widened use of diplomatic assurances against torture and ill-treatment, the implicit tolerance of these assurances by the human rights bodies analysed, and their attempts to ‘regulate’ rather than outlaw these diplomatic undertakings, do appear to a certain extent to n o cti have an eroding effect on the absolute and non-derogable character of the principle of non- e oll C D refoulement. However, it remains to be seen whether this controversial issue will continue to T e U E be addressed by the judiciary along the same lines in the future, or whether a strong C affirmative stance of the obligation not to refoule will become visible in subsequent judicial decisions of these mechanisms.   iv List  of  Figures     FIGURE  1:  OVERVIEW  OF  MONITORING  PROVISIONS  IN  SOME  OF  THE  UK  MOU'S  ......................................................................  106         n o cti e oll C D T e U E C v List  of  Abbreviations     • CAT Committee: UN Committee Against Torture • CCTV: closed-circuit television • CoE: Council of Europe • DWA: Deportation With Assurances • ECHR: European Convention on Human Rights • ECtHR: European Court of Human Rights (Strasbourg Court) • EU: European Union • EWCA: England and Wales Court of Appeal • EWHC: England and Wales High Court • FCO: UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office • GID: General Intelligence Directorate (here: Jordan) • ICCPR: International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights • ICESCR: International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights • ICJ: International Court of Justice • JHA: Justice and Home Affairs (EU) • MoU: Memorandum of Understanding • NGO: non-governmental organization • NCHR: National Commission of Human Rights (here: Jordan) • NHRC: National Human Rights Commission (here: India) • OAS: Organisation of American States • OAU: Organisation of African Unity • PKK: Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan) • SIAC: Special Immigration Appeals Commission • UK: United Kingdom • UN: United Nations • UN CAT: UN Convention Against Torture • UNHCR: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees • UN HRC: UN Human Rights Committee • US: United States of America   n o cti e oll C D T e U E C vi Introduction   “I strongly share the view that diplomatic assurances do not work as they do not provide adequate protection against torture and ill- treatment.”1 “Let no one be in any doubt that the rules of the game are changing […] we believe we can get the necessary assurances from the countries to which we will return the deportees against their being subject to torture”2   The above statements clearly illustrate the polarized debate about the use of diplomatic assurances. Condemned by some and championed/supported by others, diplomatic assurances are clearly out there and are not likely to disappear. This begs the question: how did diplomatic assurances line themselves up to become such a contested form of state practice? A short reflection on the historical events that took place at the beginning of this century might shed some more light on this. It is difficult to underestimate the impact of the 9/11 events on our lives. The terrorist attacks in New York and the subsequent bombings in Madrid and London shaped the n o cti beginning of this 21st century in a way that probably no other event could have done. People e oll C D and governments in developed countries became very much aware of their vulnerability and T e U E lack of protection, softened by decades of peace, welfare and absence of conflict on their C national territory. Confronted with these challenges, the reactions of governments were somewhat panicky. This resulted in important changes in an array of policies, including the                                                                                                                 1 UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Louise Arbour, “Statement to the Council of Europe’s Group of 2 Tony Blair, “Prime Minister’s Press Conference,” (5 August 2005), available at www.directgov.co.uk. 1 field of security policy, immigration and asylum policy, human rights and various others, while at the same time leading to the birth and/or reinforcement of new policy fields, such as counter-terrorism and anti-terrorism policy. Numerous articles have been written about the impact of this so-called ‘war on terror’ on human rights and human rights protection. 3 What is essential is that countries increasingly started seeing a sharp trade-off between national security and human rights, something they did not experience before the 9/11 era. In order to resolve this conundrum, states became increasingly creative in trying to find solutions, both by internal measures (such as the more frequent use of CCTV cameras, more resources for police authorities and counter-terrorism units…) and external measures (such as the use of concepts like safe countries of origin and safe third countries as well as tools like diplomatic assurances and extraordinary extradition programs…). More specifically, the focus seemed to be on stopping security threats at the border, and preventing them from entering the country in the first place. The necessary corollary of this practice is the extradition or surrendering of so-called ‘unwanted security threats’ to countries of origin or states able to start a criminal case against them. One of the solutions states came up with relates to the practice of diplomatic assurances. Within the context of transferring people between states, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) defined diplomatic assurances as follows: n “an undertaking by the receiving State to the effect that the person concerned will be o cti treated in accordance with conditions set by the sending State or, more generally, in e oll keeping with its human rights obligations under international law.”4 C D T e U E C                                                                                                                 3 René Bruin and Kees Wouters, “Terrorism and the Non-derogability of Non-Refoulement” in Counter- terrorism and International Law, ed. K. L.H. Samuel and N. D. White (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012), 377 – 401; Kent Roach, “Sources and Trends in Post-9/11 Anti-terrorism Laws” in Security and Human Rights, ed. B. J. Goold and L. Lazarus (Oxford: Hart, 2007), 227 – 255; Andrew Ashworth, “Security, Terrorism and the Value of Human Rights” in Security and Human Rights, ed. B. J. Goold and L. Lazarus (Oxford: Hart, 2007), 203 – 226. 4  UN High Commissioner for Refugees, UNHCR Note on Diplomatic Assurances and International Refugee Protection, August 2006, available at: http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/44dc81164.html [accessed 9 March 2013], 2. 2 In other words, diplomatic assurances refer to a practice whereby a state who wants to send a person back to his or her country of origin (for a variety of reasons, including being a potential terrorist suspect or more generally forming a security threat) asks the government of the receiving state for certain promises. These could include for example a prohibition to apply the death penalty, promises that the person in question will not be tortured, assurances of a fair trial in case the person is being charged with certain crimes, etc. While these diplomatic assurances have been around for some time, they were originally mostly used by (European) countries in the context of extradition for common (non-political) crimes, especially against the death penalty.5 In the post-9/11 era, these diplomatic assurances have gained new momentum, thereby also creating new challenges for the courts that have to interpret their validity. At a first glance, one would not condemn such practices but rather consider them as praiseworthy efforts by the sending States. Then what exactly is problematic with regard to diplomatic assurances? Well, first of all, it is crucial to point out that there is such a thing as ‘an obligation not to refoule’ or ‘a principle of non-refoulement’. This principle forms part of refugee law and implies that it is forbidden for states to send refugees fleeing from persecution back to countries where they might run the risk of ‘torture or cruel, inhuman or n degrading treatment or punishment’ and where their rights ‘to liberty and security of person’ o cti e oll might be in danger.6 C D T e While this is an absolute principle from which no derogations or exceptions are allowed, U E C it leaves the door open “if there are reasonable grounds for a refugee to be considered as a                                                                                                                 5  Alice Izumo, “Diplomatic Assurances against Torture and Ill-treatment: European Court of Human Rights Jurisprudence,” Columbia Human Rights Law Review 42 (2010): 235. 6  UN High Commissioner for Refugees, UNHCR Note on the Principle of Non-Refoulement, November 1997, available at http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/refworld/rwmain?docid=438c6d972 [accessed 5 September 2013].   3

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there are exceptions to the principle of non-refoulement available to countries, the absolute nature of the prohibition of torture torture is to a certain extent eroding the absolute and non-derogable character of the principle du Gouvernement de la Fédération de Russie sont suffisantes.” (Ca
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