ERIC EJ901823: Capabilities and Contributions of Unwed Fathers

2010·0.12 MB·English

by  ERIC

Capabilities and Contributions of Unwed Fathers
Capabilities and Contributions of
Unwed Fathers
Robert I. Lerman
Summary
Young, minority, and poorly educated fathers in fragile families have little capacity to support
their children financially and are hard-pressed to maintain stability in raising those children. In
this article, Robert Lerman examines the capabilities and contributions of unwed fathers, how
their capabilities and contributions fall short of those of married fathers, how those capabilities
and contributions differ by the kind of relationship the fathers have with their child’s mother,
and how they change as infants grow into toddlers and kindergartners.
Unwed fathers’ employment and earnings vary widely among groups but generally rise over
time. At the child’s birth, cohabiting fathers earn nearly 20 percent more than noncohabiting
unwed fathers, and the gap widens over time. Still, five years after an unwed birth, the typi-
cal unwed father is working full time for the full year. Although most unwed fathers spend
considerable time with their children in the years soon after birth, explains Lerman, over time
their involvement erodes. Men who lose touch with their children are likely to see their earn-
ings stagnate, provide less financial support, and often face new obligations when they father
children with another partner. By contrast, the unwed fathers who marry or cohabit with their
child’s mother earn considerably higher wages and work substantially more than unwed fathers
who do not marry or cohabit. These results suggest that unwed fathers’ earnings are affected by
family relationships as well as their education and work experience.
Lerman notes that several factors influence the extent to which unwed fathers stay involved
with their children. Better-educated fathers, those who most identify with the father’s role, and
those with good relationships with the child’s mother, are most likely to sustain a relationship
with their children. Some studies even find that strong child support enforcement increases
father involvement. For many years, policy makers approached the problem of noncustodial,
unwed fathers on a single track—by trying to increase their child support payments. Today’s
policy makers are recognizing the limits of that strategy. New programs focus on improving the
relationship and communication skills of unwed fathers. In addition, targeted training pro-
grams, such as apprenticeships, enable unwed fathers to earn a salary while they learn skills.
www.futureofchildren.org
Robert I. Lerman is a professor of economics at American University and an institute fellow at the Urban Institute.
VOL. 20 / NO. 2 / FALL 2010 63
Robert I. Lerman
Unwed fathers are a hetero- By contrast, the unwed fathers who marry
geneous and evolving group. or move in with their child’s mother follow
Many become fathers when a more positive path. They earn consider-
they are quite young and ably higher wages and work substantially
have little ability to support more than unwed fathers who do not marry
a family above the poverty threshold. About or cohabit. Among noncustodial fathers
half begin their experience as a father liv- aged twenty-five to thirty-nine, married high
ing with their child and cohabiting with the school dropouts earn about $2,700 more than
child’s mother. Although the rest do not live unwed high school graduates (with no college)
and $16,000 more than unwed high school
with their newborn child, most have a roman-
dropouts.2 Although many unwed fathers
tic relationship with their child’s mother and
marry or cohabit with their child’s mother at
are closely involved with the infant. Over
least temporarily, most do not. The tendency
time, however, the fathers’ involvement
of unwed fathers to increase their earnings
with their children erodes; when the chil-
substantially when they marry or cohabit
dren reach age five, only about 36 percent
indicates that many are not realizing their
of fathers live with their child and of those
full earnings potential. Another possibility is
who live apart, half have not visited the child
that an unrelated improvement in their labor
within the previous month.1
market situation made these fathers more suc-
cessful in the marriage market.
The majority of unwed fathers are men with
a modest or poor education. Only about
The better educated the unwed father, the
12 percent have an associate’s or bachelor’s
higher his earnings and the more rapidly his
degree, a rate far below the 35 to 40 percent
earnings grow; high school graduates earn
figure among all men. Only about one in four
25 to 33 percent more than dropouts.3 In the
earns more than $25,000 a year. Young unwed
Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study
fathers have extremely low earnings, and
sample of men who became fathers in the
many survive economically by living with par-
late 1990s, more than one-third of unwed
ents or other family members. They pay little
fathers had not completed high school. In that
in child support, but they do spend consider-
sample, dropping out of school was closely
able time with their children in the years soon
associated with having been incarcerated; 45
after birth. As their earnings increase, their
percent of fathers who had been in prison pre-
financial support increases as well, but con-
viously had not earned a high school degree.
nections with their children often fray. Men
Thus, a significant share of fathers faced two
who lose touch with their children often expe-
critical barriers to attaining adequate earn-
rience additional problems. They are likely to ings—both poor education and a history of
see their earnings stagnate, they are less likely imprisonment. In a national sample of unwed
to provide financial support, and they often fathers drawn from the Survey of Income and
find themselves with new obligations when Program Participation (SIPP), nearly 25 per-
they father children with another partner. cent lacked a high school diploma. In both the
Even when unwed fathers pay child support, Fragile Families and SIPP samples, although
their contributions—in cash and time—to few unwed fathers earned an associate’s or
their child’s well-being are far less than they bachelor’s degree, those who did so achieved
would be if they were resident fathers. solid levels of earnings.
64 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN
Capabilities and Contributions of Unwed Fathers
Perhaps not surprisingly, given their modest relationship with the child’s mother affect
resources and increasing disengagement from their contributions? Finally, I examine the
their children and their children’s mothers, relationship between their capabilities and
one-half to two-thirds of unwed fathers their contributions. How do weak capabili-
provide little or no financial support to their ties and other constraints limit these fathers’
children. Over the past fifteen years, the child contributions to their children? What role
support system has made great strides in do poor education and earnings potential,
establishing paternity among this group, but it previous incarceration, and responsibilities for
has been less successful in increasing total other children, respectively, play in curtailing
support payments, both formal and informal. their contributions?
The system may, however, be imposing
impossible arrearage burdens, especially on Policy makers can draw on several tools to
incarcerated men, and its increasingly help unwed fathers and their families improve
rigorous efforts to enforce support may have their living standards and possibly their
contributed to declining employment among relationships as well. The most promising
black men. approaches involve training in a work-based
context linked to careers. Sectoral strategies
Cumulatively, these findings about unwed that involve close linkages between industries
fathers represent a serious national problem. and workforce agencies have proved suc-
With annual nonmarital births reaching 1.7 cessful in raising the earnings of less-skilled
million—and nearly 40 percent of all births— men. Expanding apprenticeship training is
unwed fathers will bear at least partial an especially attractive option for unwed
responsibility for raising a major segment of fathers since they can earn a salary while they
the coming generation.4 The young, minority, undergo training that ultimately yields a valu-
and less educated parents who are having a able credential. Another approach, training
large share of these births have little capacity in couple-relationship skills, could strengthen
to support their children financially and lack marriage and cohabiting relationships, which
stability in raising them. in turn could increase earnings. In addition,
some of the skills learned to improve couple
In this article, I examine the capabilities and relationships, such as communication and
contributions of fathers who are unmarried problem solving, are applicable to many jobs.
when their children are born. I focus first Couple-relationship skills training could thus
on their capabilities and economic circum- raise fathers’ earnings and ultimately the liv-
stances. How do their capabilities differ ing standards of their children.
from those of married fathers? How do their
capabilities differ by the kind of relationship Earnings Capabilities of Unwed Fathers
they have with their child’s mother? How Unwed fathers’ earnings capabilities and
do their capabilities and earnings change as actual earnings should be central concerns of
their infants grow into toddlers and kinder- policy makers committed to raising the living
gartners? Next, I look at the contributions of standards of children, especially children at
unwed fathers. How much financial and other risk of poverty. Raising the earnings of unwed
support do they provide around the time the fathers is likely to improve the living stan-
child is born, and how do those contributions dards of children, not only by enabling these
change over time? Again, how does their fathers to make formal and informal child
VOL. 20 / NO. 2 / FALL 2010 65
Robert I. Lerman
support payments but also, potentially, by (FFCWS), which offers data on parents of
increasing the likelihood that unwed fathers children born in urban hospitals in twenty
will marry their child’s mother or live with her large cities between 1998 and 2000.7 A second
and their children. is the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth
(especially the 1979 panel, NLSY79), which
Marriage and Child Poverty now provides data from 1979 to 2006 on the
Men generally can help their children either cohort of individuals aged fourteen to twenty-
by providing adequate child support as a one in 1979.
nonresident father or by supporting them
directly as a married or cohabiting father. One recent study using the FFCWS sample
Although child support can help families presents comprehensive data on the charac-
avoid poverty and hardship, the marriage teristics of unwed fathers at the time of the
option is most favorable for children for at child’s birth and on their earnings over time,
least three reasons. First, married fathers are making it possible to trace links between their
more likely than unmarried fathers to help characteristics and their earnings.8 About
parent their children and increase their 85 percent of unwed fathers in the sample
chances of long-run success. Second, married were minority, with 56 percent black and 29
fathers are more likely to provide a stable percent Hispanic; 15 percent were immi-
source of income. And, third, marriage is grants. About 40 percent of the unwed fathers
associated with higher earnings and may had not completed high school, 40 percent
induce men to maximize their earnings had a high school degree or equivalent, and
capabilities, again benefiting the entire about 20 percent had some postsecondary
family.5 education. By contrast, married fathers in
the sample were far less likely to be black (27
The role of marriage in easing child poverty percent) or Hispanic (24 percent) and were
has been addressed by two studies that far better educated: only 17 percent were
examine how trends in child poverty over the dropouts and 30 percent were college gradu-
past half-century would have differed had ates. Age differences were also notable. The
parents continued to marry at rates prevalent average age at the time of their child’s birth
during the 1960s and 1970s.6 Both studies, was thirty-two among married men, twenty-
which took account of the incomes of the seven among unwed fathers. When the men
current pool of unmarried men and their became fathers for the first time, only 13
likely spouses, found that the income pooling percent of married fathers were under age
from the added marriages would have twenty, compared with about 25 percent of
significantly reduced child poverty, even unmarried men.9 Not surprisingly, educa-
without the boost to men’s earnings com- tion and age turn out to be important factors
monly associated with marriage. in a father’s earnings capabilities, as better
educated and older men would be expected
Earnings Capacities and Earnings to have significantly higher earnings than their
Levels of Unwed Fathers less educated and younger peers.
Several sources of data offer evidence on
unmarried fathers’ earnings capabilities. Several other factors were also potentially
One, the primary source in this review, is the relevant to fathers’ earnings capabilities. Less
Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study than half (42 percent) of unwed fathers lived
66 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN
Capabilities and Contributions of Unwed Fathers
with both their parents at age fifteen, a figure married, cohabiting, and noncohabiting men
well below the 69 percent figure for married whose age and education were comparable at
men. Unwed fathers were also significantly the time of the child’s birth vary considerably.
more likely than married fathers to have Among whites and blacks, married fathers
mental health problems, to have used illicit earned 51 percent more than noncohabiting
drugs, and to have served time in jail or in unwed fathers; cohabiting unwed fathers
prison or both.10 earned 19 percent more than noncohabiting
fathers. Among Hispanics, married men
earned only 19 percent more than noncohab-
Married fathers are more iting unwed fathers; the difference between
cohabiting and noncohabiting unwed fathers
likely than unmarried fathers
was essentially zero.
to help parent their children,
By the child’s first birthday, fathers who were
increase their chances of
married at baseline had increased their
long-run success, and provide earnings by 15 percent, to $39,047; unmarried
fathers had achieved an even more rapid 22
a stable source of income.
percent gain, to $19,219. Two years later,
Marriage is associated with initially married fathers were earning nearly
$47,000, a stunning 33 percent increase from
higher earnings and may
their earnings at the child’s birth. Unmarried
induce men to maximize their fathers moved up as well but at a somewhat
slower rate. Still, their earnings rose an
earnings capabilities.
impressive 30 percent over three years.12 The
earnings gains for initially married men took
place entirely through hourly wage gains
(from $15.85 to $20.68 over three years); most
Another characteristic of fathers that was
of the earnings growth for unmarried men
linked with their labor market outcomes was
also involved growth in wages (from $9.64 to
whether they were married. The earnings of
$11.21), but some resulted from a 7 percent
married men were more than double those
increase in hours worked over the year.
of unmarried men at the time of the child’s
Although unwed fathers worked about 20
birth.11 Earnings averaged $33,572 among
percent fewer hours than married fathers in
married fathers, compared with only $15,465
the year of their child’s birth, they still
among unmarried men (the figures are in
2005 dollars). Hourly wage rates of unmar- averaged 1,823 hours a year, implying almost
ried men were only 60 percent of the rates of forty-six weeks of full-time work. By the
married men, though unmarried men worked fifth-year follow-up, men who were initially
only about 20 percent fewer hours each year. unmarried were working the equivalent of
fifty weeks at forty hours a week. Thus, on
Other tabulations for this sample indicate that average, unwed fathers quickly become
the earnings of unwed fathers also vary by full-time, year-round workers. A sizable share
whether they cohabit with the mothers of of unwed fathers, however, works much less
their children. The annual earnings of than average.
VOL. 20 / NO. 2 / FALL 2010 67
Robert I. Lerman
One important fact relevant to fatherhood, for only some of the job market advantages
employment levels, and employment growth that men who are married would have even if
is that 40 percent of unwed, nonresident they were not married, they may overstate the
fathers are teen fathers, compared with only gap between actual earnings and the earnings
about 16 percent of cohabiting fathers and capabilities of unwed fathers. On the other
0.1 percent of married fathers. The weak job hand, the estimates may understate the gap
market outcomes of teen fathers—virtually because wage rate differences may affect dif-
none of whom are married—means that a ferences in effort.
large segment of unwed, nonresident fathers
starts far behind other groups of fathers, but
their earnings rise rapidly as they age into
The link between men’s
their twenties.
earnings and their
The link between men’s earnings and their
relationship status suggests
relationship status suggests that earnings
capability and actual earnings may not always that earnings capability and
be the same. Fathers who work fewer hours,
actual earnings may not
work at less demanding jobs, engage in less
intensive job search, or work less hard at always be the same.
keeping a job may not realize their full earn-
ings capability.
To examine whether the earnings of unwed The concentration on average earnings masks
fathers fall short of capacity, we compare wide variations in earnings among unwed
their actual earnings to an estimate of what fathers. In general, the earnings of noncohab-
the earnings of unwed fathers would be if iting fathers varied more widely than those
their education, work experience, and race or of cohabiting men. Because the earnings
ethnicity matched those of married fathers. gains for unwed noncustodial fathers were
The outcomes from undertaking this exercise also uneven, with smaller gains for fathers
for fathers at baseline in the FFCWS indicate at the 25th percentile, their earnings fell
that differences in education, work experi- further behind those at the 75th percentile
ence, and race and ethnicity between married as time went by. By the child’s fifth birthday,
and unwed fathers accounted for only about the average annual hours worked by unwed
half of the earnings gap.13 Although cohabit- fathers were equivalent to fifty-two weeks
ing fathers earned more than noncohabiting at forty hours, or 2,080 hours. But at the
fathers, the two groups were similar in terms 25th percentile, fathers not initially cohabit-
of the proportion of their earnings shortfall ing worked only about 1,350 hours a year,
(relative to married fathers) that was associ- while married fathers worked 2,080 hours,
ated with education, work experience, and and initially cohabiting fathers worked 1,768
race or ethnicity. Of the earnings difference hours, or about halfway between the married
between cohabiting and noncohabiting unwed and noncohabiting unwed fathers. The lower
fathers, only about one-third was associated hours worked among unwed fathers could
with education, work experience, and race or indicate that a significant share of fathers do
ethnicity. Because these estimates account not utilize their capacity or that they cannot
68 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN
Capabilities and Contributions of Unwed Fathers
find jobs because of shortfall in demand in fathers also performed more poorly in school
their segment of the job market. and were more involved in drug and criminal
activity than their counterparts who did not
Earnings shortfalls at the bottom end of the have children or who married. However, the
distribution are particularly noticeable. At differentials between unwed fathers and other
the child’s fifth birthday, unwed fathers at the young men were not as large for minorities as
25th percentile reported earning only $5,000 for whites.
a year. Even among cohabiting fathers, those
at the 25th percentile earned only $8,000. The gaps in earnings and hours worked
between unwed fathers and other groups of
Estimates based only on earnings in the young men also varied by race and ethnicity.
formal sector of the economy understate the Black, white, and Hispanic unwed fathers all
total earnings of unwed fathers.14 A study earned substantially less than married fathers
based on the FFCWS examined formal and but also far less than single men with no chil-
informal earnings one year after the child’s dren. However, the size of the differences was
birth and divided unwed fathers into cohabit- much larger among white and Hispanic than
ing and noncohabiting fathers. Cohabiting among black young men.
fathers averaged about $24,500 a year in
formal-sector earnings and another $1,700 in When isolating the role of unwed father
informal earnings. Other unwed fathers had status from an extensive list of other factors
similar formal earnings and nearly $3,000 in associated with low earnings, I estimated
informal earnings. that unwed fathers earned about $1,200 less
a year than married, nonresident fathers and
Unwed Fathers and Other $3,800–$4,500 less than married resident
Groups of Young Men men and married men with no children. As
The adults in the FFCWS are all parents. in the findings cited above from the FFCWS,
Other studies reveal how the capabilities of unwed fatherhood was associated with earn-
unwed fathers stack up against men with no ings below what would be predicted on the
children. In an early study using data from basis of human capital characteristics. Again,
the NLSY79, I found that men who became the evidence indicates that although unwed
unwed fathers during the 1980s had more fathers have lower education and experience
educational and social shortcomings than than do other fathers, their actual earnings fall
did their childless peers.15 The shortcomings short of their earnings capabilities.
were especially striking among white young
men. For example, nearly 50 percent of white Child Support Effects on Unwed
eighteen- to twenty-one-year-olds (as of 1979) Fathers’ Earnings
who became unwed fathers by 1984 were The earnings of unwed fathers not living with
high school dropouts, a rate far higher than their children might be affected by child
the 10 percent of whites who had no children. support obligations in several ways. If, for
Nearly one-third of white men who became example, a nonresident father earns an addi-
unwed fathers by 1988 had been charged in tional $500 a month, his child support might
an adult court as of 1982, compared with 5 increase by about $125. Together with higher
percent of childless white young men. Black taxes on the higher income, the increased
and Hispanic young men who became unwed child support orders could lower fathers’
VOL. 20 / NO. 2 / FALL 2010 69
Robert I. Lerman
returns to earnings, perhaps causing them to reduces the likelihood of employment, the
reduce their work effort. A second possibility number of weeks worked, and earnings,
is that child support payments could make even net of education, race, drug and alcohol
the father poorer and thus stimulate more problems, depression, and poor health. The
work effort. A third possibility is that rigor- effects are quite large, nearly a 30 percent
ous enforcement by the child support system reduction in regular earnings, some of which
could cause fathers to shift from the formal is offset by earnings increases in underground
to the informal, or underground, work sec- employment. Prior incarceration may itself
tor, where earnings are more difficult for the lower earnings or it may be a proxy for other
government to track. characteristics, such as a poor work ethic and
weak basic reading and math skills, that lower
The evidence on how child support enforce- prospective earnings. Another possibility is
ment affects earnings is quite mixed. that men who become incarcerated make
Marianne Bitler finds that the earnings of other bad choices, including choices about
noncustodial fathers increase as child support how hard to work and what jobs to pursue.
enforcement becomes stricter.16 By con-
trast, Harry Holzer, Paul Offner, and Elaine Other research reports similar findings
Sorensen find that increasingly vigorous child regarding the effects of prior incarceration on
support enforcement has contributed to the the capabilities and contributions of unwed
decline in employment of black men, espe- fathers. At the time of the nonmarital birth,
cially men in their late twenties and early 42 percent of the Fragile Families sample
thirties, many of whom are unwed fathers.17 of unwed fathers had spent time in jail. As
Although Maureen Waller and Robert Plot- Amanda Geller, Garfinkel, and Bruce Western
nick report evidence from qualitative stud- point out, only 65 percent of these men were
ies that rigorous child support enforcement employed, and their average wage rate was
induces men to shift from formal to informal only $8.50 an hour, well below the wage of
labor markets,18 Lauren Rich, Irwin Garfinkel, men who had never been incarcerated.21 By
and Qin Gao, using the Fragile Families data, the five-year follow-up, a substantial majority
do not find substitution of this type.19 In fact, of unwed, nonresident fathers had incarcera-
they find that stronger child support enforce- tion records, significantly reducing their earn-
ment reduces the informal working hours of ings capabilities.
fathers with earnings in both sectors.
Marriage and Cohabitation Transitions
Incarceration Effects on Unwed The earnings patterns of men in fragile fami-
Fathers’ Earnings lies in part reflect the dynamics of their family
Another study drawn from the Fragile circumstances. At the birth of nonmarital chil-
Families panel explores the effect of previous dren, 82 percent of the couples in the Fragile
incarceration on the capabilities of unwed Families panel were either cohabiting or in a
fathers.20 The study finds that fathers who had close romantic relationship. Five years later,
never been incarcerated had $26,700 in total 15 percent were married and 21 percent were
(regular plus underground) earnings, com- cohabiting or in a close romantic relationship.
pared with $19,216 in total earnings for those How did the marriage and cohabitation tran-
who had previously been incarcerated. The sitions affect men’s job market outcomes? In a
study shows that having been incarcerated study of first-time fathers, Christine Percheski
70 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN
Capabilities and Contributions of Unwed Fathers
and Christopher Wildeman examine trajec- the transition to marriage. They argue that
tories over time of weeks worked and hours alternative approaches do not account suf-
worked per week.22 They find that married ficiently for differences between the charac-
fathers initially work several more weeks and teristics of unwed fathers who subsequently
longer hours than unwed, cohabiting fathers marry and those who do not. Still, even their
or unwed, noncohabiting fathers, but that the estimates indicate marriage-induced earn-
gaps in weeks worked and in hours worked ings gains of 40–50 percent for black unwed
per week narrow over the five-year period fathers. These gains are not so precisely
after the child’s birth. Moreover, married estimated to yield statistical significance at the
fathers’ initial advantage in weeks worked stringent 5 percent standard, but would be
largely disappears when the fathers compared significant at the 10 percent level.
are similar in such characteristics as age, edu-
cation, immigrant status, teenage fatherhood, The studies by Percheski and Wildeman, by
health, criminal record, drug use, race, and Garfinkel and his colleagues, and by Mincy,
Hispanic origin. Hill, and Sinkewicz yield somewhat differ-
ent conclusions about the persistence of a
The study examines transitions both out of labor market disadvantage associated with
and into marriage and cohabitation. Married unwed fatherhood. From the perspective of
fathers and cohabiting fathers who separate Percheski and Wildeman, the initial disadvan-
from their children’s mothers show declines in tage linked to unwed fatherhood itself largely
employment. Unwed fathers who marry and dissipates, at least with respect to weeks
become resident fathers experience increases worked and hours worked. Yet some of the
in weeks worked and hours worked. Overall, convergence results from the transition that
the study suggests, resident fatherhood itself some unwed, nonresident fathers make to
stimulates unmarried men to work signifi- become resident fathers. The picture painted
cantly more weeks and hours. by Garfinkel and his colleagues is more
consistent with an enduring and substantial
Additional evidence on the impacts of mar- negative impact of unwed fatherhood on job
riage and cohabitation transitions on labor market outcomes. Mincy, Hill, and Sinkewicz
market outcomes comes from two other stud- point to variations in earnings growth, mainly
ies of the FFCWS sample.23 Garfinkel and owing to differences in the initial character-
others find that entering marriage between istics of unwed fathers. Only black unwed
the birth of the child and one year later was fathers show consistent gains from marriage.
associated with an earnings gain of 29 per- Some differences in study methods may
cent at the one-year point, 44 percent after account for differences in results. The Gar-
three years, and 66 percent after five years. finkel analysis uses data from all fathers, not
Entering cohabitation raised earnings almost just first-time fathers, and its sample of 4,897
as much. In all cases the increases are net of fathers is more than four times the 1,086
age, education, race, immigrant status, and fathers in the Percheski-Wildeman study.
prior relationship stability. Using a different The Mincy, Hill, and Sinkewicz study focuses
methodology and focusing on race differences on race and ethnic differences and marriage
in responses, Ronald Mincy, Jennifer Hill, and transitions only up to three years after the
Marilyn Sinkewicz show estimates indicating child’s birth, while Garfinkel and others use
no statistically significant earnings gains from pooled estimates that account for marriage
VOL. 20 / NO. 2 / FALL 2010 71
Robert I. Lerman
transitions up to five years after the child’s their children followed shortly afterward. The
birth. Also, while Percheski and Wildeman less quantifiable contributions of fathers are
include teenage fatherhood as an independent now attracting some attention.25
variable, Garfinkel and his colleagues control
only for age in a way that assumes changes in Unwed Fathers’ Monetary Contributions
age have the same effect whether the starting National census data shed light on contribu-
point is eighteen or twenty-five. tions by fathers who are not married at the
time of the survey, while long-term data from
An earlier study relevant to the issue of rela- the FFCWS and NLSY capture the contribu-
tionship transitions tracked the earnings and tions of all men who father children outside
hours worked of unwed fathers aged twenty to marriage, including men who subsequently
twenty-seven in 1984 by their marital status in cohabit and marry. Thus, the two types of
1988.24 In general, these unwed fathers expe- information involve somewhat different
rienced substantial increases in hours worked groups of fathers.
and earnings, regardless of their marital status
in 1988. The nearly 70 percent of fathers The standard national estimates of the
who remained unmarried raised their annual monetary contributions of fathers come from
hours of work from 1,078 to 1,428 and nearly representative samples of custodial mothers
doubled their earnings, from about $5,500 in and their children. Although many of these
1983 to about $10,500 in 1987. The 22 per- fathers were married at the time of the child’s
cent of unwed fathers who married between birth, others were and are still unmarried.
1984 and 1988, however, raised their annual In April 2008, the Census Bureau’s Current
earnings even more, from $7,370 to $17,699. Population Survey (CPS) obtained reports by
The rapid economic growth from the mid- custodial parents (usually custodial mothers)
1980s to the late 1980s no doubt amplified about the contributions of the noncustodial
the employment and earnings opportunities parents (usually fathers) of their children.26
young men experienced as they matured and Although more than 60 percent of divorced
obtained adult jobs. custodial mothers had a formal agreement
concerning child support payments, 56
Contributions of Unwed Fathers percent of the 3.8 million unwed custodial
Two important—and measurable—ways mothers had no formal agreement. Of the 1.4
in which fathers support their families are million unwed mothers with an award and a
by contributing time and money. Although payment due in 2007, 558,000 received their
the quality of fathers’ parenting and their full payment and 478,000 received a partial
relationships with children and partners are payment. The average payments received by
also no doubt critical contributions, they are never-married mothers amounted to about
difficult to measure. The increased emphasis $250 a month ($3,040 a year). In addition,
by federal and state policy makers since the about 15 percent of unwed fathers included
mid-1970s on using child support to help nonresident children in their health insurance
children escape poverty and on having fathers coverage. Further, some of these custodial
reimburse government welfare programs for parents (about 8 percent) received child
supporting their children has led to many support payments even though they reported
studies of child support payments. Studies of none was due through a child support agree-
visitation and of time spent by fathers with ment.27 Others received noncash support.
72 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN