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ERIC EJ883085: The Military and the Transition to Adulthood PDF

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The Military and the Transition to Adulthood The Military and the Transition to Adulthood Ryan Kelty, Meredith Kleykamp, and David R. Segal Summary Ryan Kelty, Meredith Kleykamp, and David Segal examine the effect of military service on the transition to adulthood. They highlight changes since World War II in the role of the military in the lives of young adults, focusing especially on how the move from a conscription to an all-volunteer military has changed the way military service affects youths’ approach to adult responsibilities. The authors note that today’s all-volunteer military is both career-oriented and family-oriented, and they show how the material and social support the military provides to young servicemen and women promotes responsible membership in family relationships and the wider community. As a result, they argue, the transition to adulthood, including economic independence from par- ents, is more stable and orderly for military personnel than for their civilian peers. At the same time, they stress that serving in the military in a time of war holds dangers for young adults. The authors examine four broad areas of military service, focusing in each on how men and women in uniform today make the transition to adulthood. They begin by looking at the social characteristics of those who serve, especially at differences in access to the military and its ben- efits by socio-demographic characteristics, such as age, gender, race and ethnicity, social class, and sexual orientation. Military service also has important effects on family formation, including the timing of mar- riage and parenthood, family structure, and the influence of military culture on families. Family formation among servicemen and women, the authors observe, is earlier and more stable than among civilians of the same age. The authors then consider the educational and employment consequences of service. Finally, they scrutinize the dangers of military service during times of war and examine the physical and psychological effects of wartime military service. They also note the sexual trauma endured both by male and female military personnel and the physical and symbolic violence women can experience in a male-dominated institution. Kelty, Kleykamp, and Segal conclude by seeking policy lessons from the military’s success in facilitating the transition to adulthood for young men and women in uniform. www.futureofchildren.org Ryan Kelty is an assistant professor of sociology at Washington College. Meredith Kleykamp is an assistant professor of sociology at the University of Kansas. David R. Segal is a professor of sociology at the University of Maryland. VOL. 20 / NO. 1 / SPRING 2010 181 Ryan Kelty, Meredith Kleykamp, and David R. Segal Military service has been the structure and policies of the armed forces characterized as a that have contributed to such differences. “moratorium” in the transition to adulthood, In the remainder of this article we examine a period during which four broad areas of military service, focusing young men and women can defer such adult in each on how men and women in uniform responsibilities as marriage, childbearing, today make the transition to adulthood. First, establishing a household, and acquiring a we look at the social characteristics of those full-time career.1 Indeed, for past genera- who serve, especially at differences in access tions of American conscripts, military service to the military and its benefits by socio- has typically been a pause in the life course, demographic characteristics, such as age, gen- lasting only a few years. But since 1973, as der, race and ethnicity, social class, and sexual the all-volunteer force has evolved, military orientation. Then we explore the effect of service has become less a hiatus in the transi- military service on family formation, includ- tion to adulthood and more an experience ing the timing of marriage and parenthood, through which youth become adults. Unlike family structure, and the influence of military the nation’s armed forces from World War II culture on families. Third, we consider the through the end of the Vietnam War, today’s consequences of military service on workforce military is staffed not by conscripts, but by participation through examining the influence volunteers, many of whom intend to make of service on educational and employment military service a career.2 Not all who volun- outcomes. Finally, we scrutinize the dangers teer expect to serve for a twenty-year career; of military service during times of war and many enlist to gain training, skills, or educa- examine how the physical and psychological tional benefits to use for college. For them, effects of wartime military service and the sex- military service represents a means to achieve ual trauma endured both by male and female future goals. military personnel can affect the transition to adulthood. We conclude by considering les- Military service affects a young man’s or sons to be learned from the military approach young woman’s transition into adulthood in a in facilitating the transition to adulthood. wide variety of ways, depending, among other things, on the race, gender, class, and sexual Who Serves in the orientation of the service member. Although Volunteer Military? the military’s extensive social support sys- During the era of America’s conscripted tem facilitates the transition for many, the military, those who served were (theoreti- unique risks of military service can also make cally) a representative sample of the country’s that transition seriously problematic. In this age-eligible, male youth. While there were article we highlight key ways in which mili- constraints on who could serve historically, tary experience both reflects and influences there was always a sense that those who changes in the transition for these various served reflected the society from which they groups, and we seek policy lessons from how came. The current all-volunteer force relies the military facilitates the transition for those on market dynamics in conjunction with indi- who serve. We highlight changes since World viduals’ call to service to fill its ranks. Several War II in the role of the military in the lives social-structural characteristics are important of young adults, and we examine changes in in determining not only who serves, but the 182 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN The Military and the Transition to Adulthood Figure 1. Age Distribution of the Military Population, by Gender, 2007 Females 50+ Males 45–49 s) 40–44 ar ye 35–39 n e (i 30–34 g A 25–29 20–24 17–19 0 100,000 200,000 300,000 400,000 Number Active Duty Personnel Department of Defense, “Population Representation in the Military Services FY2007” (www.defenselink.mil/prhome/PopRep2007/ index.html [June 22, 2009]). experiences they have while in service. In This overall portrait of the age distribution particular, the characteristics of age, gender, obscures differences across the individual race and ethnicity, sexual orientation, and services, most notably the Marine Corps’ social class are important in determining who emphasis on maintaining a young, non-career enlists, what they do, and the experiences force.3 As figure 1 also shows, there are they have—all of which influence one’s tran- slightly more women at the younger ages, sition to adulthood in the military context. and more men at older ages, largely because of gender differences in retention: women Age leave the military at earlier ages than men, Because of its hierarchical nature, its reliance perhaps for family reasons (an issue discussed on up-or-out promotion systems with little to in greater detail below). no lateral entry, and its demands for physi- cal fitness, military service is often a mission The rigorous and all-encompassing mili- for the young. The age composition of the tary socialization and training process is not nation’s armed force is far different from that uniquely aimed at young adults, but it is well of the civilian labor force. Across all military suited to facilitate economic independence services, nearly 50 percent of the force is from parents and to promote responsible between seventeen and twenty-four years membership in intimate relationships and old, as shown in figure 1. The age distribution communities. The military emphasizes per- of men and women in the force is similar, but sonal responsibility, health, constant training there is an obvious gender disparity. Although and self-improvement, and community and 50 percent of both the men and women serv- civic engagement—all key components of ing are under twenty-five, among all service a successful transition to adulthood—and members under twenty-five, roughly 15 it holds all members to the same codes of percent are women. conduct. Personal growth thus takes place VOL. 20 / NO. 1 / SPRING 2010 183 Ryan Kelty, Meredith Kleykamp, and David R. Segal Table 1. Distribution of Military Experience, by Age and Gender, 2005–07 National Guard/ Percent No military service Veteran reserves only Active duty Women 17–19 99.13 0.13 0.51 0.23 20–24 98.26 0.77 0.51 0.43 25–29 98.00 1.28 0.46 0.26 30–34 97.91 1.40 0.54 0.16 35–39 97.71 1.57 0.58 0.13 40–44 97.48 1.76 0.68 0.08 45–49 97.41 1.83 0.72 0.04 50+ 97.52 1.73 0.72 0.03 Total 97.89 1.35 0.58 0.18 Men 17–19 97.61 0.39 0.91 1.08 20–24 93.80 2.85 0.97 2.37 25–29 92.21 5.42 0.88 1.50 30–34 90.21 7.44 1.17 1.18 35–39 87.63 9.90 1.45 1.02 40–44 85.97 11.73 1.61 0.69 45–49 84.82 13.43 1.44 0.31 50+ 83.37 15.23 1.25 0.15 Total 89.63 8.02 1.23 1.13 Source: Authors’ calculations from the American Community Survey (ACS) 2005–2007 Datafile. in a highly structured setting. Within that to twenty-four have either current or past setting, service members are also secure military experience. Higher rates among in knowing that their basic material needs older men largely reflect higher service rates are provided—reasonable wages, generous among older cohorts, who were at risk of in-kind transfers, free medical care, housing, being drafted into the military. Military expe- educational benefits, and training that may be rience, rare among today’s young adults, was highly transferable to civilian work. more common in earlier generations. Although about half of the men and women Gender in the military are between seventeen and Military service has historically been a twenty-four years of age, only a small fraction masculine role, though the share of young of U.S. young adults in that age range has women serving in the armed forces has risen any military experience. Table 1 shows the significantly since the advent of the all- percentage of the population with military volunteer force. Legal reforms in 1967, and experience, by age and gender. Although men more recent legal reforms associated with the serve at higher rates than women, among initiation of the all-volunteer force, lifted both men and women few aged seventeen official ceilings on women’s service (once 184 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN The Military and the Transition to Adulthood capped at 2 percent of the force).4 In 1973, at gender affects the number of women in the the birth of the volunteer force, women made fleet; typically, ships have berthing to accom- up 1.6 percent of active duty personnel; by modate women as 20 percent of the crew.12 2005, that share had grown to some 15 In the Marine Corps, more than 90 percent percent.5 By September 2008, 20 percent of of occupations are open to women—again enlisted personnel and officers in the Air with exclusions for direct combat-related Force were women. The Navy and Army had occupations. However, because the Marines 15 percent and 14 percent, respectively; the are highly combat-focused, the exclusion of Marine Corps had a significantly smaller females in these occupations means women share of women—only 6 percent.6 are ineligible to serve in 38 percent of all Marine Corps jobs.13 The Air Force is the Over the past twenty years, women in least restrictive, with 99 percent of occu- uniform have increasingly chosen military pational specialties and positions open to service as their adult occupation. Their rep- women.14 resentation in the senior enlisted and officer ranks has grown and now accounts for nearly Although, as suggested by many of the 12 percent of senior enlisted personnel and articles in this volume, women appear to be officers in all services except the Marine making more successful transitions to adult- Corps, which is much lower at just over 3 hood in many areas than men, the military percent.7 remains one area where structural and cultural impediments to their advancement The military is the only major social institu- remain. The differential treatment of military tion in the nation that may legally discrimi- women at the institutional and interpersonal nate in employment on the basis of gender. level affects their transitions to adulthood By Army regulation, women may serve “in and the pursuit of military careers in several any… specialty or position except those in important ways. First, the exclusions on occu- battalion size or smaller units which are pational specialty limit the number of women assigned a primary mission to engage in who can serve and preclude female officers direct ground combat or which collocate and enlisted personnel from the most pres- routinely with units assigned a direct ground tigious units and jobs in the military. These combat mission.”8 Women have access to limits affect service entry and both the rate more than 90 percent of the occupations in and height of their ascent in the organization the Army, but are excluded from a number should they choose to remain for a career.15 of occupational fields (for example, infantry, armor, special forces), which amount to a Second, the hyper-masculine culture of the third of all Army jobs.9 military devalues feminine qualities and characteristics.16 This devaluation often leads The Navy restricts women from serving to both physical and symbolic violence aboard submarines, on some small combat- against women, a significant source of oriented ships, and in support positions with motivation for women’s leaving military Marine Corps ground combat units.10 As service.17 Experiences of harassment have led with the Army, more than 90 percent of Navy to increased turnover among female service positions are open to women.11 The abil- members.18 Even within the officer corps, ity to provide separate berthing on ships by sexual harassment has been identified as a VOL. 20 / NO. 1 / SPRING 2010 185 Ryan Kelty, Meredith Kleykamp, and David R. Segal significant motivation for separating from Third, mentorship is important in fostering service, though incidences of reported sexual maturation of young professionals. The harassment are lower among female officers significant increase in more senior women in than among female enlisted personnel.19 This both the officer corps and enlisted ranks harassment can escalate to more serious provides many more role models and men- sexual assault, a point we take up later. tors to share important social and cultural experiences. Despite persistent challenges, Gender as social capital within the military young female service members today have a is expressed in assumptions about and direct more supportive and positive environment in challenges to women. For example, having the military than at any time in our nation’s history. On balance, the challenges mean that particular qualifications (badges and tabs) more women than men who enter the service readily visible on one’s uniform is limiting for will leave after a short period of service; for women, who have fewer opportunities for these women, their service functions as a earning such awards or distinctions. Women transition into other adult occupational, have to resort to “pulling rank” more than familial, and educational roles rather than a men to gain compliance from subordinates.20 transition to a military career. As we will Women endure numerous kinds of “tests” show, these choices vary by race and ethnicity (for example, sabotage, constant scrutiny, and as well as gender. indirect threats) that men do not necessarily experience to prove they are capable of serv- Race and Ethnicity ing in the military. Differential treatment of During the debates on the end of conscrip- women may be due to the possible Catch-22 tion, critics of the volunteer force concept of being accused of discrimination on the one argued that a force recruited through labor hand or being insensitive to real differences market dynamics would place the burden of in the needs or limitations of women on the service disproportionately on the shoulders of other.21 The result, however, is that different economically disadvantaged groups: the poor standards can be perceived as inequitable, and racial and ethnic minorities.22 leading to negative social and professional consequences for female service members. The architects of the volunteer force had Although career military service is not for expected that the end of conscription would everyone, many choose it, and these system- not affect the racial composition of the force. atic barriers facing women limit or impede However, African American participation in their ability to achieve their military career the military increased dramatically during the goals. Because retirement with benefits is 1970s and remained around 22 percent from possible only after twenty years of service 1980 through 2001. Since the advent of the (unless one is injured in the line of duty), the war on terror, African American participation additional stressors placed on women in the has declined, dipping below 20 percent in military may cause them to leave the service 2006 for the first time in more than a quarter prematurely, with real consequences to the of a century. By contrast, African American development of their own human capital participation in the civilian labor force through schooling, training, and leadership since the late 1970s has remained constant experience and also through potential forfei- between 11 and 13 percent.23 Through the ture of benefits tied to career service. 1990s, including the first Persian Gulf War, 186 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN The Military and the Transition to Adulthood the military was consistently able to draw This difference among branches is conse- highly capable African American youth. quential for whether military service repre- Research on high school graduates shows sents a transition to a military career, or a step that blacks are more likely to enlist than toward alternative careers. The Marine Corps whites and that blacks see the military as a has the smallest career force; the Air Force, viable alternative to the civilian labor force. the largest. The concentration of Hispanics in Highly qualified black youths may prefer the the former suggests that service will represent immediate benefits of the military, includ- a transition to alternate adult roles for young ing its more rigorous meritocratic structure Hispanic men and women. relative to civilian employment options, to advanced education and civilian labor force Immigrants are allowed to serve in the armed participation.24 During the all-volunteer forces, and more than 65,000 (both non- force era, African Americans have consis- citizens and naturalized citizens) do; 11,000 tently been over-represented in the military of them are women.27 Immigrants make up compared with their presence in the civil- roughly 5 percent of the active duty force. ian labor force, but that over-representation Serving in the military makes immigrants has been decreasing since the United States eligible for expedited citizenship, and since began military operations in Afghanistan and 2001 more than 37,000 have become citi- Iraq. Nonetheless, for many young African zens.28 Some lawmakers have suggested mili- Americans, joining the military is a transition tary service as a path to gaining legal status, to an adult military role, rather than a step and the Development, Relief, and Education taken before assuming alternative adult roles. for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act introduced in Congress in March 2009 contains provi- Hispanic participation in the military has sions allowing illegal immigrants who arrived risen sharply since the early 1990s. From in the United States before age sixteen a the inception of the all-volunteer force until path to citizenship in exchange for two years 1994, Hispanics made up less than 6 percent of military service.29 Recently, the military of military personnel. Since the late 1980s, has opened opportunities for immigrants on Hispanics have increased their share of the short-term visas, who earlier were not eligible military; by 2006, nearly 13 percent of the without legal permanent resident status.30 military identified as Hispanic, more than double the share in 1991.25 In contrast to Race and gender intersect in important ways African American trends, Hispanic partici- in the military. African Americans generally pation in the military mirrors an increase in are over-represented, but African American civilian labor force participation during this women are more over-represented than men time period. When adjusted for those who by nearly a 2:1 margin as a share of enlisted qualify for military service on the basis of soldiers and by more than 2:1 in both offi- education, Hispanics are actually slightly over- cer and warrant officer ranks.31 Half of the represented in the military compared with the women serving in the military are minority civilian labor force. Latinos are most likely to women, with African Americans accounting enlist in the Marine Corps and least likely to for 30 percent of all military women.32 Among enlist in the Air Force, whereas the Army has Hispanic soldiers, men have historically out- the highest share of African American service numbered women. In 2006, however, Latinas members and the Marine Corps the lowest.26 surpassed Latinos in their representation in VOL. 20 / NO. 1 / SPRING 2010 187 Ryan Kelty, Meredith Kleykamp, and David R. Segal the military in both the enlisted (11.0 percent experience had minimal success applying for men, 12.2 percent women) and officer ranks civilian positions.38 Hispanics more closely (4.8 percent men, 5.3 percent women).33 resemble whites than they do blacks in their distribution in military specialties. Their high- In 2005, blacks and Hispanics composed 19.9 est representation is in the electrical specialty percent and 9.8 percent of the enlisted ranks, area, followed closely by equal proportions respectively, across all branches of service. in combat arms and administration. They are Their shares in the officer corps were signifi- more likely than whites to be in medical and cantly lower (8.7 percent black, 4.8 percent dental and other allied health fields, adminis- Hispanic),34 but reflect the representation tration, and supply occupations.39 of African Americans among the college graduate population, from which officers are Sexual Orientation drawn. The number of officers of color has Homosexuals have served in the U.S. military increased since the 1990s.35 Even so, at the since the Revolutionary War, though they highest levels of leadership in the military, have faced discrimination for much of that racial and ethnic minorities continue to be time. Gays were prohibited from service from under-represented. Of the 893 general offi- 1950 until January 1993, when President cers across the four service branches in 2005, Clinton signed the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell, only 48 (5.4 percent) were black, and only 11 Don’t Pursue” policy on sexual orientation in (1.2 percent) were Hispanic.36 the military.40 Thus the gay community did not have the same access to service either as Much of the early criticism of the over- an adult role or as a gateway to other roles as representation of minorities in the military did the straight community. Public opinion was based on their concentration in the does not support banning homosexuals from combat arms, where, in a conventional war, serving openly in the military. Between 58 they would be over-represented among fatali- and 91 percent of people disapprove of the ties and casualties. As recently as the 1980s, continued ban.41 African Americans were over-represented in units like the 82nd and 101st Airborne These shifts in general public opinion are Divisions—among the first units to deploy in reflected to a lesser degree among military wartime. But by 1990, blacks were no longer personnel. Military opinions on homosexu- going disproportionately into combat units.37 als serving openly in uniform have changed They are now under-represented in combat dramatically since the early 1990s. Upwards arms, electronic repair, and electrical and of 40 percent now support such service. mechanical crafts occupations. By contrast, they are disproportionately serving in func- Younger service members (both enlisted tional support, administrative, service, and personnel and officers) offer considerably supply specialties. Although combat occu- greater support, suggesting a generation gap pations may be valued in making a military in attitudes.42 Even with marked increases career, experience in support specialties is in support for homosexuals among those in highly transferable to the civilian labor mar- and around the military, well over a third of ket. A recent study found that black men in service members report being aware of fellow support occupations had a hiring advantage service members being harassed based on over civilians, whereas those with combat sexual orientation.43 188 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN The Military and the Transition to Adulthood U.S. Constitution and that it defines homo- Although military service sexuals as second-class citizens—the latter a claim made in the past by African Americans might be playing a larger role and currently by women. During the 2008 in the transition to adulthood presidential election campaign, Barack Obama promised to lift the ban on gays for women and for racial and openly serving in the American military. Such ethnic minorities than it did a step would help pave the way for more young gays and lesbians to serve in the armed in the past, and might do so forces either as a career or as a transition to in the future for homosexuals, other adult roles. it is less inclusive across the Social Class socioeconomic spectrum According to data from the National Longitudinal Study of the high school gradu- than it was during periods of ating class of 1972, men and women serving wartime conscription. in the volunteer military did not come from the underclass of American society, but did come from somewhat lower socioeconomic backgrounds, and had somewhat lower From the early 1980s until 1994, the num- academic performance, than their peers who bers of discharges for homosexual-related did not serve. Officers performed better in reasons fell. After the passing of the Don’t high school and came from higher-status Ask, Don’t Tell policy, such discharges rose socioeconomic backgrounds than did enlisted from 1994, peaking at 1,227 in 2001 (less personnel. African Americans were over- than 1 percent of the active duty force). represented among those who served, pri- Beginning in 2002, the first full year of marily because they are over-represented military operations in the war on terror, in less affluent social strata.45 The bottom discharges under this policy have steadily quartile of the socioeconomic distribution declined, with 612 service members dis- was under-represented in the military, largely missed in 2006. Since the passing of the because of the educational, physical, mental Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell policy, the vast majority aptitude, and moral46 requirements for ser- of discharges have been triggered by service vice. The top quartile was under-represented members’ voluntarily admitting being homo- primarily because of self-selection. The force sexual.44 Many observers question the equity was thus manned by the middle range of of the policy’s enforcement, arguing that in the socioeconomic distribution, with a mean times of crisis, such as the war on terror, the somewhat below that of the broader society. military is much less likely to discharge for According to the University of Michigan’s homosexuality because of manpower needs. Monitoring the Future project, these pat- Even so, there has been considerable pub- terns continued at least through the first two lic debate over the dismissal of homosexual decades of the volunteer force among high service members, especially Arabic linguists, school graduates. Enlistment was higher in recent years. Those who oppose the policy among blacks and Hispanics than among argue that it violates human rights and the whites, among men from single-parent VOL. 20 / NO. 1 / SPRING 2010 189 Ryan Kelty, Meredith Kleykamp, and David R. Segal households, among those whose parents had not been linear. The share of enlisted soldiers lower levels of education, and among those who are married climbed from 40 percent in who did not plan to attend college.47 High 1973 to its height at 57 percent in 1994. After school students with C grade averages were declining and then rising again over the next found to be approximately two times as likely ten years, the share married in 2005 was 52 to enter military service as their peers with percent.49 A grade averages.48 Thus, although military service might be playing a larger role in the In 2002, nearly 12 percent of marriages transition to adulthood for women and for among service members involved dual- racial and ethnic minorities than it did in the service unions. Although only 7 percent past, and might do so in the future for homo- of married enlisted men were married to sexuals, it is less inclusive across the socioeco- women who also served, 49 percent of mar- nomic spectrum than it was during periods of ried enlisted women were married to men wartime conscription. in uniform. Proportions are similar among officers for both genders.50 The significant The Transition to Family Roles difference in dual-service marriage rates by During the conscription era, the military sex is due in part to the under-representation was composed primarily of single young of women in the military. men. Men tended to postpone marriage and fatherhood until after their military service or, Military personnel are slightly more likely at times, to get married to avoid conscription. than their civilian peers to be married, In either case, military service was decoupled though they are less likely than their age from family roles. To the extent that the tran- peers to be married when they enter the mili- sition to adulthood in the past involved family tary.51 They enter single, but marry young. formation, then military service often delayed Military service is more closely coupled to the that transition. Indeed, into the 1980s, it was husband and father role than to the wife and still common for Army personnel managers to mother role. Women (enlisted and officers) note, “If the Army wanted you to have a wife, are less likely to be married than their male it would have issued you one.” Today’s vol- counterparts.52 Data from 2002 suggest that unteer force is older, more career-oriented, men in the junior enlisted ranks are nearly and more family-oriented. Policy makers twice as likely to be married as civilians aged have recognized that the modern military still eighteen to twenty-four years.53 Interestingly, recruits individuals for the most part, but it racial differences in family formation in the retains—or fails to retain—families. Military civilian population are absent in the military; roles and familial roles are now more closely the tremendous black-white gap in mar- coupled, and the military and its policies have riage among civilians is virtually non-existent evolved in response. within the military.54 Marriage Military divorce rates differ by gender, race, The number of service members who are and rank. In 2005, marital dissolution rates married increased after the advent of the all- (per 100, per annum) among men were volunteer force, as did the number of dual- nearly twice as high for enlisted (2.8) as for service couples with both partners serving in officers (1.5). Among women, that rate was uniform. The growth in marriage rates has more than twice as high for enlisted (7.3) 190 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN

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