ERIC EJ795858: Trends in Media Use

2008·0.63 MB·English

by  ERIC

Trends in Media Use
Trends in Media Use
Donald F. Roberts and Ulla G. Foehr
Summary
American youth are awash in media. They have television sets in their bedrooms, personal
computers in their family rooms, and digital music players and cell phones in their backpacks.
They spend more time with media than any single activity other than sleeping, with the aver-
age American eight- to eighteen-year-old reporting more than six hours of daily media use. The
growing phenomenon of “media multitasking”—using several media concurrently—multiplies
that figure to eight and a half hours of media exposure daily.
Donald Roberts and Ulla Foehr examine how both media use and media exposure vary with
demographic factors such as age, race and ethnicity, and household socioeconomic status, and
with psychosocial variables such as academic performance and personal adjustment. They note
that media exposure begins early, increases until children begin school, drops off briefly, then
climbs again to peak at almost eight hours daily among eleven- and twelve-year-olds. Television
and video exposure is particularly high among African American youth. Media exposure is nega-
tively related to indicators of socioeconomic status, but that relationship may be diminishing.
Media exposure is positively related to risk-taking behaviors and is negatively related to person-
al adjustment and school performance. Roberts and Foehr also review evidence pointing to the
existence of a digital divide—variations in access to personal computers and allied technologies
by socioeconomic status and by race and ethnicity.
The authors also examine how the recent emergence of digital media such as personal com-
puters, video game consoles, and portable music players, as well as the media multitasking
phenomenon they facilitate, has increased young people’s exposure to media messages while
leaving media use time largely unchanged. Newer media, they point out, are not displacing
older media but are being used in concert with them. The authors note which young people are
more or less likely to use several media concurrently and which media are more or less likely to
be paired with various other media. They argue that one implication of such media multitasking
is the need to reconceptualize “media exposure.”
www.futureofchildren.org
Donald F. Roberts, the Thomas More Storke Professor Emeritus in the Department of Communication at Stanford University, has spent
more than thirty years conducting research and writing about youth and media. Ulla G. Foehr is a media research consultant special-
izing in children and media use behaviors.
VOL. 18 / NO. 1 / SPRING 2008 11
Donald F. Roberts and Ulla G. Foehr
America’s youth are awash in Hand-in-hand with the growth in media avail-
electronic media. What began able to young people has been a change in
as a media stream half a century the content available to them. Today, a sub-
ago has become a torrent whose stantial part of the media industry is devoted
strength continues to increase. to creating and distributing content specifi-
Before World War II, mass media available cally aimed at children and adolescents. Tele-
to young people consisted mainly of print vision has moved from family programming,
(magazines, newspapers, and books), motion to children’s programs, to complete channels
pictures (by then, “talkies” had appeared), aimed at the youth market. The music indus-
and radio (by the end of the 1930s, U.S. try relies on fourteen- to twenty-four-year-
households averaged slightly more than one old consumers. Youth-oriented interactive
radio set apiece). Following the war, televi- games inhabit the TV screen, the computer
sion set distribution went from 0.5 percent screen, an array of handheld devices, and
of households in 1946 to 55 percent in 1956 cyberspace. The Internet, originally designed
and 87 percent in 1960.1 The media flood was as a communication network for the military
just getting started, however. As television’s and scientists, has morphed into the World
reach continued to grow—97 percent of U.S. Wide Web, with a seemingly endless array
homes had a TV set by 1974, and in 2001 of destinations, many designed specifically
the U.S. Census Bureau estimated that U.S. for kids and many more open to, albeit not
households averaged 2.4 TV sets apiece—new designed for, them. With so many media and
electronic media began to spring up. Personal so much content available, it is not surprising
computers emerged as consumer products that young people devote much of their time
near the end of the 1970s (the Apple II in to media.
1977, the IBM-PC in 1981) and were named
Time magazine’s “person of the year” in 1982. But how much time? To which media? To
Personal computers were swiftly embraced what kinds of content? Under what condi-
by families with children. These computers tions? The importance of these questions
had penetrated almost a quarter of homes should not be underestimated. Without an
with children between the ages of three and accurate mapping of young people’s me-
seventeen years by 1989, 70 percent of such dia exposure, researchers can never fully
homes by 2001, and 75 percent by 2003. Simi- understand whether and how media affect
larly, the Internet, which became available to the lives of children and adolescents. Hun-
the general population in the early 1990s, was dreds of studies examining media effects on
being used at home by 22 percent of three- to children (many of which will be examined
seventeen-year-olds in 1997 and by 63 per- in other articles in this issue) are based on
cent in 2003.2 Today, not only are American assumptions about exposure. For example,
young people surrounded by media in their for children to learn from media content,
homes and schools, but the portability made whether the learning is intended (as with
possible by the increased miniaturization of Sesame Street’s efforts to teach numbers and
digital media means that they can remain letters or Wikipedia’s online explanations of
connected almost anywhere they wish to go. just about anything) or incidental (as with
Laptop computers, cell phones, and handheld children acquiring aggressive behaviors from
Internet devices are rapidly becoming basic a video game or materialistic values from an
equipment for today’s teenagers. unending barrage of advertisements), they
12 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN
Trends in Media Use
must be exposed to specific kinds of content opposed to “television use” or “computer
under specific conditions. Questions about use.” Finally, each of these problems is
whether new ways of structuring information compounded by ongoing changes in the
influence young people’s information pro- media environment—changes not only in the
cessing skills begin with assumptions about form and substance of media content, but also
how much time children spend with different and particularly in the speedy emergence and
forms of media. Likewise, questions about adoption by young people of a variety of new
whether and how the time youth devote to media. For example, cell phones, a relatively
media affects other areas in their lives, such rare possession among U.S. adolescents five
as the time spent doing homework or par- or six years ago, are rapidly becoming one of
ticipating in after-school activities, depend teenagers’ favorite new media. In addition,
on accurate measures of that time. In short, changes in the media environment have made
almost any question about how media affect it necessary to differentiate between “media
young people is predicated on assumptions use” and “media exposure.” Estimates of
about media exposure. young people’s overall media time that simply
sum the amount of exposure to each individu-
al medium are no longer valid, if they ever
With so many media and so
were. Media multitasking—the concurrent
much content available, it use of multiple media—has become the order
of the day, one result of which is that young-
is not surprising that young
sters report substantially more hours of being
people devote much of their exposed to media content than hours of using
media. Such disclaimers notwithstanding,
time to media. But how much
recent research provides a reasonably clear
time? To which media? To snapshot of what remains, for better or worse,
a moving target.
what kinds of content?
Under what conditions? The following examination of U.S. young
people’s media use and exposure focuses on
children and adolescents ranging in age from
Questions about media use and exposure, birth to eighteen years. We focus primarily on
however, are not easily answered. The first recent studies that have used large, represen-
difficulty is measurement issues. There is tative samples and gathered information on
good reason to question the accuracy both of the full array of media available to young
older children’s self-reports of media exposure people. For the most part, information
and of parental estimates of the time younger concerning younger children (from birth to
children devote to media.3 Second, until eight years) comes from three studies con-
recently, relatively few studies have been ducted under the auspices of the Kaiser
based on representative samples of U.S. Family Foundation and is based on parent
youngsters, making it hard to generalize reports.4 Information on older children (eight
research findings to the broader population. to eighteen years) comes primarily from two
Third, many studies, even many recent ones, other Kaiser Family Foundation surveys of
focus primarily on a limited array of media, representative samples of school-aged children
precluding examinations of “media use” as and was obtained through self-administered
VOL. 18 / NO. 1 / SPRING 2008 13
Donald F. Roberts and Ulla G. Foehr
Table 1. Household and Personal Media Ownership, by Age of Child
Percent
Share of children of various ages whose households contain media
Type of medium 0–6 years 0–1 years 2–3 years 4–6 years 8–18 years 8–10 years 11–14 years 15–18 years
Television 99 n.a. n.a. n.a. 99 98 100 99
Video player 93 n.a. n.a. n.a. 97 96 99 98
Radio n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 97 94 98 99
Audio player n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 98 95 99 100
Video game player 50 n.a. n.a. n.a. 83 84 84 81
Computer 78 n.a. n.a. n.a. 86 83 89 86
Cable or satellite n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 82 76 86 82
Internet access 69 n.a. n.a. n.a. 74 63 78 80
Instant messaging program n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 60 42 63 70
Share of children of various ages whose bedrooms contain media
Type of medium 0–6 years 0–1 years 2–3 years 4–6 years 8–18 years 8–10 years 11–14 years 15–18 years
Television 33 19 29 43 68 69 68 68
Video player 23 12 22 30 54 47 56 56
Radio n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 84 74 85 91
Audio player n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 86 75 89 92
Video game 10 2 5 18 49 52 52 41
Computer 5 3 3 7 31 23 31 37
Cable or satellite 17 10 12 23 37 32 38 40
Internet access 2 2 1 2 20 10 21 27
Instant messaging program n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 18 9 17 27
Share of children of various ages with “their own” media
Type of medium 0–6 years 0–1 years 2–3 years 4–6 years 8–18 years 8–10 years 11–14 years 15–18 years
Cell phone n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 39 21 36 56
Portable audio player n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 61 35 65 77
PDMP (MP3) n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 18 12 20 20
Laptop computer n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 12 13 11 15
Handheld video game n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 55 66 60 41
Personal digital assistant n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 11 9 14 8
Handheld Internet device n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 13 7 15 17
Sources: Information on young children from Victoria J. Rideout and Elizabeth Hamel, The Media Family: Electronic Media in the Lives
of Infants, Toddlers, Preschoolers, and their Parents (Menlo Park, Calif.: Kaiser Family Foundation, 2006); information on older chil-
dren from Donald F. Roberts, Ulla Foehr, and Victoria Rideout, Generation M: Media in the Lives of 8–18-year-olds (Menlo Park, Calif.:
Kaiser Family Foundation, 2005). Data are missing for younger children in the first part of the table because subgroup analyses were
not reported and, in the second and third part of the table, because particular questions were not asked of young children.
questionnaires completed in schools and, disc players), video games (both console-based
importantly, from associated time-use diaries and handheld), computers, and, when pos-
completed by children at home.5 In this article sible, such new digital media as cell phones,
we focus on electronic media: television, video personal digital media players (PDMPs),
players, audio media (radio, tape, and compact personal digital assistants, and handheld
14 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN
Trends in Media Use
Internet devices. Except where noted, expo- but estimates that two-thirds of homes with
sure times refer to recreational or leisure twelve- to seventeen-year-olds already own or
media use—that is, exposure to media content rent an MP3, iPod, or similar device.7
not associated with school or homework or
with any kind of employment. Personal Media
Personal media—that is, media that young
Media in the Home people claim as their own—also affect access
Although the United States continues to and exposure. The Kaiser data reveal that in
experience a “digital divide”—varying access 2004, 68 percent of U.S. eight- to eighteen-
to certain media, particularly computers and year-olds and 33 percent of children from
allied technologies, related to differences birth to age six had a TV in their bedroom (19
in socioeconomic status, race and ethnicity, percent of children under age one roomed
and gender—most U.S. youth have access to with a TV set). Television is the most ubiqui-
most media most of the time. Television has tous personal medium among children, but
penetrated 99 percent of all households with far from the only one. In 2003, 23 percent of
children, and more than 95 percent of those children in the birth to six-year age range had
same households have video players, radios, a video player in their bedroom, 10 percent
and compact disc and tape audio players. had a video game player, and 5 percent a
Seventy-eight percent of households with personal computer. Not surprisingly, the
young children (birth to six years) and 85 proportions climb as children get older. For
percent of those with eight- to eighteen-year- example, in excess of 80 percent of eight- to
olds have personal computers, and 50 percent eighteen-year-olds report having their own
of households with younger children and 83 radio and their own CD or tape player (92
percent of those with older children have a percent claim some kind of music medium);
video game console. Moreover, most children 31 percent have a computer of their own, half
live with several of these media. The typical have a video player, and 49 percent a video
U.S. eight- to eighteen-year-old lives in a game console in their room. As new electron-
household equipped with three TV sets, three ic media become more portable and more
video players, three radios, three PDMPs affordable, young people tend to number
(for example, an iPod or other MP3 device), among the earlier adopters. In 2004, 61 per-
two video game consoles, and a personal cent of eight- to eighteen-year-olds claimed
computer.6 As table 1 illustrates, saturation to own a portable CD or tape player, 55
or near-saturation levels have been reached percent a handheld video game, 18 percent a
for all but the newest electronic media, and PDMP, 39 percent their own cell phone, and
those are likely to follow much the same pat- 13 percent some kind of handheld Internet
tern. Indeed, the presence of youngsters in device (Internet connectivity via cell phone
a household stimulates early adoption of the was relatively rare at that time). Rapid dif-
new electronic media. For example, the 73 fusion of such media among youth is further
percent computer penetration Nielsen found attested to by estimates from 2005 that 45
for all U.S households in 2007 is substantially percent of teens owned their own cell phone,
below the 85 percent penetration found three up from 39 percent in 2004.8
years earlier in homes with eight- to eighteen
-year-olds. Similarly, Nielsen now reports Media Access in Schools
PDMPs in 27 percent of all households, Not only do substantial numbers of young
VOL. 18 / NO. 1 / SPRING 2008 15
Donald F. Roberts and Ulla G. Foehr
people carry most forms of portable digital Internet connections, according to differenc-
media to school with them, most schools in es in socioeconomic status, race and ethnicity,
the United States are now “wired.” Although gender, and geography (rural and urban loca-
we have found no data pertaining to electron- tion). More recently, as the gap in access to
ic media in preschools and day care centers,9 computers has narrowed somewhat, the term
virtually all public schools have for several has also been applied both to broadband
decades owned TV sets (the average number connectivity and to differences in technical
of TV sets per public school exceeded twelve support and in how members of different
by 1994). Recent U.S. Department of Educa- socioeconomic status or ethnic groups use the
tion data indicate that 100 percent of U.S. technology.
public schools had Internet connectivity by
2003, that 93 percent of public school instruc- In spite of the rapid penetration of the newer
tional rooms had access by 2003, and that 95 electronic media into young people’s house-
percent of schools with Internet access were holds, a digital divide persists—the likelihood
using broadband (high-speed) connections in of household computer ownership still varies
that same year.10 Theoretically, then, it as a function of socioeconomic status and race
appears that most youngsters have relatively and ethnicity. For example, the U.S. Census
easy access to all but the very newest elec- Bureau’s Current Population Survey reports
tronic media. that the likelihood of three- to seventeen-
year-olds living in homes with a personal
The Digital Divide computer is strongly related to household
The term “digital divide” came into popular income. As figure 1 shows, fewer than 60
usage during the mid-1990s and originally percent of homes with annual incomes under
referred to variations in access (in homes, $20,000 have computers, as against more than
schools, or other public locations) to personal 90 percent of homes with annual earnings of
computers and allied technologies, such as $60,000 or more. And although 93 percent
Figure 1. Share of Children Age 3–17 with Computers in Home, by Household Income
Percent
100
80
60
40
20
0
0–5k 5–10k 10–15k 15–20k 20–30k 30–40k 40–50k 50–60k 60–75k 75– 100–
100k 150k
Household income
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, 2003, Computer and Internet Use Supplement (Department of Commerce, 2003).
16 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN
Trends in Media Use
Figure 2. Share of Households with Children 8–18 with Electronic Media, by Race and Ethnicity
Percent
90
80
70
60
White
50
African American
40
30 Hispanic
20
10
0
Personal computer Internet Instant messaging Video games
Source: Donald F. Roberts, Ulla Foehr, and Victoria Rideout, Generation M: Media in the Lives of 8- to 18-year-olds (Menlo Park, Calif.:
Kaiser Family Foundation, 2005).
of youngsters living in homes with an annual (80 percent) eight- to eighteen-year-olds live
income of more than $75,000 have access to with personal computers, and the pattern is
the Internet, only 29 percent of those from similar for Internet connections and instant
homes with earnings under $15,000 have messaging programs.12
Internet access.11 Similarly, the Kaiser data
indicate that in-home computer availability Even though computers with Internet con-
varies by both parental education and race nectivity have become available in almost all
and ethnicity. Ninety-one percent of eight- to public schools (with broadband connections
eighteen-year-olds whose parents completed not far behind), schools with the highest
college have access to an in-home personal poverty concentrations have higher ratios of
computer as compared with 84 percent of students to instructional computers (5:1 versus
those whose parents attended but did not 4.1:1) and less access to computers outside
finish college and 82 percent of those whose regular school hours than do schools with the
parents completed no more than high school. lowest poverty concentrations. Moreover, the
Ownership of allied computer technologies likelihood of having a website that can make
such as Internet connections and instant information available to parents and students
messaging programs follows the same pattern, is lower both in schools with high minority
with more access in homes where parents enrollments and in schools with the highest
completed college and less in homes where concentrations of poverty.13 Finally, children
parents completed high school. Figure 2 illus- from higher-income households are more
trates differences of in-home computer avail- than twice as likely as those from the lowest-
ability as a function of race and ethnicity. A income households to use a home computer
higher share of white (90 percent) than either to complete school assignments (77 percent
African American (78 percent) or Hispanic versus 29 percent) and are more than three
VOL. 18 / NO. 1 / SPRING 2008 17
Donald F. Roberts and Ulla G. Foehr
Table 2. Children’s Average Daily Exposure to Five Electronic Media, Total Media Exposure,
and Total Media Use, by Age
Research sample Television Videos and Audio Video Computer Total media Total media
movies games exposure use
Children 0–6 years (2005)
Total sample 0:59 0:24 0:48 0:06 0:07 2:24 n.a.
0–1 year 0:34 0:13 0:57 0:00 0:01 1:45 n.a.
2–3 years 1:11 0:32 0:50 0:03 0:05 2:41 n.a.
4–6 years 1:02 0:25 0:41 0:10 0:10 2:28 n.a.
Children 2–7 years (1999)
Total sample 1:59 0:31 0:45 0:08 0:07 3:30 2:56
Children 8–18 years (2004)
Total sample 3:04 1:11 1:44 0:49 1:02 7:50 5:48
8–10 years 3:17 1:24 0:59 1:05 0:37 7:21 5:22
11–14 years 3:16 1:09 1:42 0:52 1:02 8:00 6:00
15–18 years 2:36 1:05 2:24 0:33 1:22 7:59 5:59
Children 8–18 years (1999)
Total sample 3:05 0:59 1:48 0:26 0:27 6:45 5:40
Source: Data on sample of children 0–6 years (2005) from Rideout and Hamel (see table 1); on sample 2–7 years (1999) from Donald
F. Roberts and others, Kids and Media at the New Millennium (Menlo Park, Calif.: Kaiser Family Foundation, 1999); on sample 8–18
years (2004) from Roberts, Foehr, and Rideout, Generation M (see table 1); on sample 8–18 years (1999) from Roberts and others,
Kids and Media (see above). Because time-use diaries were not obtained for the 2005 sample of young children, total media use
estimates are not available for them.
times as likely to use a personal computer for ing of “media” differs from person to person,
word processing or desktop publishing.14 the wide and increasing array of media to
which the term refers makes the task even
It seems, then, that although in terms of ac- more difficult, and the fact that young people
cess to the technology the digital divide has in particular engage in a great deal of media
narrowed substantially since the mid-1990s use as a secondary, even tertiary, activity—
(particularly access within public schools), the TV may be on as a teenager washes the
in terms of the potential benefits of comput- dishes and argues with a sibling while listen-
ers and allied technologies for education and ing to a PDMP through ear-pods—further
economic opportunity, there remains cause impairs recall. It is more accurate to ask
for concern. youngsters to report time they spend with
each individual medium (Yesterday, how
Overall Media Exposure and Use much time did you spend using a computer?
Although some early studies of children’s How much time did you watch TV?). Unfor-
media exposure report time devoted to each tunately, however, overall “media use” is not
of several different media, we have located a straightforward summation of time exposed
no research published before 1999 that esti- to each individual medium. To the extent that
mates young people’s “total media exposure” people “use” several media at the same time,
or that differentiates between media expo- playing a video game while listening to music,
sure and media use.15 Asking respondents, the sum of the two exposure estimates will
particularly children, to estimate their overall be double the amount of time spent using
“media time” is almost pointless. The mean- media. That is, while engaged in one hour of
18 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN
Trends in Media Use
media use (playing a video game while listen- increased more than an hour across the five-
ing to music) a youngster is exposed to two year span, media use remained remarkably
hours of media content (one hour of video constant (5:40 vs. 5:48). Donald Roberts, Ulla
game content, one of music content). The Foehr, and Victoria Rideout conjecture that a
exposure-use distinction has become espe- ceiling for media use may have been reached,
cially important as new media, particularly but that the explosion of new media has led
the personal computer, have increased the to increased exposure because of increases
amount of concurrent media use as well as in the proportion of media time that young
the rate of media multitasking among young people use several media concurrently.17
people. In what follows, then, “media use”
refers to the amount of time young people Table 2 provides little support for speculation
devote to all media (that is, person hours that newer media, such as computers, the
devoted to using media); “media exposure” Internet, and video games, are displacing such
refers to media content encountered by older media as television. Not only does TV
young people expressed in units of time (that viewing consume almost triple the time given
is, hours of television exposure).16 to the next closest media category, but also
the next closest category consists of videos
Table 2 summarizes recent estimates of both and movies—arguably simply another form of
media exposure and media use for samples of “television.” In other words, exposure to a
both younger and older children. Exposure to “TV screen” in one form or another accounts
electronic media starts early and rises quickly. for more than half of all young people’s
In 2005, children six years and younger electronic media exposure. Much the same
averaged 2:24 (two hours and twenty-four pattern emerges in estimates of children’s
minutes) daily exposure to media content. media budgets based on calculating the share
Data on concurrent media use were not col- of total media time each individual youth
lected for the birth to six-year-old samples. devotes to each medium, then averaging those
In 1999, however, parents reported that a proportions. In 1999, eight- to eighteen-year-
national sample of two- to seven-year-olds olds devoted 51 percent of their media time
experienced 3:30 of media exposure while to TV and to videos and movies; in 2004 the
engaged in 2:56 media use. Among older proportion was 48 percent. Thus, as table 2
children and adolescents, in 2004, eight- to indicates, although total media exposure
eighteen-year-olds reported an average of increased substantially from 1999 to 2004, the
7:50 of daily electronic media exposure, but increment was due almost completely to
packed all that content into just over 5:48 of increases in time with video games and
media use. In other words, approximately 25 computers—over the five years, daily video
percent of the time that eight- to eighteen- game time went from 0:26 to 0:49, and
year-olds were using media, they used two average daily computer time increased from
or more at once—a substantial increase in 0:27 to 1:02.18 Moreover, the additional
the proportion of time a similar sample used exposure was almost completely due to
multiple media concurrently just five years increased use of several media simultaneously,
earlier. In 1999, eight- to eighteen-year-olds not to displacement of older media such as
engaged in media multitasking 17 percent of television. In short, total media exposure
the time, fitting 6:45 exposure into 5:40 me- increased, media multitasking increased, total
dia use. Thus, although total media exposure use remained relatively constant, and there is
VOL. 18 / NO. 1 / SPRING 2008 19
Donald F. Roberts and Ulla G. Foehr
little evidence that any medium—but espe- just under five hours daily) until about the
cially television—is being displaced.19 time children enter preschool or kindergar-
ten. It drops off slightly for a brief period,
We have located no estimates of the amount then climbs to a peak of just over eight hours
of time that young people spend using such daily at around eleven to twelve years,
new, portable media as cell phones or personal followed by a gradual decline (to about seven
data assistants. However the Pew Internet and hours daily) during later adolescence. This
American Life Project reports that in 2005 age-related, bi-modal pattern (that is, having
two-thirds of all teenagers with cell phones (at two distinct peaks) of exposure was noted for
that time 45 percent of all teens) used instant television some years ago and, as is also
messaging (IM), with half of IM users ex- illustrated in table 3, continues to hold for
changing such messages at least once daily.20 that medium. Indeed, we suspect the con-
tinuing dominance of television in children’s
Age and Media Exposure media diet is largely responsible for the
Exposure to each of the electronic media current pattern for overall media exposure.23
varies substantially according to a wide array The bi-modal pattern is generally explained
of subgroup characteristics, and as table 2 as resulting from changes in children’s
indicates, age is one of the most important. available time—changes driven primarily by
Parent estimates of young children’s exposure the demands of school and school-related
are less than half the total media exposure activities. That is, among younger children,
reported by older youths. There is little TV exposure (indeed, all media exposure)
question that some of this difference is real.21 steadily increases during the first four or five
But a substantial part of the large difference years (paralleling increases in available time).
between exposure levels reported for six- to At around four to six years, however, children
seven-year-olds in the younger sample and begin school, and the more structured and to
for eight-year-olds in the older sample is some extent television-free school environ-
likely due to differences in how data were ment means less time is available for media.
gathered for the two age groups—that is, As young children adapt to the demands of
parent reports and self reports. Not only school and begin to have somewhat later
does a strong “social desirability” bias elicit bedtimes, TV viewing (and overall media
conservative answers when parents are asked exposure) climbs again. A few years later,
how much time their children devote to however, the change from grade school to
such activities as television viewing or video middle school brings with it new demands on
game playing, but the migration of media to time—longer school hours, homework, and
children’s bedrooms means that parents fre- organized after-school activities, such as
quently do not know whether, when, or how sports, clubs, and jobs. The social demands of
much their children listen, view, or click.22 adolescence, coupled with increased mobility,
Nevertheless, with these caveats in mind, it also cut into media time; given a choice
seems clear that both television exposure and between hanging out with friends or watch-
overall media exposure follow similar, age- ing TV, for example, a typical sixteen-year-old
related patterns. usually chooses the former.
Overall media exposure, pictured in figure 3, Age-related exposure patterns, of course,
starts out low and increases fairly rapidly (to depend on both the medium and the needs
20 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN