Research From ELLs to Bilingual Teachers Spanish-English Speaking Latino Teachers’ Experiences of Language Shame & Loss Lisa Winstead & Congcong Wang Introduction or rejected, these children feel a sense of 2013; Feagin, 1984). Prior historical mem- shame not only about their language but ories of territorial conflict (e.g., French-Al- By traversing boundaries globally, also rejection of their heritage, which affects gerian War) and acquisition (e.g., U.S. transnational individuals supply first-world their sense of well-being (Phinney, Horen- acquisition of prior Mexican territories) is economies with labor forces in countries cyk, Liebkind, & Vedder, 2001). Despite the also associated with notions of first-world such as the United States, France, and high demand for teachers who have the nation dominance and third-world subor- Japan (Vertovec, 2001, 2004; Winstead, cultural and bilingual expertise to teach dinance as reflected in present-day societal 2010). Transnationals are people who are these children of transnationals, there is a attitudes and language policies (Darder residents in the post colony yet continue to shortage of certified bilingual teachers to & Uriarte, 2013; Macedo, 2000; Wang & maintain socio-economic relations in their teach English language learners (ELLs) (de Winstead, 2016). country of origin, are hired for unskilled la- Cohen, Deterding, & Clewell, 2005; Hones, Language hierarchies as seen in state bor, and are often identified as immigrants Aguilar, & Thao, 2009). policies and practices reveal how language (Darder & Uriarte, 2013; Vertovec, 2001, In addition to the shortage and demand status is often tied with immigrant country 2004). The recruitment of transnationals for highly qualified bilingual teachers, origin status around the world. Thus, a ma- from prior colonies and neighboring coun- teachers in countries such as the United jor issue with this expectation of dominant tries contributes to worldwide multilingual- States and Great Britain do not reflect first-world powers is the insistance of one ism and diversity in schools and classrooms minority populations in the schools (Bireda nation and one language at the expense of (Hay, 2008; Rueda & Stillman, 2012; Wang & Chait, 2014; Gollnick & Chinn, 2013; the native or heritage language (Crawford, & Winstead, 2016). Vonderlack-Navarro, 2014) and often lack 2004; Macedo, 2000; Wang & Winstead, The children involved in transnational the necessary cultural and linguistic exper- 2016), especially languages associated with movements leave their respective coun- tise to work with transnational children. lower status in society (Beardsmore, 2008; tries of origin and corresponding ways of While much relevant research concerns Darder & Uriarte, 2013; Helot, 2002). cultural, social, and linguistic understand- preparing mainstream teachers to work For instance, despite plurilingual cit- ing. As they enter the host state with their and support ELLs culturally and lin- izens/residents in France and language parents, they are placed in schools with guistically (de Jong & Harper, 2005; Hite policies that promote multilingualism, the expectation that they will acquire the & Evans, 2006; Honawar, 2009; Leavitt, language hierarchies exist that favor some dominant language, understand the host 2013; Lucas, 2008), more study is needed languages over others. Foreign languages country rules and norms, and perform to validate and consider the dual language such as German, Spanish, and Italian are well in school. Yet at the same time, their expertise of bilingual individuals as re- accorded higher status in France than native or home language support has sources to address the increasing needs regional languages and non-European been removed in schools that reflect re- of multilingual populations of children in immigrant languages such as Arabic strictive language policies in such states schools. (Beardsmore, Helot, & Young, 2005) which as California and Arizona, both with high Adopting an identity framework, this has reportedly been restricted as a primary populations of Latinos (Austin, Willett, & multiple case study explored bilingual and language tool to promote student instruc- Gebhard, 2010; Flores & Murillo, 2001; bicultural Latino teachers’ lived experienc- tion (Young & Helot, 2003). Macedo, 2000; Valdez, 2001). es of language shame and loss influenced Revealing similar patterns of language As their native language is restricted their teaching in classrooms with main- marginalization, historical language policy stream and multilingual children. in the United States has been in response Lisa Winstead is an associate professor to the increasing numbers of Latinos and, in the Department of Elementary Literature Review correspondingly, the growth of English-on- and Bilingual Education ly movements (Barker, 2001; Padilla, Lind- Language Status in the College of Education holm, Chen, Duran, Hakuta, et al., 1991; and Language Learners at California State University, Fullerton. Schildkraut, 2001). Congcong Wang is an instructor Immigrants, as well as their descen- English-only movements that restrict in the Department of Languages and Literatures dants who become citizens, are often mar- the use of the primary language have been in the College of Humanities, Arts, and Sciences ginalized and retain social and language enacted since the 1850s, typically associated at the University of Northern Iowa, status reflective of post-colonial history with anti-immigrant sentiment, and are Cedar Falls, Iowa. (Bordieu, 1977, 1986; Darder & Uriarte, now revealed in more current policies such MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION 16 Research as Proposition 63 which decreed English mainstream and are not adequately fa- bilinguals who have become teachers have as the official language of California in miliar with minority and immigrant lived also been taught to adopt these deficit dis- 1986 (Padilla et al., 1991; San Miguel, community experiences (Delpit, 1995; courses (Arellano-Houchin et al., 2001). In 2008). While this proposition provided Foote et al, 2013; Howard, 2005; Nieto, addition, these discourses often influence for English as the official language in 2000;). In addition, instances exist in bilingual teachers’ pedagogical practices, government functions, it also prompted which Spanish-speaking bilingual student which due to policies in some states be- restrictive school-oriented referendums in teachers are often told not to utilize their come inherently monolingual in nature, highly Latino-populated states. California primary language in classrooms where the restricting the ability of Latinos to socially passed Proposition 227 in 1998 and Arizo- majority of Emergent Bilinguals speak communicate intergenerationally (Barker, na passed Proposition 203 in 2000 which Spanish as a second language (Austin, 2001; Arellano-Houchin et al., 2001). restricted primary language use in schools. 2010; Fitts et al., 2008). While the litera- Cultivating social justice orientations Devaluation and restriction of languag- ture often promotes integration, individu- in bilingual-bicultural teachers is crucial es reveal the reproduction of social hierar- als who have collectively experienced bias to their empowerment so that they may chies associated with native language sta- or prejudice often regain a sense of pride become role models and change agents tus (Beardsmore, 2008) that are influenced and validation of their bilingual expertise who acknowledge, support, and utilize by prior colonial status (Wang & Winstead, only through dialogue and collective con- the bilingual-bicultural capital of diverse 2016). For example, Arabic-speaking North versations with like-minded or culturally student populations in ways that will pre- Africans have lower academic achieve- similar individuals, such as in bilingual vent heritage loss (Flores & Murillo, 2001; ment than their European Spanish or cohort programs (Fitts et al., 2008; Weis- Weisman & Hansen, 2010). Schooling in- Portuguese classmates in France (Alanis, man & Hansen, 2010). struction should be geared to the students’ 2010; Brinbaum & Cebolla-Boado, 2007; Evidence of minority language negation background, community, and cultural and Régner & Loose, 2006) and are perceived and shame are exhibited in social settings linguistic experiences (Gutiérrez 2008). as having less ability to integrate with leading not only to language loss (Montrul, the mainstream (Berry & Sabatier, 2010; 2005; Varghese, 2006) but also the loss Bilingual-Bicultural Identities Holland, 2010; Sabatier, 2008). of intergenerational primary language Bicultural is a term that refers to Studies in the United States simi- communication between parents, grand- individuals who are from two or more larly reveal that Mexican and Latino parents, and children (Flores & Murillo, cultural backgrounds (Weisman, Flores, achievement is lower than that of their 2001). Typically intergenerational commu- & Valenciana, 2007). Bilingual-bicultural mainstream counterparts (Gandara, 2010) nication occurs when children can speak individuals often negotiate meaning in and those students are typically viewed the language of their parents and their their adjustment to the dominant social as resistant to learning English (Barker, grandparents. and cultural environment (Darder, 1991; 2001; Padilla et al., 1991; Tse, 2001). Intergenerational conflict then occurs Fitts et al., 2008). Bilingual teachers who According to Bordieu (1977; 1987), cul- when descendants lack the language have been exposed to monolingual envi- tural capital is measured by one’s ability to communicate with their parents and ronments representative of restrictive to follow expected language and social family members (Flores & Murillo, 2001; language policies, programs, and attitudes rules associated with adaptation within Flores, 2005; Gim Chung, 2001). More- may develop negative feelings toward their the host state. Thus, one is often judged by over, the heritage language acts as the own heritage, language, and identity. Yet presumably appropriate cultural expertise transmitter of cultural values, norms, and Latino bilingual teacher candidates have and behavioral expectations which can heritage information to the next genera- access to both English language as well include adopting language attitudes that tion. Without this knowledge and ability as Spanish heritage language capital that reflect the dominant ideals and notions to communicate, misunderstandings and can be used to provide heritage language of the nation-state. If one’s language and communicative distance can occur among support for ELL newcomers classrooms culture conflicts with dominant cultural family members. in accordance with the Lau vs. Nichols and linguistic ideals, this can affect one’s Schools act as purveyors of state linguis- Supreme Court decision (Winstead, 2016). status in mainstream society. Barker tic policy and contribute to the restriction In this study we, as the researchers, (2001) reports that 23 states in the U.S. or allowance of use of the primary language utilized identity as a lens to describe the have English-only policies and statements and, thus, can affect the ability to retain conditions of individuals who must negoti- that have negative consequences for second communicative closeness with family rela- ate meaning within society and social insti- language learners in schools. tions. Many bilingual teachers work with tutions. Individuals’ identities are shaped The number of states with English-only children who are linguistically similar to in societal and institutional contexts (Gee, policies has since been reduced by one. themselves and who have correspondingly 2000; Pavlenko & Blackledge, 2004). Often, Proposition 227, California’s English-only been taught in schools affected by mono- the heritage language, e.g., Spanish, has policy, was repealed by voters through lingual policies. been subordinated due to English-only Proposition 58 in 2016. This paradigm Accordingly, monolingual policies have and monolingual policies established in shift appears to reveal Californians’ great- contributed to language loss and negative various states and structured English er awareness of the benefits of primary feelings by students towards their own immersion (SEI) programs established in language support, bilingualism, and dual culture and background (Fitts et al., 2008; schools which disallow heritage language immersion in schools. Martinez-Roldan & Malave, 2004). These use to bridge bilingual children’s learning deficit notions not only affect the bilingual of English (Winstead, 2016). Language Shame and Loss student’s sense of identity but also their Thus, expectations of English-only sense of self-value (Kaplan & Flum, 2012; The majority of teachers who teach in instruction develop not only through Phinney et al., 2001). Furthermore, those schools are primarily from the dominant policy but also as such restrictions play SPRING/SUMMER 2017 17 Research out within particular contexts such as explore how to address deficit discourses and subsequent preparation as bilingual schools. Accordingly, how individuals are in schools (Arce, 2004; Fitts, et al., 2008; teachers (Dewey, 1933; Freire, 1990; Shor viewed within these contexts promotes Flores & Murillo, 2001). Educators and & Freire, 1987). perceptions of their identity based on researchers need to counter deficit narra- Our intent was to have Spanish-En- how they are recognized in society and by tives with teacher- and student-oriented glish bilingual-bicultural Latino teachers institutions, e.g., ethnicity (Latino, Mex- approaches that honor the linguistic and question and reflect upon the linguistic, ican), ability (ADHD), language (English cultural diversity of all players in schools social, and political contexts of their schol- Language Learner), or being labeled “at (e.g., children, teachers, parents). arization. These teachers were challenged risk” as suggested by Gee (2000). Addi- As the researchers for this study, we to deconstruct and reconstruct their lived tional examples can include schooling advocate for bilingual teacher agency. We experiences through critical reflection of and policy restrictions such as speaking have found that bilinguals grasp immi- social and historical issues concerning only English in the classroom despite the grant learner cultural and linguistic chal- Latinos in education. possibility that the children are newcom- lenges associated with their identity and ers and have little knowledge of the new self-esteem and, therefore, have the where- Methodology second language—English. withal to help children counter subtractive This multiple case study of eight Spa- Thus, the institutional identity, derived discourses and practices (Arce, 2004; Fitts nish-English speaking bilingual-bicultural from social and political policy as well as et al., 2008; Weisman & Hansen, 2010). Latino teachers addressed their lived expe- mainstream notions of identity affect how The challenge in teaching is to ensure riences as bilingual children and teachers students are viewed. Looking at who we that bilinguals have opportunities to work in today’s classrooms. are in the context of the institution, such with individuals who are like themselves, as an ELL, or being a bilingual teacher, ver- e.g., serving as bilingual teachers who are Research questions explored include: sus being mainstream and monolingual, acutely aware of the deficit discourses that How do bilingual bicultural teachers or whether a child is officially diagnosed they might, unconsciously, engage in due perceive their native language use and as an ELL or ADHD becomes part of the to their prior scholarization (Fitts et al., sense of self within society from childhood institutional identity. How the child may 2008, Valdez et al., 2001). to adulthood? be treated in this situation depends on Correspondingly, what are bilingual the disposition of those individuals who The Study teachers’ perceptions of how their own set school policy and their educational language learning experience might affect Bilingual teachers come into the work- philosophies. Similarly, individuals “… teaching students of similar linguistic and can negotiate and contest how their traits place with a plethora of language capital, cultural backgrounds? language registers, and language vari- are to be seen (by themselves and others) eties as well as cultural understanding Participants in terms of the different perspectives on associated with knowing more than one identity” (Gee, 2000, p. 108). The study took place at a state univer- language. Such expertise and capital can Those who persist in believing that En- sity in a large urban area in the Pacific be used to promote positive well-being for glish-only should be the approach for ELLs Southwest of the United States. Over plurilingual children in schools. in schools restrict the students’ language 34,000 students attend this Hispanic-serv- However, according to the literature, identity. When students are not allowed to ing institution. To collect in-depth data bilingual-bicultural individuals have utilize their home language in school, cul- from teachers of a variety of linguistic complex and contradictory ideas about tural and linguistic communication with and cultural backgrounds, three male and their own selves, voices, and identities as their respective family members become five female teachers from different Latino well as the ways in which they may regain undervalued. Knowledge is constructed communities and of differing teaching ex- their cultural and linguistic capital due based on world views within societies and perience were chosen to participate in this to deficit discourses in schools (Fitts, et how children can and are socialized (Ka- two-year multiple case study. All of them al., 2008; Tellez, 1999; Quiocho & Rios, plan & Flum 2012) to the dominant norms were U.S. born Spanish native speakers 2000; Weisman, 2001; Weisman, Flores, and dispositions of the host country. who were raised in different Latino cul- & Valenciana, 2007). Exposure to deficit Congruently, Latino social and cultural tures (e.g., Mexico, Guatemalan, Salva- discourses and monolingual expectations dispositions, in contrast with a mainstream dorean) and initially only spoke Spanish in society not only affects bilingual chil- and subtractive language environment, in the home but became fluent in English. dren’s sense of bilingual-bicultural identi- can cause conflicts of identity as students A recruitment survey indicated a va- ty but also how mainstream teachers and negotiate their bilingualness within a riety of teaching experience among the bilingual teachers instruct and behave in monolingual-oriented world (Fitts et al., participants, aged from 22 to 39, including schools. 2008; Martinez-Roldan & Malave, 2004; three full-time inservice teachers and six As researchers we were interested in Quiocho & Rios, 2000; Tellez, 1999; Weis- substitute teachers. Participants have whether the challenges bilingual teach- man, 2001). Positive cultural and social K-8 teaching credentials and worked at ers faced as children have ameliorated or identity is associated with the well-being of various school sites. They were enrolled in changed over the years as they work in the child (Phinney et al., 2001) and should a Spanish-English bilingual authorization school settings as adults. As such, we em- be promoted in schools. program. Table 1 provides an overview of ployed a participatory research design pro- As national educational policies con- the participants’ age, background, school moting dialogue and self-analysis through tinue to devalue the cultural capital of design experienced in their early child- critical reflection about the participants’ a growing cultural and linguistic pop- hood, the type of teaching credential they perceptions of their lived experiences in ulation, researchers and academicians hold, and a summary of their teaching schools as bilingual-bicultural children have a moral obligation to illuminate and experience and teaching positions at the MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION 18 Research time they were taking the two semester tractive schooling practices associated Data Collection courses. with primary language loss. Participants Data were collected over a period of two then juxtaposed their own lived bilingual years from the point when participants Context childhood and teaching experiences on were interviewed for the program, during blogs and in journals to reflect upon these Participants who passed oral and writ- the program, at program completion, and issues and how to create culturally and ten interviews demonstrating proficient then as follow-up to the program. In order linguistically responsive learning environ- level of Spanish-English bilingual ability to address the overarching questions pur- ments. The teachers were encouraged to were enrolled in a two-semester Spanish sued in this study, we analyzed qualitative discuss language issues and instructional Bilingual Authorization program. This data for recurring patterns using an open approaches in groups. They also had oppor- program prepared them to teach Span- coding scheme involving: (a) field notes tunities to juxtapose personal narratives ish-speaking ELLs through English-Span- from course participation, site visits, and with broader social contexts, thereby al- ish dual immersion teaching methods. The teachers’ classroom observation; (b) bilin- lowing them to examine and critique the curriculum concerned language and how gual teacher survey; (c) taped, translated, ideology and curricula of schools. language is learned within society. and transcribed interviews of individuals The teachers were asked to reflect upon Participants took courses which covered and focus groups; and (d) artifacts from their assignments including answering historical, theoretical, political, and legal class reflections. The data corpuses were questions about factors affecting language aspects of bilingual education. Throughout transcribed and reviewed for recurring use from their own culturally and personal- the courses, the participants reflected themes and a final coding paradigm was ly relevant perspectives. As a consequence, upon and analyzed historical, theoretical, achieved through intercoder agreement they became aware of the ways in which political, and legal implications of federal (Patton, 2002). deficit discourses shamed their home and state policies on bilingual programs in Initially, participants who indicated language, their families, and their com- both English and Spanish. Furthermore, an interest in the program were inter- munities in ways that led to language loss. participants studied how language viewed to determine their dispositions Moreover, the teachers reported how this variation, as well as how students’ toward teaching in bilingual schools. In context continues in present-day schooling life experiences, can be used to foster order to get a basic understanding of situations in ways that limit or invalidate bilingualism. participants’ initial Spanish proficiency, their bilingual-bicultural expertise when As part of this dual language program a Spanish essay writing assessment and teaching in mainstream school contexts. participants were asked to read about the Student Oral Language Observation bilingual education issues including sub- Matrix (SOLOM) in Spanish were used. Table 1 Participants Participants’ Age Background School Design Type of Credential Experience Teaching Pseudonym Hernan 37 Salvadorean, Transitional Multiple Subject Substitute in dual immersion born in U.S. bilingual program Susana 23 Mexican, Structured Multiple Subject Completed student teaching; born in U.S. English immersion also substituted in mainstream (sink or swim), taught from kindergarten under Proposition 227 Angela 35 Mexican, Transitional Multiple Subject Teacher in mainstream, 1 year born in U.S. bilingual program Karina 39 Mexican, Structured Multiple Subject Teacher in mainstream, 11 years born in U.S. English Immersion Tomas 31 Mexican, Transitional Single Subject Student teacher; substitute born in U.S. bilingual program; Social Studies mainstream after 5th grade, taught from age of 14 under Proposition 227 Erendira 29 Guatemalan, Bilingual transitional Multiple Subject Teacher in mainstream, 1 year; born in U.S. program, taught under six months in dual immersion Proposition 227 Gabriela 42 Mexican, Sink or swim Multiple Subject Teacher in mainstream, 4 years; born in U.S. pink-slip Juan 36 Mexican, Structured English Multiple Subject Teacher in mainstream, 13 years; born in U.S. immersion program pink-slip SPRING/SUMMER 2017 19 Research Participants were rated from one to three For recurring patterns within each indi- boyfriends or girlfriends, teachers who (weak, average, strong) based on: (1) their vidual case, the “template for coding a case valued the language, as well as religious Spanish proficiency; and (2) their answers study” (Creswell, 2006, p. 172) was used. and political community organizations). to questions about their dispositions Recurring codes were further collapsed These participants recalled often feeling towards maintaining the first language, into major categories and themes. The proud of using Spanish as their primary communicating with parents, and knowl- coding paradigm was used for re-analyzing language before entering schools. edge about factors that contribute to ELL the data to achieve intercoder reliability achievement. Afterwards they wrote an (Patton, 2002). The within-case analysis Family and Friends essay in Spanish about a topic related to continued until the second round of data Family and friends made these bilingual ELLs. Those who had passed the initial collection was finished, including: (1) bilin- teachers as children and adolescents feel assessments received feedback about any gual teacher survey; (2) blogs and artifacts welcomed and “special.” Thus, outside the language weaknesses they could work on from class reflections; (3) taped, translated, schooling system they had the support before as well as during the two-semester and transcribed interviews of focus group of their families where their language courses and fieldwork. interviews; and (4) field notes from course was valued in contrast to monolingual Data gleaned from their fieldwork participation. discourses and messages. Angela noted in included journaling about content les- To increase reliability, the two re- her autobiography, sons taught in Spanish (e.g., science, searchers coded and analyzed the data mathematics, and social studies) as well separately by using the same case ap- Having a big family meant that we also had as a documentation of competencies met proach and then compared codes and many birthday celebrations, graduations, quinceañeras, weddings, anniversaries, by their field supervisor. Additional data analysis. To clarify information and con- and other special family events where related to critical reflection about their firm codes patterns and interpretations, most of the family (uncles, aunts, cousins, course readings (e.g., three textbooks, and member check and follow-up interviews grandparents, and other family members) articles) in both Spanish and English and were conducted and revisions were made gathered. So, I was constantly exposed to other assignments were also collected and during the data analysis. my primary language. […] I remember reviewed. In order to compare results with the going to Mexican markets, restaurants, or At the end of the program, participants complexity of the issue identified in the clothing stores and speaking in Spanish were provided with a demographic and literature review, cross-case analysis was to the employees. The signs and brochures were written in Spanish, so that helped qualitative survey to garner information used to compare and contrast similarities me with my Spanish writing. […] All about their teaching dispositions as well and differences between cases and further of these experiences helped me become as teaching experiences before and during subtract cross-case patterns based on pat- bilingual/biliterate. the bilingual program (e.g., teachers were terns identified in the single-case analysis. asked to reflect upon their own experienc- This step helped “develop generalizations Thus, family and their connection to es as bilingual students, their work with about the case in terms of the themes and community activities and cultural events mainstream as well as bilingual teachers how they compare and contrast with pub- helped keep the Spanish language and in the program, any major challenges they lished literature” (Creswell, 2006, p.164). cultural heritage alive. These children believe bilingual teachers and ELLs face, were validated within their homes and and describe their application of their Results and Discussion their communities. knowledge and pedagogical practices). Phone interviews were conducted to clarify Discussion and analysis indicated the Church and Community Programs bilingual teachers were able to relate information. A follow-up focus group inter- The church and other community pro- their teaching experiences through critical view was conducted five months later to grams (e.g., Puente Project for Karina) reflection about language policy, linguicism see if they had new perceptions or notions were also noted as foundations for their as stimulus for discovering their bilingual about their experiences in the program. language retention and maintenance. selves, voice, and role as a bilingual teacher Thus, these combined data sources served As Juan noted, “Church is a place that vis a vis social justice orientations and as the basis for each “case” or bilingual rings loudly in my ear when reflecting native language use in the program. Major authorization program participant. upon my experiences with listening to the themes emerged based on data coding and Spanish language.” And, similarly, the analysis, including: (1) language retention Data Analysis church provided more formal training and and pride at home and in the community The authors utilized a multiple case understanding in Spanish for others, “I while (2) language shame in school con- approach employing within-case analysis would attend Sunday school and summer tributes to (3) language loss, (4) negatively and cross-case analysis (Creswell, 2006, camps/special events at church in Spanish” affects teaching, and causes (5) cultural p.172). All data (e.g., interview transcrip- (Angela, autobiography). rejection and intergenerational distance. tion, journals, and field notes) were input Gabriela spoke about how her parents into a computer and archived separately in and siblings helped her maintain and Home Language Retention individual case folders. A detailed descrip- develop her primary language. Moreover, and Language Pride tion of each individual case and its setting reading periodicals such as La Opinión were made at the beginning of the data The data revealed that primary lan- and attending church reinforced this prac- analysis. The within-case theme analysis guage retention and development was tied tice. “Sundays, going to mass, I remember started after the first round of data collec- to familial and positive academic support. learning how to respond and listen to the tion pre-interviews, journals and survey Language and cultural maintenance was homily…everything seemed and sounded data were collected. primarily due to contact with others who perfect in Spanish.” As they wrote their spoke Spanish (e.g., family and friends, MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION 20 Research pieces, a nostalgia for Spanish and “feeling Despite Hernan’s initial negativity to- tolerate deficit discourses. These bilinguals right” in Spanish was often noted. wards his language and bilingualism, he were reprimanded and humiliated for uti- Erendira similarly mentioned, “My had gained a new perspective, “I initially lizing the Spanish language in schools, or grandma also always had her bible around did not value becoming bi-literate/ bilin- for even having a Spanish accent. and she would read it to us. So that’s how gual because of all the adversity I dealt I was introduced to reading in Spanish.” with, but today I do take great pride and Language Shame as Children There is an acknowledgment among the value for the decision my parents took for All eight participants reported lan- participants that language communica- both my sister and I [to utilize Spanish at guage shame or sensed language em- tion within the community was a valid home].” As Tomas also noted, barrassment and anxiety due to harsh way of learning the primary language. Young children are like sponges and I was criticisms as children and adolescents. Those in the community can pull from taking everything in. My grandmother While Susana, Karina, and Tomas report- rich cultural and linguistic resources never referred to me by my name. Rather, ed language restriction while teaching in (Weisman et al., 2007). she referred to me as, “mi rey” (“my king”). schools (the topic of the following section), At 5 years old, I wondered if perhaps I really they reported little or no language shame Culturally and Linguistically Responsive was a king and it just hadn’t been made during their primary years in schools since Teachers and/or Schooling Practices official yet. My grandmother always had a way of making me feel special. It’s no wonder they were enrolled in either transitional Participants reported that particular that I always listened to what she had to say. bilingual programs or programs that teachers valued their language and cultur- Conversations I had with my parents and valued their primary language. However, al expertise as well as commented about grandmother during these times still ring five other teachers reported specific in- instances in which primary language was clearly in my head today. stances of shame. They were shamed and used to help students in the classroom. In reprimanded about the use of Spanish or As children, some of the participants Angela’s case, her kindergarten teacher translanguaging between Spanish and took pride in being able to help their par- allowed the use of Spanish support, “My English, or they were shamed due to their ents understand the language as transla- kindergarten teacher, Mrs. Dalton, did not inability to pronounce English correctly or tors. Susana blogged, speak Spanish, but I remember Ms. Paz was accurately utilize grammar when writing. an aide in the classroom who helped me and I was also a translator for my parents. […] As Gabriela wrote in her autobiography, other English learners.” I would talk to my mom/dad in Spanish and then I would translate it to the worker Throughout my education I have been Hernan similarly attributed his in- in English. The worker would then answer ridiculed by teachers in front of peers creased confidence with both languages the questions in English and then I would because of the way I pronounced words and higher grades due to a White male translate back to parents what the worker and my thick accent. I can remember my high school teacher who showed interest has stated. This also continued with mail, seventh-grade history teacher, “Speak in him, his language, and his culture. He when my mom received the mail and it was English, what are you trying to say?” I wrote in his autobiography that in English I would translate it from English remember being laughed at and since then into Spanish for my parents. I would read I learned to stay quiet and avoid answering . . . my English teacher, coach, and mentor the letter and then I would tell my parents any teacher unless the teacher made me […] taught me to become acculturated what the letter said in Spanish. This is feel safe…but it was not easy speaking and respectful to all people. I learned how I maintained my Spanish and English English at school or through my college the importance of getting educated. Most through those early years. years. […] I still fear speaking in either importantly he taught me about myself and language. how I have so much potential but I had to Family and particular teachers were become confident and proud of what I have influential in promoting cultural and lin- Not only did the teachers report “fear” and what I am. […]. He would make jokes guistic maintenance and pride. As such, or feeling intimidated about teaching and occasionally speak Spanish. He loved inklings of their bilingual value and worth Spanish, the term fear emerges again as the language and mentioned that he would drifted against the wave of monolingual they recounted their experiences as bilin- have liked learning the language when discourses. gual children. Fear was associated with he was younger. He always maintained a criticism and ridicule about the “inappro- positive attitude and helped me various times with homework, classwork and Language Shame and Loss priate” use of the primary language that projects […] My attitude for school and life affected their self-esteem and confidence While these individuals wrote about changed drastically. I had made my mind in reading. As a result of these types of how they felt supported by their families, and was going to go to college. Although, I discourses, Gabriela, Juan, and Hernan in their home, and in their communities, was not sure where I wanted to go and/or reported being behind in reading and what I wanted to do I was going to work on they also revealed that they felt shame feeling as if they would never make it. my reading and writing in English. when they entered school. To understand Hernan noted in his autobiography, the bilingual teachers’ perceptions of their Language Pride native language and English development, In elementary school I hardly participated participants were asked to reflect upon in class discussions. Most of my teachers When these teachers were younger, carried harsh consequences for using how their experiences shaped their lives family and friends, church and the Latino English incorrectly and worst for trying to within the context of society and institu- community, and culturally and linguisti- use Spanish to replace English. My reading tions as teachers and students. cally responsive teachers and/or school- suffered greatly both because of practice and ing practices as a whole contributed to The following section reveals reports of fear of being lectured. […] Teacher remarks bilingual-bicultural primary language shame specifically connected to native lan- and constant reminders of my limitations guage restrictions which caused them to was the biggest obstacle between me and a retention (e.g. verbal, written, reading, and lose confidence in their learning ability and book. In class I had a great fear of reading. communication) as well as language pride. SPRING/SUMMER 2017 21 Research In fifth grade I had a teacher who would istrator that she couldn’t speak Spanish not involved or informed with programs that write students names on the board every with her students: were offered at the school. time you mispronounce words during reading. This teacher would almost always “You can’t speak Spanish. Only English The respondents mentioned that par- pick me to read. By the time I was done in this class.” That was something really ents were typically blamed for children’s reading I had my name on the board with difficult for me. I remember a teacher that lack of language success even when the multiple checkmarks. told me that she once played a song [in parents were not fully included in schools. Spanish] that administrators who were Participants also reported that children Hernan continued to speak about how conducting a class visit didn’t approve of. were retained due to their lack of English his “miserable experience” in primary Being a recently graduated teacher in my without consideration of their prior content school made him “hate school,” which not first year, I was scared upon hearing that. knowledge in the primary language. Par- only affected his self-esteem but also his Hearing how another teacher utilized ents, however, felt a sense of relief when confidence to succeed in school. Similar to a Spanish song and was reprimanded was they could communicate their ideas in Gabriela, he noted, “I graduated [from el- intimidating for Angela. The term fear or the native language to find out how their ementary] but was not proficient in either native language intimidation resurged in children were performing in schools and language. I became self-absorbed with all their reflections. Consequently, fear of re- what they could do to help. the negativity that surrounded me that prisal prevented them from utilizing their In the focus group interview, Gabriela I started to believe that I was not going native language to help bilinguals. Tomas noted, anywhere but worst that I was dumb.” indicated in his survey, These same teachers have noted in their The school I was at previously did not make experiences as bilinguals that it was not Some have preferred that I use as little parents feel welcome. […] Many mainstream safe to utilize the native language. They Spanish as possible. As stated earlier, I have teachers are not familiar with the culture. were punished for the use of the language come across teachers that automatically They were quick to make assumptions. have low expectations of ELs. I have even Many families felt comfortable sharing with which they identify with their fam- come across a teacher that directly said to a their personal life experience [in Spanish ilies. They “were not going anywhere” as student that used Spanish to talk to a friend with me] and shed tears during conference Gabriela said. They thought they were in class, “You are in the United States! We time. Not feeling they can use the [primary] “dumb.” While in the Bilingual Authori- don’t speak Spanish here and not in my language in the classroom because you feel zation Program, it was emphasized that it classroom” […] very unfortunate. that the district has stressed English-only. takes at least five to seven years to learn As a child, Gabriela was similarly told The data also revealed how some pro- a new language (Thomas & Collier, 2002). not to use her primary language which she fessional mainstream teacher colleagues and two others attributed to the “delay” as well as principals who worked with Language Shaming Attitudes of their bilingual language growth. And, them were misinformed in California. It in Schools Affect Teaching of ELLs now, as a teacher, Gabriela also echoed was not illegal to use the primary lan- Field notes and focus group interviews the comments of seven other participants guage in classrooms despite the passage of revealed that participants were not in this study who were told not to help Proposition 227. The initiative promoted initially confident about their language ELLs when teaching in mainstream class- the overwhelming use of English and capital and questioned their ability to even rooms as substitutes or in their teaching actually allowed for native language and become bilingual teachers. While growing placements. “You can’t use your Spanish bilingual programs for newcomers. No up as bilinguals there was shame in being to translate for your student, they need percentage was provided as to how much deficient in English associated with their to speak and learn English” (Gabriela, English might be utilized. However, this use of the Spanish language, code-switch- survey). proposition has been misrepresented ing, and thick Spanish accents. All of them In addition, the participants reported and utilized to stem and shame primary related how deficit discourses had affected that negative native language dispo- language use in classrooms.1 their own schooling, and that they had sitions or beliefs held by teachers and In summary, for a number of the parti- been restricted and shamed from using administrators often transferred to the cipants, the inability to use their language their native language with newcomers in students and parents. The lack of Latino and punishment caused them shame schools in present-day circumstances. success in schools was often blamed on which was, consequently, detrimental These bilingual-bicultural teachers parents’ use of the primary versus English to their confidence in learning and reflected about deficit discourses and often language. Karina noted, overall well-being. However, all have commented about their own experiences noted that supportive experiences with My experience has been that mainstream or the experiences of other bilinguals like teachers think that students that do not particular teachers and professors at the themselves within the context of their lives speak English are stupid or incompetent. university level who valued their language as teachers. They noted how present and They are frustrated when they can’t were instrumental in their success and past English-only deficit discourses are communicate with students and complain motivated them to pursue bilingual embedded in overall teacher notions of about the lack of resources. A lot of teachers educational career paths. what are considered “appropriate” learn- blame the parents for the language barrier, Four focus group interview participants ing practice and how bilingual teacher instead of taking the time to learn of ways mentioned they were unsure about their language expertise is repressed in schools. to communicate with the parents and the bilingual ability or whether they would student. […] By working in a mainstream All of the participants remembered expe- classroom, I got to see how students were be “good enough” to participate in the riences of language shaming practices, being retained because they didn’t know the bilingual program. Initial interviews also policies, or attitudes in schools. language. They would fall behind because revealed participants were skeptical about Angela reported in the focus group they didn’t have anyone to help them for their actual language capital and exper- interview that she was told by her admin- more than an hour a day. The parents were tise. However, supportive approaches and MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION 22 Research positive acknowledgment of their bilingual Reports of ridicule and shame in the […] Something interesting occurred as I and capital were essential in countering classroom caused a number of the par- got older: The interactions that I had with deficit notions and negative voices. ticipants to speak and utilize Spanish less, my family were becoming less. (Tomas, It may just be that without this type of contributing to their language loss and autobiography) support that acknowledged their language cultural rejection. Participants noted that intergen- know-how and expertise, they might have Even those who experienced more posi- erational conflict occurred when the heeded monolingual discourses that would tive schooling practices reported language grandchildren are unable to speak to continue to lower their sense of well-being loss and that greater use of the dominant the grandmother or even their parents. and confidence and their ability to succeed. language minimized their use of Spanish Thus, less contact and use of the pri- In addition, they might have lost not only by middle school. Thus, bilinguals are not mary language provided a gap in social their language and self-esteem but also inured to negative language discourses communication (Flores & Murillo, 2001). their chances of working in bilingual ca- despite some Spanish language use in the Karina and others had extreme instances reers, supporting and helping bilinguals classroom or at home. in which this communication gap even like themselves. occurred between parents and children. My Spanish started to change when I Juan’s words summarized the impor- entered middle school. I spoke less Spanish “This year I came across a parent who tance of primary language expertise for around my friends and family. The older could not communicate with her son due bilinguals, I got, speaking in English became normal to the English/Spanish language barrier. Our language is so much more than and more comfortable. I don’t know where Mother only speaks Spanish and son only communication to others. It is our I got an accent from, but I started speaking speaks English,” (Karina, survey) English like I was from “The Valley.” My connection to our family, culture, and Language loss is due to hidden mes- friends would always make fun of me community. I have learned first-hand that sages in schools that deny bilingual-bi- because I would say things like, “Oh my god!” the weaker your primary language becomes, cultural identities through shaming as or “My name is Erin.” I changed the way I the less strength your connection to family, said my name because every time I said it to well as blaming. The native language use community and culture will be. I would not someone, they could never pronounce it right continues to be blamed for transnationals say that I have lost my language, but it has because they could not roll the “r.” Honestly, ability to learn in the second language. weakened over the years. Fortunately, I was able to communicate with my grandmother I think I tried to lose my Spanish because Language shame causes individuals to regularly and effectively, but my cousin was I thought that I wouldn’t be better than distance themselves from their loved ones people because I was a minority. (Erendira, the one who was not as fortunate. He lost and take on a more “mainstream” persona autobiography) at least 80% of his Spanish-speaking skill in schools, to change their names, change and his connection with people like our Thus, these individuals come to un- their accents, or maybe even more to be grandmother was the cost. […] Looking derstand that English has higher status “cool.” Furthermore, they end up blam- back, I see now how fortunate I was to have than Spanish not only in terms of use but ing the native language for their lack of been exposed to so much Spanish at home. also in terms of their placements in class- progress in school and their overall lack rooms. Erendira also recalled that she was of confidence. Cultural Rejection, placed at the back of the classroom with Intergenerational Distance other ELLs and aides who translated for Conclusions While the prior section reveals issues them. “My mom did not like the idea of me about the non-welcoming atmosphere of Family and friends, Church, the Latino being labeled as an English Learner” and, native language use in the mainstream community, and culturally and linguistical- therefore, she was pulled out of the classes. classroom, the participants also reported ly responsive teachers contributed to the Bilingual pull-out, unlike dual programs, how the shame associated with deficit dis- participants’ primary language pride and does not allow for the equal treatment and courses contributed to their own cultural development. However, exposure to nega- use of both languages. Thus, the dominant rejection. All eight participants noted that tive discourses about participants’ primary language is seen as being better. There their language loss began in their elemen- language in schools led to shame, silencing, is a desire to change and succumb to tary school years and was associated with and primary language loss. Despite having the monolingual discourse, to deny one’s deficit discourses and practices in schools. bilingual cultural capital and expertise, background, to lose one’s accent. In this Two participants, in particular, reported these bilinguals experienced some form of case, Erendira learned to speak the “Valley how some of their elementary and middle language shame and loss throughout their Girl”2 variety of English her mainstream school teachers denigrated their language years of schooling as bilingual children and English-speaking friends spoke. to the point that it caused them to question teachers in mainstream schools. Gabriela, who also reported being ridi- their bilingual identity. Others reported Bilingual teachers’ native language culed for her accent notes that the loss of teasing and/or language and cultural stig- was restricted due to language policies language or the replacement of English matization in schools as youngsters. and schooling practices. Reports of ridicule over Spanish caused intergenerational Tomas and Erendira’s parents did not and shame in the classroom caused these conflict. Tomas noticed that especially as a want them in English learner programs due bilingual teachers to utilize Spanish less, high school senior he had begun to distance to the stigmatization of being “other.” Al- contributing to their language loss as well himself from his family when he relied more though Tomas reported not being ashamed, as causing them to question their identity on English than Spanish. he reported shaming experiences that de- associated with Spanish. Language loss, as nied his language capital and ability to help […] we never gave Spanish a second reported, is also related to a loss of oneself others. Susana and Angela reported feeling thought. I hadn’t realized it before now, but and one’s identity as evident in their ne- this was likely the point in my life when my the least shame about their language, but gation of the language, themselves, and speaking ability in English began to take they reported language loss. rejection of their family. the lead over ability to speak in Spanish. SPRING/SUMMER 2017 23 Research Language shame that bilingual teach- Further examination of policies and ond generation immigrant youth in Montreal ers experienced as children did not practices associated with ELL gaps and the and Paris. Journal of Intercultural Relations, disappear once they became teachers. preparation, or lack thereof, of bilingual 34(3), 191-207. Bourdieu, P. (1977). Outline of a theory of prac- Instead this primary language negation teachers is indicative of societal agendas tice. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University continued when teaching in mainstream and postcolonial world views that continue Press. schools. Moreover, bilingual teachers re- to promote language of origin hierarchies Bourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital. In J. ported Spanish language shaming and an and monolingualism. Researchers must G. Richardson (ed.), Handbook of theory and inability to utilize their Spanish language continue to question policies and practic- research for the sociology of education (pp., expertise to help ELLs in classrooms. Lan- es that negatively shape children as well 241-258). New York, NY: Greenwood Press. guage shame and loss extended well into as the teacher workforce in multilingual Brinbaum, Y., & Cebolla-Boado, H. (2007). The their adult teaching careers. classrooms. school careers of ethnic minority youth. Ethnicities, 7(3), 445-473. . 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