ERIC EJ1135591: Indonesian Schools: Shaping the Future of Islam and Democracy in a Democratic Muslim Country

2015·0.46 MB·English

by  ERIC

Journal of International Education and Leadership Volume 5 Issue 1 Spring 2015
http://www.jielusa.org/ ISSN: 2161-7252

Indonesian Schools: Shaping the Future of Islam and Democracy in a Democratic
Muslim Country

Kathleen E. Woodward
University of North Georgia

This paper examines the role of schools in slowly Islamizing Indonesian society and politics.
Why is this Islamization happening and what does it portend for the future of democracy in
Indonesia? The research is mostly qualitative and done through field experience, interviews, and
data collection. It is concluded that radical madrasahs are not the main generators of Islamization,
but instead the widespread prevalence of moderate Islamic schools are Islamizing Indonesian
society and politics. The government began the “mainstreaming” of Islamic elementary and
secondary schools, most of which are private, in 1975. This has continued and grown, making
them popular options for education today. The government has more recently been increasing the
role of state run Islamic universities by expanding their degree offerings to include many non-
Islamic disciplines. The use of Islamic schools to educate Indonesians is due to the lack of
development of secular public schools and high informal fees charged for the public schools. By
making Islamic schools an attractive option that prepares students for success, society has been
Islamized slowly as the number of alumni increases and as these alumni play leadership roles in
society, business, and government. This Islamization is not of a radical nature, but it is resulting
in more Islamic focused public discourse and governing policy, and low levels of tolerance for
other faiths and variant Muslim practices. The recent addition of civic education in Islamic
schools, which has been exalted by Westerns, is taught with specific Islamic interpretations that
change the meaning of concepts, particularly pluralism. The resulting consequence is that while
Islam and democracy’s compatibility are stressed in Islamic civic education, tolerance for
pluralism is truncated. Islamic schools are homogenizing Islam in Indonesia and shaping the
public discourse and democracy in ways that are infused with modernist Islamic values.
Keywords: Islam, schools, Indonesia, democracy, civic education, politics, pluralism,
tolerance, modernist Muslim, madrasah, pesantren, ulama, universities

Schools are a product of social and political Indonesia’s schools are of particular interest
decisions, but they also create and shape the due to Indonesia being the world’s most
future generation of leaders and therefore largely populous Muslim majority country and it is a
shape future social and political decisions. relatively new democracy having begun the
Schools in all countries therefore are of prime transition in 1998 with violent protests bringing
importance when studying politics, culture, and down Suharto, the dictator for over three
society. Frequently, social scientists neglect the decades. The first free elections were held in
study of a country’s education system as being 1999 and changes to the Constitution and
the product of and generator of society and election methods have continued to the present
politics. However, if one looks at what is with yet another change in late 2014 that ended
happening in a country’s schools, the future can the direct election of governors and mayors.1
be seen. Think how your education influenced Many analysts assess the role of Islam in
you. You are a product of that education. Your Indonesia’s democracy and politics through
worldview and decision making is shaped by

what you learned in school.
1 They are now to be elected through the local
legislative assemblies.
Indonesian School: Shaping Islam and Democracy Woodward

examining elite negotiations, the historical and education that prepare them for advancement in
cultural existence of Islam in Indonesia, or the society in fields such as medicine, law, business,
ties of Indonesian Muslims to the Middle East. science, and education making Islamic schools
While these are important determinants of an attractive option for many Indonesians.
Islam’s role in Indonesian social and political This mainstreaming of Islamic based
life, schools, being primary socializing agents, education is not based on radical interpretations
should be a part of the analysis of Islam and of Islam or the attempt of a fundamentalist
politics in Indonesia. In schools, the effects of group to take over the state, but has had the
historical and cultural manifestations of Islam, effect, and will likely continue to push toward a
ties to the Middle East, and elite negotiations greater acceptance of society and governance
can be seen, as well as offering insight into the being based on Islamic tenets and values. The
future direction of Islam and politics. Students precise form taken of this greater inclusion of
in both public and private schools will be shaped Islamic values in the social and political
by the curriculum that has evolved through discourse and governing policies issued through
compromise, negotiation, political decisions, and Indonesian democracy can be better understood
ideologies from around the world. These through examining the country’s schools. This
students will in turn be the leaders of tomorrow. examination yields the conclusion that while
Therefore, examining schools can provide a Islam is more prominently evident in Indonesian
glimpse into both the past and future of a society and governance now that it is a
country’s politics, discourse, and role of democracy, it is not in the form of a
ideologies, including religion. predetermined prescriptive Islam that rigidly
This article discusses the history and current constrains decisions; rather, most students are
situation of schools in Indonesia with emphasis taught to contextualize Islam and use itjihad
on Islamic schools; however, as will be shown, (critical thinking to make Islam relevant to time
Islamic and public general education (secular) and place). This shaping of Islam and politics is
schools are closely inter-twined. The types of taking place within the context of modernist
schools available from elementary to higher Islam gaining ascendancy and Islam being
education, their curriculum, and oversight by the slowly homogenized, even if this
state will be detailed, along with an examination homogenization is of a contextualized variety.
of the cost of schools, which helps explain Applying Islam to Indonesian society and
choices parents make when deciding which governance is continually being negotiated
schools their children will attend. Religious and among leaders, groups, governing agencies, and
civic instruction will be highlighted with a view society itself within the context of democratic
toward explaining why religious and civic governance. Schools are sometimes a
education exists in the forms it does in Indonesia battleground for this negotiating because they
and how this instruction may portend the future shape the future, but thus far the process of
direction of Indonesia’s religious and civic negotiating the role of Islam in society and
engagement in democratic governance. In sum, politics has been mostly peaceful. It is argue in
it is argued that Indonesia is experiencing a slow this paper that Islam is slowly becoming more
Islamization of its society and politics, not prominent and homogenous in Indonesia largely
through radical Islamic schools, but instead due through the influence of schools and decision
to the popularity and mainstreaming of moderate makers who are a product of these schools, and
Islamic schools and due to the mandated that there are problems with tolerance of variants
instruction of religion in “secular” schools. of Islam and non-Islamic faiths, but it is also
Students are able to cross-over between Islamic argued that Islam in Indonesia has shown itself
and secular schools with relative ease and most to be generally compatible with democratic
all students are exposed to rather extensive governance and is continually evolving as a
instruction in religion through whichever school product of social and political discourse and
they attend. State run and private Islamic decisions and in turn is continually shaping that
universities present an affordable and attainable discourse and decision making. A closer
option for students seeking degrees in higher exploration of how schools are involved in
2
Indonesian School: Shaping Islam and Democracy Woodward

shaping the evolving role of Islam in society and militant interpretations of Islam, similar to how
politics is offered below. madrasahs in Pakistan spread such ideologies
and contributed to the violence and strength of
Current Context: Why Examine Islam’s Role radical Islamic groups in that country.
in Society and Politics in Indonesia? Fortunately for Indonesia, this does not seem to
be the case. Although there is a network of
The bombing of tourist venues in Bali in about a hundred madrasahs run by various
2002 in which over 200 people died led to the fundamentalist Islamic groups and individuals,
acknowledgement that some madrasahs in and these schools teach anti-pluralist, anti-
Indonesia may be instilling radical Islamic western, and anti-democratic viewpoints and
worldviews in its students that led to the terror advocate Indonesia becoming a fundamentalist
attacks. The bombers were found to have been Islamic state, these are the exception, not the
under the guidance of former students of a norm.4
private madrasah in Solo, Central Java, called Further fueling the fear that Indonesia is
Al-Mukmin, or more commonly called, Ngruki. headed in a radical Islamic direction is the fact
Ngruki Madrasah has about 2000 students and that there remains much, some argue increasing,
teaches a fundamentalist interpretation of Islam intolerance for plurality and acts of communal
based on Salafi doctrine. This Madrasah was violence. These acts include the burning of
founded by Abu Bakar Ba’asyir who is also a homes, places of worship, and violent protests.5
co-founder of a fundamentalist Islamic In addition, the Ministry of Home Affairs has
organization called Jemaah Islamiyah (JI).2 Abu allowed several local areas to ban the Islamic
Bakar Ba’asyir also founded a political sect, Ahmadiyah, which is viewed by
organization, called Mujahidin Council of mainstream Muslims as aberrant and heretical.
Indonesia (MMI) that acts as an umbrella The Religious Affairs Minister and high ranking
association for numerous small radical groups generals in the army have called the Ahmadi
across Indonesia. sect heretics that should be criminalized.6 The
Radical Islamic groups have seen many of highest council of Islamic scholars/leaders in
their leaders arrested as the Indonesian police’ Indonesia, called Majelis Ulama Indonesia
counter-terrorism unit, Densus 88, has been (MUI), issued a fatwah in 2005 stating
successful in arresting militants suspected of Ahmadiyah and a network of liberal Muslims
participating in or planning terrorist acts.3 called JIL (Liberal Islamic Network) were
However, the linkage between Abu Bakar heretics and therefore dangerous to society. The
Ba’asyir’s Madrasah in Solo and the Bali MUI also issued a fatwah that same year stating
bombings prompted concerns that Indonesia liberalism, pluralism, and secularism were
may be headed toward greater Islamic Western values and antithetical to traditions of
radicalization. There was fear that radical Islamic thought.7
madrasahs were spreading fundamentalist and The MUI is affiliated with the government
and was created by President Suharto in 1971

with the purpose of gaining government
2 JI is a spin off organization of the illegal Darul
oversight of Islamic leaders and to provide
Islam (DI) that was founded in the 1940s with the
religious legitimacy for Suharto’s policies.
goals of separatist rebellions against colonial rule and
the creation of an Islamic state. JI was founded in MUI’s purpose was to issue fatwahs (judicial
1993 and also works with Al-Qaeda for training and opinions) about matters involving Islamic
financing. Many of its leaders are children of DI jurisprudence and to oversee halal certification.
leaders. It came to consist of a powerful web of
personal contacts across Indonesia. Other militant
groups associated with Darul Islam that operate 4 Hefner, Robert (2009).
inside Indonesia include Laskar Jihad, Madelia 5 Human Rights Watch (March 15, 2011) and (June
Mujahidin Indonesia, Laskar Jundulloh, the Banten 16, 2011). International Crisis Group (November 24,
group, and Angkatan Mujahidin Islam Nusantara 2010).
(AMIN). 6 Freedman, Amy and Robert Tiburzi (2012).
3 International Crisis Group (May 3, 2007). 7 Gillespie, Piers (2007).
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Indonesian School: Shaping Islam and Democracy Woodward

Since Suharto’s fall, however, the MUI has Relatedly, with decentralization and the
become more conservative has been issuing devolution of political authority to the provinces
fatwahs in numerous areas of life that were and districts, more than 50 local districts have
previously not within their purview, including implemented aspects of Sharia, particularly
smoking, using hair dye, and saving the notable are Aceh, West Sumatra and West Java.
environment. The elected governing officials This may appease fundamentalist groups and
have thus far done little to oppose illiberal prevent them from attempting to capture the
fatwahs from the MUI, such as the one against national government, or it may inspire them and
Ahmadis and liberalism, secularism, and allow their views to grow more accepted and
pluralism. viewed as inevitable. While this is being done
Similarly, groups that are legal and operate within the framework of democratic institutions,
within the law, but spread fundamentalist views there are questions being raised about the
of Islam’s role in society and politics, including intolerance of plurality that is accompanying
Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) and Front these changes. This paper argues that even
Pembala Islam (FPI – The Islamic Defenders though radical madrasahs are the exception in
Front), are allowed to operate with a concerning Indonesia and the police have been successfully
extent of impunity from government closing jungle training camps and society does
prosecution. FPI has come to act as a morals not largely accept terrorist acts as legitimate,
police thrashing clubs that serve alcohol and there is a “slow creep” of Islamization infusing
warning women to cover more. The police at Indonesian society and politics.
times have arrested some members of FPI, A look at election results for parliament in
including its leader, Habib Rizieq in 2008 and April 2014 are interesting for showing that
imprisoned him for a year and a half for the FPI Islamic parties are not fading, but are gaining
attacking and killing protestors with whom they votes with 32% of the vote going to parties with
disagreed, but the group is still allowed to a declared Muslim identity. The parties are not
operate largely unchallenged and officials seem radical and must officially accept the democratic
afraid to oppose it too strongly. framework and secular state within which they
Another example of why some people fear operate or they are not allowed to participate in
Indonesia is becoming a breeding ground for elections. However, these parties use the
radical Islamic groups is that while the number democratic process to push policies in a more
of radical madrasahs is low in Indonesia Islamic direction. Their main obstacle is that
compared to many other Muslim majority they are not united among themselves and
countries, fundamentalist organizations have represent various factions within the Muslim
been found recruiting within secular schools, community. Old divisions between traditional,
both secondary level and at institutions of higher rural based ulama and modernist Muslims
education. Militant Islamic cells were found in a prevent this unity.9 Several leaders, such as
high school in Klaten, Central Java and the those in the MUI, are attempting to remedy this
liberal oriented UIN and IAIN (state run Islamic

universities).8 The public flagship university,
9 The PKB party that largely represents the
Universitas Indonesia, has witnessed the
traditional, rural based ulama is mistrustful of the
presence of large and active fundamentalist,
modernist groups due to historical experiences dating
although not necessarily militant, Islamic groups back to the 1920s but continuing until now. The
since the early 1990s. Hard-line Islamic groups PKB accuses modernist groups of attempting to
also use social media to get their message out to eradicate the power of traditional ulama in the
the Indonesian public. Indonesia has one of the country and spread fundamental modernist practices
highest rates of social media use in the world; across the country. The PKB received 9% of the vote
thus, this is an effective medium to reach people, in parliamentary elections making it the biggest vote
getter of the Islamic parties; however, the other three
perhaps more so than through radical madrasahs.
parties each received approximately 7% each and are
all considered modernist in orientation making their
total votes much higher than PKBs (Gwenael Njoto-
8 Freedman, Amy and Robert Tiburzi (2012). Feillard. May 9, 2014).
4
Indonesian School: Shaping Islam and Democracy Woodward

division that prevents the Islamic political Sukarno, and is now led by his daughter,
parties from currently being a powerful bloc Megawati Sukarnoputri. Jokowi has a history of
within Parliament. Their success over time will being tolerant to pluralism and a defender of
likely be influenced by the greater social justice; however, the close race indicated
homogenization of Islam within Indonesia that is that a very different candidate has the potential
occurring partly through the educational system. to be elected next time. Prabowo carried the
Another characteristic of the 2014 elections baggage of having been exiled from the country
showing the appeal of an Islamic message to in 1998 due to allegations of human rights
voters is that one of the candidates for the abuses as head of the Indonesian Special Forces
presidency, former General Prabowo Subianto, during the protests that ousted Suharto, his ex-
who barely lost the election, had statements in father-in-law, from power. Thus, while he had
his party, Gerindra’s, official manifesto that the support of many of Suharto’s former allies,
risked endangering the secular foundation of the he also was vilified for his past. Thus, his
state, such as declaring a vital task of the state Islamic leaning and connections were not the
was to “guarantee the purity of religious main trait characterizing him, but his political
teachings that are recognized by the State [and rebirth partly through the use of Islam shows it
guard them] from deviations and contempt from is possible to use Islamic discourse and networks
other religious teachings.”10 Prabowo was to propel oneself to power, which is cause for
known in the 1990s to have close ties to very concern in a country that is showing signs of
conservative Islamic groups that want to see becoming more Islamic oriented.
Indonesia become an Islamic state.11 While he The strength of Islam as a political factor
may have been and continues to use such groups and the growing acts of intolerance in society,
for his own political ambition, he tapped into the along with the Indonesian leadership’s tacit
conservative Islamic groups for support in his approval for intolerance is troubling and causing
attempt to become President. He also garnered observers to ask why this is happening. The
support from factions in the military that share above described intolerance is co-occurring with
the worldview of conservative Islam and goals surveys showing Indonesians support
of Islamizing Indonesia further. Although democratic participation, human rights, and
Prabowo was also supported by groups in interfaith tolerance, further complexifying
society seeking rents through his ascendency, or analysis of Islam in Indonesia. 12 Other surveys,
seeking a return to a more orderly military style however, show increasing support for Islamic
government, his near success in capturing the law, groups enforcing a strict version of Islamic
presidency in 2014 shows the appeal of an practice, and practice of personal piety that is
Islamic message among Indonesian society and stronger than in several other Muslim majority
the strength of a network of leaders in society, countries.13 Similarly, Bagir and Cholil (2008)
governance, and the military that are willing to analyzed anti-pluralism discourse in Indonesia
see a greater Islamization of the country. If he and found a recurring theme that criticized the
were to win the presidency next time, Indonesia westernization of Islam and a stance that
would surely become an even less tolerant pluralism would lead to relativism and weaken
society of pluralism and may even head down a people’s commitment to Islam.
path of ending democracy. How does one make sense of the conflicting
The winner of the July 2014 presidential evidence regarding Islam’s role in Indonesian
election was a populist and moderate Muslim, society and politics with evidence on the one
Joko Widodo (Jokowi), who was the governor of hand of radical elements, intolerance, and the
Jakarta and former mayor of Solo, Central Java. growing importance of Islam in politics with
He ran for president as a candidate of the PDI-P evidence on the other hand that points to most
Party, which historically was the nationalist and

secular party of Indonesia’s first president,
12 Mujani, Saiful (2007) and Esposito, John L. and
Dalia Mogahed. (2007).
10 Gwenael Njoto-Feillard (May 9, 2014). 13 Pew Global Attitude Project (May 17, 2011) and
11 Gwenael Njoto-Feillard (May 9, 2014). Hassan, Riaz (July 2007).
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Indonesian School: Shaping Islam and Democracy Woodward

Islamic schools and the largest mass based photocopying, uniforms, books, extracurricular
Muslim organizations in Indonesia being activities, building construction and
relatively moderate and the public’s support for maintenance, an enrollment fee, and tuition for
democracy? The answer lies in acknowledging operating costs. Teachers sometimes asked for
that support for political participation and “donations” for students to receive their grades
democracy does not necessarily mean a or demanded students needed private tutoring in
lessening role for religion in politics and greater order to pass. A portion of these rents were then
toleration. These western ideals typically go passed up to the principle in order for the
together, but in non-western countries, teachers to keep their jobs.14 These fees were
democracy may manifest differently. A look at unofficial. The government maintained that
schools in Indonesia, particularly civic and public education was free but began in the late
religious education, is instructive for 1990s to address the issue of unofficial school
understanding how Islam is evolving and fees and recognize their existence. The schools
influencing this young democracy. claim that they do not receive enough money
from the government to run the schools and
Indonesia’s Educational System therefore must charge the informal fees to
Secular Public General Education schools operate; however, there is significant evidence
of money being siphoned off at all levels and it
The Indonesian educational system consists not reaching the schools.
of public and private schools organized into In response to the economic and political
elementary (grades 1-6), junior secondary crisis of the late 1990s, the government
(grades 7-9), and senior secondary school decentralized the schools in 1999 to the district
(grades 10-12). The public general education level in terms of budget and administration.15 In
(secular) schools are overseen by the 2000-2002, the national legislature amended the
Department of Education; whereas, the religious Constitution to state that all Indonesians had the
schools are overseen by the Department of right to an education and required citizens to
Religion. President Suharto mandated in 1973 pursue a basic education and for the government
that education would become compulsory to fund it, specifically mandating that central
through completion of elementary school and regional governments spend 20% of their
(grades 1-6). This mandate was phased in and budgets on education. In 2003 these changes
completed in 1984. In 1994, President Suharto were reinforced by a law on the National
decreed that education would become Education System stating that central and
compulsory through grade nine. While full regional governments will guarantee the
compliance has not yet been achieved and implementation of compulsory education at least
enrollment drops significantly in the junior at the basic education level without charging any
secondary schools, the government is still fees and that teacher salaries were not a part of
attempting to increase enrollments, most the 20% to be spent on education.16 However,
recently through President Jokowi’s “Smart the Constitutional Court said that the 2003 law
Card” program begun in late 2014 to help poor keeping teacher salaries out of the 20% violated
families pay for their children’s education. the constitutional provision that had not stated
Under Suharto’s “New Order” that lasted this specifically. Further eroding government
from 1967-1998, schools became part of the
“franchise” structure of administration where
people paid to receive a position in a 14 Rosser, Andrew and Anuradha Joshi (February
government affiliated agency, such as the police, 2013).
license issuing agency, or school administration. 15 There was less money in the budget of the central
In exchange, the government official had access government due to the collapse of the Rupiah in 1997
and the IMF was encouraging decentralization and
to rents collected during the course of the job.
privatization of all government services as a
This meant that public general education schools
condition of its crisis loans.
began to charge more fees to attend school,
16 Rosser, Andrew and Anuradha Joshi (February
including, for example, fees for exams,
2013).
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Indonesian School: Shaping Islam and Democracy Woodward

expenditures on schools is that many district equipment, including chairs and desks, and do
governments include non-educational expenses not provide as good of an education as the public
in their calculations. secular schools and their fees typically rise in
A 2005 mandate to increase teacher salaries junior secondary school.
and require all new teachers have a bachelor Indonesia scores very low in international
degree is supposed to improve teacher quality educational measures of skills. They were
and ensure a minimum living wage for teachers, ranked 64th out of 65 countries in math, reading,
but this cuts into the already sparse budgets of and science skills according to the 2012 Program
schools despite President Yudhoyono increasing for International Student Assessment. As of
the proportion of the budget spent on education 2012, 51% of people aged 15-18 were enrolled
in 2004. In 2005 President Yudhoyono again in senior secondary schools.20 The gross
increased school budgets through providing enrollment ration (GER) at the higher education
funds directly to schools on a per pupil basis for level, which is the total enrollment as a
books, operating costs, supplies, etc. Schools percentage of the college-age population, is
were supposed to reduce their fees in response 25%, which is the lowest percentage of all BRIC
and in 2008 he instructed district governments to nations, except India, which has a GER of
ensure there was free basic education. Later in 20%.21 This GER is, however, more than double
2008, in response to continued resistance at the what it was in 2001, and the Indonesian
district level, the Yudhoyono administration government plans to keep expanding the number
decided that free basic education could only be of students in higher education.
guaranteed to poor families. The government Newly elected President Jokowi (Joko
therefore issued a regulation granting permission Widodo) has instituted a “Smart Card” program
to “international standard” schools (SBI) and for the country similar to the one he instituted as
schools trying to develop a “basis of local mayor of Jakarta. Children who are eligible
superiority” to continue charging fees, which in based on financial need will be given a debit-
effect meant that middle and upper class card that can be used to pay for school related
children attending these schools would pay a expenses. The government will put the money
fee, while poor children attending the lower into their account monthly and the student can
quality public schools would attend for free.17 It use the card to pay for school fees, books,
was in fact many middle and upper class supplies, transportation, and uniforms. The
families that did not want fees to end because expenses will be monitored and the money will
they feared the quality of their schools would not go through numerous levels of
lower over time and they were cheaper than the administration as it has in the past; thus,
expensive secular elite private schools.18 reducing opportunities for corruption. This
While user fees have declined significantly program coincides with cards issued for health
in the post-Suharto era, they have not been care and social welfare. The national program
eliminated and vary according to district and was begun in November 2014 and could
school.19 The fees push many poor families into potentially help poor children attend school.
sending their children to private madrasahs that The Smart Card will provide Rp 225,000 ($18)
are funded by private organizations and thus per semester for elementary students, Rp.
cheaper. These madrasahs that service poor 375,000 ($31) per semester for junior secondary
communities usually do not have much students and Rp. 500,000 ($41) per semester for
senior secondary students, including vocational
studies.22
17 Rosser, Andrew and Anuradha Joshi (February
2013).
18 Private madrasah, except the newer elite model, are
cheaper than public schools; however, there still
exists private elite schools that are more expensive
that public schools. 20 Clark, Nick (April 4, 2014).
19 Rosser, Andrew and Anuradha Joshi (February 21 Clark, Nick (April 4, 2014).
2013). 22 Surya, Aditya. (November 21, 2014).
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Indonesian School: Shaping Islam and Democracy Woodward

schools, and identity formation.23 The private
Islamic Schools Islamic schools fall into two categories. The
first is the pesantren, which are traditional
Indonesia’s population is approximately boarding schools teaching classical Islamic
90% Muslim and Islamic identity is growing; traditions of knowledge and are found mostly in
however, Indonesia is not an Islamic state, nor is rural areas and frequently affiliated with one of
Islam the official religion of the state. The the two Indonesian mass based Islamic
constitution states adherence to five principles, organizations, Nahdlatul Ulama. There are over
together called Pancasila. The first of these 10,000 pesantren and these are run by local
principles is “belief in one God” with six ulama, who are frequently called “kyai” in
religions being recognized. These include Indonesia. Kyai often blend pre-Islamic
Islam, Protestant Christianity, Catholicism, elements into their role as head of a pesantren,
Hinduism, Buddhism, and Confucianism. such as performing spiritual healing, fortune
Pancasila, including adherence to a religion is telling, and magical potion giving for a fee. The
viewed as strengthening national identity, which second type of Islamic school in Indonesia is the
was a concern for this diverse archipelago when madrasah, which is either run by an individual,
achieving independence. The state therefore small group, or the second mass based Islamic
supports religion and the teaching of religion organization in Indonesia, called
through the Department of Religion and Muhammadiyah. Madrasahs in Indonesia are
Department of Education and has required by usually day schools without residential facilities
law the study of one’s own religion in both and they tend to be more modern in teaching
public and private schools since 1960. The state style and curriculum than pesantren, although
also runs Islamic schools through the they also teach a more modernist variant of
Department of Religion as well as overseeing Islam that is sometimes associated with
the private religious schools. The state (under fundamentalism and is frequently opposed to the
Suharto) established the MUI (Majelis Ulama more traditionalist, blended Islam taught in the
Indonesia; Council of Islamic Scholars/Leaders) pesantren. There are approximately 37,000
as discussed above to provide Islamic madrasahs in Indonesia and their popularity,
“opinions” about legislation, government policy, particularly elite ones, are growing.24 Elite
and issues affecting society and the practice of private madrasahs, either run by
Islam. Therefore, even though the Indonesian Muhammadiyah or a smaller group or an
state is not Islamic based, it has shown a history individual, have become popular with the middle
of supporting the cultivation of Islam and and upper classes in Indonesia. These elite
encouraging religious piety as part of the madrasahs are quite expensive and have
Indonesian national identity. While freedom of excellent facilities and instruction in the
religion is protected by the constitution, as long sciences, English, and the arts.
as it is one of the six religions noted in
Pancasila, there is not separation of Church and Indonesian Pesantren and “Traditional” Islam
State in the same way that it exists in the United
States. The Indonesian state is based on Pesantren have existed in Indonesia at least
Pancasila and therefore is bound to support and from the 1600s, beginning in the coastal areas of
uphold religion since the first principle of the islands, Sumatra and Java, where Islam first
Pancasila is belief in God/religion.
Islamic schools are over 90% private in
Indonesia, although there are some state run 23 Of the madrasahs, state run madrasahs account for
Islamic schools (madrasahs) that were increased 6.4% at the elementary level, 10.6% at the junior
in the mid-1990s as part of Suharto’s efforts to secondary level, and 13% at the senior secondary
level as of the mid-2000s, according to Azra,
coopt and gain control over Islamic movements,
Azyumardi; Dina Afrianty; and Robert W. Hefner
(2007).
24 Azra, Azyumardi; Dina Afrianty; and Robert W.
Hefner (2007).
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Indonesian School: Shaping Islam and Democracy Woodward

spread to Indonesia. In the late eighteenth and
early nineteenth centuries, pesantren spread to Indonesian Madrasahs and Modernist Islam
the interior of Java as returning pilgrims from
Mecca and Medina spread Islam to areas that In the early 1900s, modernist Islamic
were only nominally Muslim. The peace schools, called madrasahs in Indonesia began to
brought with colonialism allowed for this be founded by scholars returning from studies in
spread. Previously, the archipelago consisted of the Middle East. The first ones were founded in
warring small kingdoms.25 Pesantren blended West Sumatra and south-central Java. In
pre-Islamic traditions with Islam and continue to Indonesia, the name “madrasah” was given to
do this to a large extent today. They therefore Islamic schools that taught general education
are said to represent the “traditional” variant of studies, in addition to Islamic knowledge. The
Islam in Indonesia as opposed to the modernist madrasahs were denounced by the traditional
variant discussed below. pesantren leaders as western and irreligious.26
Pesantren curriculum consists of study of the Although the model for the Indonesian madrasah
Qur’an and hadith, jurisprudence (fiqu), Arabic, education came partly from Dutch colonial and
mysticism (tasawwuf), and Arab sciences (alat). Christian missionary schools, the madrasahs
A pesantren typically consists of a mosque, were affiliated with “modernist” variants of
dormitories, the kyia’s residence, and Islamic practice that was popular in Egypt and
“classrooms,” which typically have a concrete the Middle East. In both Indonesia and the
floor and no furniture. Children are divided by Middle East, it was recognized by a new
ages and sex and sit on the floor. Instruction is generation of Muslim scholars and leaders that
done by recitation. Prior to the mid-1970s, in order to not be dominated by the West,
children usually began attendance around age Muslims had to learn more than religious studies
eleven or twelve and lived at the Pesantren for in schools. Religion could be infused
three or four years. Some acquired enough throughout the curriculum, but students needed
reading and writing skills and Islamic to learn science, math, and history, for instance,
knowledge to become a local mosque leader and in order to create a strong Muslim society.
teacher. Some pupils even went on to a Thus, ideas of religious revival became
pesantren that taught more advanced knowledge intertwined with modern education, and the
and continued their studies up to and building of madrasahs was part of the
occasionally including study at an Islamic “modernist Muslim” movement that swept
university. No grades were given and pupils across the Muslim world in the 20th century and
advanced at their own pace. is still shaping Islamic identity and power.
Pesantren were usually economically self- Modernist Islam refers generally to a more
sufficient engaging in raising livestock, Qur’anic based practice of Islam, which is
agriculture, and/or handicrafts. These were sometimes more fundamentalist, but also can
some of the skills children learned in addition to allow for contextual interpretation of the Qur’an.
Islamic studies. In the 1920s, some pesantren This is contrasted with the ulama based
began to include instruction in math and/or traditional practice of Islam where local
history due to the influence of Dutch colonial religious leaders provide interpretation of
schools. By the 1950s, most pesantren taught Islamic precepts and instruct on how Islam
some rudimentary general education curriculum; should be practiced according to their
however it was usually rather limited due to the knowledge of a particular “school” of Islam,
limitations of the kyai’s knowledge, except in which refers to a particular tradition of Islam
the larger pesantren. Nowadays, pesantren that developed over centuries. The difference
frequently allow a government school or between modernist and traditional Islam is a bit
madrasah to exist on or near its property in order similar to the difference between Protestantism
to meet the requirement that the national (Bible based) and Catholicism (priest based)
curriculum be followed as is discussed below.

26 Azra, Azyumardi, Dina Afrianty, and Robert W.
25 Laffan (2003). Hefner (2007).
9
Indonesian School: Shaping Islam and Democracy Woodward

Christianity. Modernists also apply the Qur’an therefore a network of pesantren leaders and
to modern times, while maintaining their strict people who support the traditional style of
adherence to the Qur’an. Therefore, it becomes Islamic practices that frequently blends pre-
confusing to attempt to categorize the Islamic traditions. The two organizations are
modernists and traditionalists according to one sometimes rivals and antagonistic toward each
being modern and the other pre-modern. The other, but not to a large extent that one might
distinction does not fall along those lines as assume. It is rather common in recent years for
modernists are frequently more ardent about children to begin in a pesantren school, but
following the Qur’an and hadith closely and move to a Muhammadiyah madrasah for
living according to Muhammad’s example than practical reasons such as the availability of the
are traditionalist ulama. The difference is more school, and to become a member of
about the “purity” of Islam with modernists Muhammadiyah blending the two traditions.
claiming to be more pure and pointing to the NU and Muhammadiyah sometimes work
institutionalization of ulama as interpreters of together on political issues, but there does
Islamic practice and the existence of different remain a fear within NU that Muhammadiyah
legal schools of thought as being “corruptors” of seeks to eradicate it and all they stand for while
true Islam. Muhammadiyah members do express a
A “back to the Qur’an” approach is thus demeaning attitude toward NU for not being
taken by modernist, but simultaneous with purely Islamic enough.27
encouraging learning modern, non-Islamic Girls are educated at both madrasahs and
knowledge and applying the Qur’an to time and pesantren, although frequently in separate
place in order to make Islamic civilization strong rooms. Indonesia is a leader in the Muslim
again. The kyai (ulama) in Indonesia are viewed world for its education of girls and acceptance of
by many modernists as being backwards, women in the workplace. Not that there is no
teaching an impure Islam that is infused with gender discrimination nor push to keep women
pre-Islamic traditions, corrupt institutionally for at home with the family raising children, but
using their positions to gain wealth, and there is a widespread belief that women can and
uneducated in modern disciplines. In other should be contributing members of society
words, modernist Muslims tend to view outside of the home. However, women more
traditional ulama (kyai) as inept for moving frequently now wear headscarves and Muslim
Indonesian society forward. On the flip side, attire, which is a visible result of the
traditional ulama in Indonesia accuse the Islamization of Indonesian society and the
modernists of attempting to bring fundamental growing influence of the modernist Muslims
Islam to Indonesia and of trying to homogenize who encourage women to be contributing
Islam artificially in Indonesia that would result members of society but within a Muslim
in a loss of a precious Indonesian variant of context, including appropriate dress. For
Islam. Kyai call modernists arrogant and accuse instance, women are accepted as working,
them of wanting to move Indonesia backwards although not if it interferes with their family life,
to the time of Muhammad. but they must cover appropriately and not walk
Two mass based Muslim organizations were alone in the evening or in unseemly places.
created in the early 1900s in Indonesia and They also should not be alone with men.
represent the opposing viewpoints of modernist Traditional Islam in Indonesia allows for pre-
and traditional Islam described above. Islamic patterns of dress and one rarely sees
Muhammadiyah was created first and engaged women’s heads covered in rural, traditional
in social welfare and educational activities as it regions. The encouragement to be a modern
strove to bring modernist Muslim ideas to Muslim woman, who is educated and even
Indonesia. Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) was created working, but follows the Qur’an is evidence for
in response to Muhammadiyah. Although the the direction Islam is taking in Indonesia. This is
traditional ulama were present in Indonesia first,

they had not been organized but instead existed
27 These insights are from the author’s several years
as independent kyai running pesantren. NU is
of living in Indonesia studying these Islamic groups.
10