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education sciences Article Learning by Undoing, Democracy and Education, and John Dewey, the Colonial Traveler MariannaPapastephanou DepartmentofEducation,UniversityofCyprus,P.O.Box20537,Nicosia1678,Cyprus;[email protected] AcademicEditors:PaulStandishandSunInnYun Received:25October2016;Accepted:16January2017;Published:24January2017 Abstract: ThecentennialanniversaryofJohnDewey’sDemocracyandEducationhasbeencelebrated thisyearinareconstructiveandutility-basedspirit. Thearticleconsidersthisspiritandtheneedto complementitwithacritical-deconstructiveand‘use-less’prismthatwillrevealshortcomingsin Dewey’sandourownpoliticalpedagogies. GleaningsfromDewey’sbookallowustobeginwith whatmosteducationaltheoriststodaytreatasstrongpointsofDewey’spoliticsandthentoexplore howsuchpointsappearordisappearwhenDewey’sideastravelandhowtheyrelatetocolonialand developmentalistelementsinDewey’spragmatism. Thearticlerevealshowsuchelementsoperatein oneofDewey’seducationalpolicywritingsandinhisrelatedtravelnarratives. Themainaimofthe articleistoindicatethatweoftenrequirea‘learningbyundoing’toobtainaheightenedviewonthe stakesandchallengesofoldandcurrentprogressivepedagogies. Keywords: heterogeneity;homogeneity;nationalism;diversity;minority;Armeniangenocide 1. Introduction Thepresentpaperisalonger,article-lengthversionofthepresentation‘JohnDewey,TheColonial Traveler’whichIdeliveredattheOpenresearchseminar‘DemocracyandEducation: Reversingthe Democratic Recession?’ which took place at the University of Oslo, Department of Education, on the26October2016. VariouseventscelebratingthecentennialanniversaryofthepublicationofJohn Dewey’sDemocracyandEducation[1]haveinvitedustoask: ‘WhatcategoriesandnotionsofDewey’s pedagogyseemtimelyandrelevantfortransnationaleducationalpoliciesanddebateson“21stCentury learning”? TheCallforPapersoftheseminartowhichtheshorterversionofthispaperresponded furtherassertedthat,‘takingthecurrentcosmopolitancondition,democraticrecessionandaEurope intransition,itispertinenttoasktowhatdegreeDewey’spoliticalphilosophyofeducationmayhelp topromoteglobalcitizenshipeducationandmutualunderstanding’. Despitetheirsignificanceandpertinence,theabovequestionsreflectarationaleofutilityand updatingwhichfocusesonextractingfromabodyofthoughtallthatmaybeassociatedwithwhat wenowvalueandplaceourhopeson. Implicitly,thisrationaleprivilegesreconstructivereadingsof Deweywhichseekinhisthoughtwhatmaypassasresilient,stilluseful,andvaluable. Suchreadings bypasselementsinDewey’sphilosophythatinvitecriticalinterrogation. Inaway,suchapproaches alsoendupbeingassertiveofourcurrentphilosophicalpositionsandaffirmativeofouroutlooks. TheydonotchallengeDeweyandourrelianceonDeweyorthereasonsforsuchrelianceenough. Hence,thequestionsIshallberaisinggointheoppositedirectionandreflectamoredeconstructive spirit: theycomplicateDewey’spositionandexposeasyetunquestioned,non-problematizedaspects ofhisthoughtandactions. ArethereanyDeweyanpoliticalblindspotswhichmayhelpusinterrogate Dewey’sandourowneducationalphilosophiesaswellashisandourownpoliticaleducation? Educ.Sci.2017,7,20;doi:10.3390/educsci7010020 www.mdpi.com/journal/education Educ.Sci.2017,7,20 2of13 InwhatfollowsIraiseonesuchissueand,tobroachit,IfirstgleanfromDemocracyandEducation[1] Deweyanpoliticalassertions,suggestionsandexhortationsofthekindthatwewouldappreciatetoday andconsideroflastingrelevance. Ialsoincludemyinitial,criticalreactiontosomeofthesegleanings thatshouldbekeptinviewthroughoutthepaper,asitwillstrengthensomeofmylaterpoints. Then, IexplorehowthedynamicprocessofmigrationofideastoanothercontextaltersthepictureofDewey’s thoughtthatsuchgleaningsconstruct. TheratherstaticimageoftheDeweyofDemocracyandEducation asthelocalreformerandagentofAmericandemocraticreformchangeswhenwetakenoticeofhow Deweyemergesfromoneofhistravelsandrelatedwritingsasaglobaldisseminatorofeducational ideas and developer of educational systems. Finally, I show that such transmutations of Dewey’s travelingphilosophyconstituteamajorphilosophicalandeducationalchallenge. 2. Dewey’sDemocracyandEducation Dewey’sDemocracyandEducationiscommendablyguidedbythevisionofademocraticsociety. Hecontraststhedemocraticsocietytoanundesirablesociety‘whichinternallyandexternallysets upbarrierstofreeintercourseandcommunicationofexperience’[1](p. 104). Unlikeit,ademocratic society‘securesflexiblereadjustmentofitsinstitutionsthroughinteractionofthedifferentformsof associatedlife’and‘makesprovisionforparticipationinitsgoodofallitsmembersonequalterms’[1]. Deweyselectstwopointsbywhich‘tomeasuretheworthofaformofsociallife’: these‘aretheextent inwhichtheinterestsofagrouparesharedbyallitsmembers,andthefullnessandfreedomwith whichitinteractswithothergroups’[1](p. 103). Nowadays, most political philosophersand educators would agree with all the above. Some mightonlybeabitpuzzledaboutDewey’svalorizationofsharedinterests,sincesuchcommonality seemstofavourthe‘common’ofcommunityratherthandiversityandtoriskourprecious,current emphasesonheterogeneity,pluralistaccountsofthegoodandtheunassimilablealterityoftheother. ShallwesuspectaDeweyanpreferenceforhomogeneityandtherebypartcompanywithDeweyon thispoint? LetusthinkthisthroughbyconsideringanotherrelevantpassagefromDemocracyandEducation. Thepassagebeginswithheterogeneityandendsinpraisinghomogeneity. Itsbeginningispolitically interesting,asitfocusesonthemulti-ethnic/multi-culturalstate. Deweydiscussesthediversityof groupsinhissocietyandtracesitbacktofourpractices,whichhappentobevaluedbymanythinkers today. Theseare: commerce,transportation,intercommunication,andemigration. InDewey’swords, ‘withthedevelopmentofcommerce,transportation,intercommunication,andemigration,countries liketheUnitedStatesarecomposedofacombinationofdifferentgroupswithdifferenttraditional customs’ [1] (p. 26). Dewey’s developmentalist historical account misses another major practice: that of emptying African lands from their people, of turning them into human cargo to enslave themforfreelabour—freehereinthesenseofgot-for-nothing—andof‘emptying’thosepeoplefrom theirlanguages,customsandcultures. Inaddition,thevaguenotionofemigration—whichevokes ethically-neutralmovementandisnowemphasizedandoftenutopianizedinpoliticalphilosophy andeducation—blocksviewofanotherreality,thatofexpansionthroughmovement. Deweyomits colonialexpansionhereasapracticethateffecteddiversification. Inaddition,hecertainlyomitsthe politicaldetailthatexpansionsecuresimperialspaceinsteadofservingnation-stateconstructionon JohnStuartMill’swell-knownprincipleofonepeople/oneland/onegovernment. More,toFrank Margonis,imperial-colonialexpansionismandthemythofexplorationofnewfrontiersunderpins passages in Dewey’s work that refer to America’s “‘period of natural and unconscious expansion geographically,thetakingupofland,thediscoveringofresources,”whereEuropeansseized—not MexicanorIndianlands—buta“wealthofunusedterritory’”[2](p. 301). IammentioningsuchomissionsonlytoindicatethatDewey’snarrativeofpoliticaldiversity beautifies(andinsodoingde-politicizes)aspecificnation-buildinggenealogyinmuchthesameway inwhichweoftenglorifytheglobalandmobileinourcurrentrealitieswhileoverlookingthroughwhat processesandduetowhatandwhoseliabilitiesthe‘currentcosmopolitancondition’oftransportation, Educ.Sci.2017,7,20 3of13 emigration,andthelikehasbeeneffectedandwhetheritmeritstheadjective‘cosmopolitan’. Consider herethequotationfromtheCallforPapersinthefirstparagraphofmyintroduction. Ittakesmuch utopianizationofthecurrentconditiontocallit‘cosmopolitan’ratherthanmerely‘global’; unless the term ‘cosmopolitan’ is divested of any ethico-political normativity merely to signify mobility, cross-culturalencounteranddispersalofideasandpractices. Formyobjectionstoallthis,see[3]. Atanyrate, Deweycontinuesbyconnectinghisnarrativeofprogressanddevelopmentwith an education burdened with the responsibility to foster the required dose of homogeneity: ‘It is thissituation[ofheterogeneity—M.P.]whichhas,perhapsmorethananyotheronecause,forcedthe demandforaneducationalinstitutionwhichshallprovidesomethinglikeahomogeneousandbalanced environmentfortheyoung’[1](p. 26). Deweyregisterstheheterogeneitythathistoricalprocesses haveeffectedassomethingtoberegulatedormitigatedandtaskstheinstitutionofeducationwith providingthemissingcommonethos. Why? Inhiswords,‘onlyinthiswaycanthecentrifugalforces setupbyjuxtapositionofdifferentgroupswithinoneandthesamepoliticalunitbecounteracted’[1] (p. 26). Within the common space of schooling: differences are contained; diversity is politically harnessedawayfromcentrifugalrisks;andcommitmenttoone’scultureturnsintoharmlessfolklore. ‘Theinterminglingintheschoolofyouthofdifferentraces,differingreligions,andunlikecustoms createsforallanewandbroaderenvironment. Commonsubjectmatteraccustomsalltoaunityof outlookuponabroaderhorizonthanisvisibletothemembersofanygroupwhileitisisolated’[1] (p. 26). ThentherecomesDewey’spraiseoftheAmericaneducationalcontributiontoaccomplishing thepatrioticbond: ‘TheassimilativeforceoftheAmericanpublicschooliseloquenttestimonytothe efficacyofthecommonandbalancedappeal’[1](p. 26). Deweyvaluesdiversitysolongasitisno renegade–justasmanythinkersdotoday.Wemaynoticetwokindsofheterogeneityandhomogeneity operatingwithinthismindset: heterogeneityofculturesisvaluedsolongasitisnotaccompanied withheterogeneityofpoliticalends. Homogeneityisaffirmedonlywhenitframeslargerpoliticalends, andnotwhenitcomesclosetohomogeneityofmonoculturalism—thoughnocompellingargument isprovidedastowhyahomogenousculture(ifsuchathingexistsorhaseverexisted)isbylogical necessitypernicious. In “Nationalizing Education” [4], a 1916 essay whose centennial anniversary we could also celebrate, Dewey uses multicultural, heterogeneous nationalism, which he likens to an admirable internationalism,preciselytodemarcatethepoliticalsuperiorityofhiscountryoverEuropeanstates ongroundsoftheformer’sdiversityagainstthelatter’ssupposedhomogeneity. ContrastingUSand EuropeanpoliticalspaceDeweyemphasizesthathisnationis‘itselfcomplexandcompound. Strictly speakingitisinterracialandinternationalinitsmake-up’. Itcontains‘amultitudeofpeoplesspeaking differenttongues,inheritingdiversetraditions,cherishingvaryingidealsoflife. Thisfactisbasicto ournationalismasdistinctfromthatofotherpeoples’[4](p. 204). Heextrapolatesthat‘ourunity cannotbeahomogeneousthinglikethatoftheseparatestatesofEurope’[4]. Dewey’sgeneralization aboutstatesofEuropeis,ofcourse,falseoftheEuropeof1916,ifweconsidercolonialismandthe subalterndiversitythatsomesupposednation-statesofEurope(infact,empires)comprised. Certainly, asArmenMarsoobianremarks,Dewey’sgeneralizationisalsofalseofEuropetoday[5]. WemayfurthercomplicateDewey’snarrative,thistimebyreferencetoAlaskaortothe1898 Spanish-AmericanWar,tothecolonieswhichthatwaraddedtoAmericanterritoryandtoadifferent kindofdiversityitinvolved,thatofthecolonized. AlthoughAlaskahadbeenpopulatedforthousands of years by indigenous peoples, from the 18th century onward, European powers considered its territory ripe for exploitation. The Russian colonial era of Alaska ended when the United States purchasedit(anothersenseofcommerce,differentformthecommercethatDeweymentionedinhis narrativeofAmericandevelopment)fromRussiaon30March1867. IntheSpanish-AmericanWarof1898theU.S.defeatedSpainandacquireditscoloniesinthe Philippines, Puerto Rico, Cuba and Guam. This event was followed by the Philippine-American war(1899–1902). OneofthemajorvictoriesduringtheSpanish-AmericanWarwasbroughtabout byanotherDewey,AdmiralGeorgeDewey. Itisinterestingthat,assourcesofthetimesshow,the Educ.Sci.2017,7,20 4of13 imperialprinciplesor‘values’behindthewarwereopposedbyanAnti-ImperialistLeaguein1898 (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/American_Anti-Imperialist_League)whichincludedanimpressive listofpoliticians,academics,andauthors. JohnDeweywassaidtobeamongthemalreadyattheinitial stages(butIhavenotfoundothersourcesortextualevidenceinanyofDewey’sworksthatmight corroboratethis;so,thispointrequiresfurtherresearch). Nevertheless,thefollowingwebsiteincludes importantinformationonthiswarandreactionstoitonthepartoftheLeagueonanti-colonialgrounds andindefenseofthenation-stateterritorialityandofself-determination,freedomandindependence: http://oll.libertyfund.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1592&Itemid=263. Asweproceedinthisarticle,considerthecontradictionsthatsurfaceifDewey’sstanceonthis matterwasanti-imperialistwhilsthispositionintheReportandespeciallyinother,relatedtextswas fraughtwithcolonialresiduesandimperialrationalizationsofdeportationsandgenocides. Theclaims toindependenceofsomeoftheacquiredUScolonies,e.g.,theclaimsofthepeopleofPuertoRico, a couple of decades later [3] come to remind us that ‘varying ideals of life’ also included political demandsmadebythecolonizedonwhichDeweyhadnotbeenadequatelyeloquent. BythisIdonot meanthatDeweyshouldhavedirectlywritten,say,aboutPuertoRico,itsindependencestruggleand USpolicyonit. However,asaphilosopher-educatorwritingabouthiscountrydevelopingintoits thenstatusthroughcommerce,migration,etc.,andintoademocraticstatethroughpoliticaleducation, DeweyshouldhavenotoverlookedhowexamplessuchasPuertoRicoorissuesofexpansionand slavery complicated the smooth narrative of state-development which he was propounding. Like manytheoriststoday,Deweylimitsheterogeneitytoculturalvariationandfailstothinkitthroughto itspoliticalimplicationsandstakes. Deweyisparticularlyappreciativeofindividualdiversity,andthusuptodateconcerningcurrent philosophical-educationalsensibilities. Hegivesdiversityacentralroleinhisvisionofademocratic society and education so long as diversity contributes to growth: ‘a progressive society counts individual variations as precious since it finds in them the means of its own growth’. Therefore, ‘ademocraticsocietymust,inconsistencywithitsideal,allowforintellectualfreedomandtheplayof diversegiftsandinterestsinitseducationalmeasures’[1](p. 314). However,howdoesDeweyspeak aboutacollectiveothernesswhichheplacesatalowerdevelopmentalstage? Isthatdiversityalso presentin,evenpreciousto,ademocraticsociety? Collectivitiesof‘lower’progressanddevelopment comeupassavageandbarbaricgroupsinDemocracyandEducation. BelowIprovidesomeexamples andunpackthispoint. Dewey’sdistinctionbetweenschoolingandinformalkindsofeducationisframedbydistinctions betweencivilizationandbarbarismaswellas‘developedversussavage’socialgroups.‘Inundeveloped socialgroups,wefindverylittleformalteachingandtraining. Savagegroupsmainlyrelyforinstilling neededdispositionsintotheyounguponthesamesortofassociationwhichkeepsadultsloyalto theirgroup. Theyhavenospecialdevices,material,orinstitutionsforteachingsaveinconnection withinitiationceremoniesbywhichtheyouthareinductedintofullsocialmembership. Forthemost part,theydependuponchildrenlearningthecustomsoftheadults,acquiringtheiremotionalsetand stockofideas,bysharinginwhattheeldersaredoing. Inpart,thissharingisdirect,takingpartinthe occupationsofadultsandthusservinganapprenticeship;inpart,itisindirect,throughthedramatic playsinwhichchildrenreproducetheactionsofgrown-upsandthuslearntoknowwhattheyare like’[1](p. 11). My attention here is neither to the accuracy or inaccuracy of Dewey’s socio-anthropological generalitiesnortohisdismissiveattitudetowardthatparticular,‘undeveloped’learningbydoing. Iammoreinterestedinhisinvestingdiversitywithadiversifiedvaluethatqualifieswhichkindof alteritycountsasacceptableorusefulanddisqualifiesthatwhich,toDewey,representsasurpassed stage in educational and societal development. Dewey’s narrative of development and progress unfoldswithareferencetotheevolutionofcivilizationwhichevokessuchqualifications: ‘Tosavages itwouldseempreposteroustoseekoutaplacewherenothingbutlearningwasgoingoninorderthat onemightlearn’[1](p. 12). ‘Butascivilizationadvances,thegapbetweenthecapacitiesoftheyoung Educ.Sci.2017,7,20 5of13 andtheconcernsofadultswidens. Learningbydirectsharinginthepursuitsofgrown-upsbecomes increasinglydifficultexceptinthecaseofthelessadvancedoccupations. Muchofwhatadultsdois soremoteinspaceandinmeaningthatplayfulimitationislessandlessadequatetoreproduceits spirit. Abilitytoshareeffectivelyinadultactivitiesthusdependsuponapriortraininggivenwiththis endinview. Intentionalagencies—schools—andexplicitmaterial—studies—aredevised. Thetaskof teachingcertainthingsisdelegatedtoaspecialgroupofpersons’[1](p. 12). Whetherthisnarrative doesfullhistoricaljusticetohowScholaiemergedintheancientGreekworldwhoseprimaryobjective wasnotquitethetransmissionofusefulknowledgeandinwhichschoolmeantpauseforthoughtand freetimeisbeyondtheconfinesofthisarticle. However,whatismoreimportanthereisthateducation acquiresa‘civilizingmission’roleinDewey’sdevelopmentalistgenealogy. DeweybeganhisDemocracyandEducationwiththestrikingontologicalaphorismthat‘lifeisa self-renewingprocessthroughactionupontheenvironment’[1](p. 5)anddistinguishedlivingand inanimatethingsinvirtueoftheformer’spreservationthroughtheirrenewalofexistence. Hestated that‘themostnotabledistinctionbetweenlivingandinanimatethingsisthattheformermaintain themselvesbyrenewal’[1](p. 5)andemphasizedthateducationhadacrucialpositionintheprocess ofsocialdevelopment. ‘Eveninasavagetribe,theachievementsofadultsarefarbeyondwhatthe immaturememberswouldbecapableofiflefttothemselves’. Thegapbetweentheoriginalcapacities oftheimmaturehumanbeingsandthestandardsandcustomsoftheeldersincreases‘withthegrowth ofcivilization’[1](p. 7). Thegrowthofcivilizationisnatural, thoughnotinthesenseoflinearor physically pre-programmed. ‘Mere physical growing up, mere mastery of the bare necessities of subsistence will not suffice to reproduce the life of the group. Deliberate effort and the taking of thoughtfulpainsarerequired’. Humanbeingsareborn‘notonlyunawareof,butquiteindifferent to,theaimsandhabitsofthesocialgroup’,and‘havetoberenderedcognizantofthemandactively interested. Education,andeducationalone,spansthegap’[1](p. 7). Becausetherenewalthrough successivegenerationsisnotautomatic,fallingbacktolongsurpasseddevelopmentalstagesisthe constantdangerofasocialsystemwhichwouldfailtodevelopaneducationastransmissionofculture tothenewgenerations. ‘Unlesspainsaretakentoseethatgenuineandthoroughtransmissiontakes place,themostcivilizedgroupwillrelapseintobarbarismandthenintosavagery’[1](p. 8). Thus, inthispassage,educationisstrictlyunderstoodasa‘damofcivilization’sinceitguaranteesacivilizing acculturation,blocksbarbarismandsavageryanddemarcatesthecorrespondingsocio-politicalspaces. WhereasdemocraticeducationandsocietyconstituteDewey’sutopianvision,thebarbaricandsavage societiesseemheretoconstitutehisfearedalternatives,thedystopianizedspacestobekeptatbay. In Democracy and Education, the ‘barbaric’ and ‘savage’ occupy the political space of the dreaded ‘otherness’,beckoningfromafarwhenevermeliorativesocietalandeducationaladvancementtoward abetterfutureisatrisk. Whataboutthatwhichoccupiesthemiddlespaceandtheintermediatetime(neithersurpassed dystopianoraccomplishedutopia),thatis,whataboutDewey’sownsociety? Itwasasocietywhich hadnotyetimplementedDewey’seducationalrecommendationsandhadnot,therefore,reachedthe stageoftheenvisionededucationalandsocietalutopia. Norwasit,however,asbadasthedystopian conditionofbarbarismletalonesavagery. WemayobtaininsightintohowDeweyplaceshisown society in relation to utopia from his short essay ‘Dewey Outlines Utopian Schools’ [6]. There he offersabriefaccountofthemainpedagogicalprinciplesofanimaginary,Utopiansocietyontowhich hehasprojectedhiseducationalrecommendationsandmadethemappearasaccomplishedreality. Inthatessay,thenaturalandthedevelopmentalareemphasized,theknowledgeofuselessfactsis setagainstdevelopingusefulattitudesandahomologyisdrawnbetweentheaccumulativespirit ofDewey’sacquisitivesocietyanditsprivilegeonknowledgeacquisitionandaccumulation(which Dewey,ofcourse,condemns). HecontrastshisownsocietytotheUtopian,depictingtheformeras adevelopmentalstagesurpassedbythelatterthroughthenaturaldevelopmentoftheappropriate education(ofproblem-solving,learning-by-doing,etc.). Educ.Sci.2017,7,20 6of13 EducationinDewey’s‘Utopia’issonaturalthatthefirstcasualtyisinterrogation. TheUtopians donottakeDewey’squestionsseriously: ‘whenIaskedafterthespecialobjectivesoftheactivityof thesecenters,myUtopianfriendsthoughtIwasaskingwhychildrenshouldliveatall’[6](p.138). The reason for this was a faith in ontogenetic developmentalism (each person should grow and develop)thatrenderedmeaninglessanyendotherthansecuringnaturalgrowth: AfterImadethemunderstandwhatImeant,myquestionwasdismissedwiththeremark thatsincechildrenwerealiveandgrowing,“ofcourse,we,astheUtopians,trytomake theirlivesworthwhiletothem;ofcourse,wetrytoseethattheyreallydogrow,thatthey reallydevelop.”Butasforhavinganyobjectivebeyondtheprocessofadevelopinglife, theideastillseemedtothemquitesilly. Thenotionthattherewassomespecialendwhich theyoungshouldtrytoattainwascompletelyforeigntotheirthoughts[6](p. 138). Awareness of ontogenetic developmentalism and of its connection with growth and natural learning/selection/processesledtoaneducationaldevelopmentalismwhichevokedsomeofDewey’s ideasinDemocracyandEducation: Astheirinterestintheyoungdevelops,theirownfurthereducationcentresmoreandmore aboutthestudyofprocessesofgrowthanddevelopment,andsothereisaverysimilar processofnaturalselectionbywhichparentsaretakenoutofthenarrowercontactwith theirownchildreninthehomesandarebroughtforwardintheeducationalnurtureof largernumbersofchildren[6](p.137). Dewey’sutopiantextisalsointerestingfortheconjugaldimension,theimplicitheteronormativity andtheaffirmationofthefamilyinstitution: ‘Theadultswhoaremostactivelyconcernedwiththe younghave,ofcourse,tomeetacertainrequirement,andthefirstthingthatstruckmeasavisitor toUtopiawasthattheymustallbemarriedpersonsand,exceptinexceptionalcases,musthavehad childrenoftheirown. Unmarried,youngerpersonsoccupyplacesofassistanceandserveakindof initiatoryapprenticeship’[6](p. 137). Amongstotherthings,theseideasbreakdecisivelywithPlato’s radicalutopianistchallengeoffamilyintheRepublicandwiththeabsenceofheteronormativityin Stoicutopias. Thus,theyinviteinterestingcomparisons. However,adiscussionofthispointgoes beyondtheconfinesofthepresentarticle. But the advanced stage of utopia was not only ontogenetic and educational. It was also phylogenetic(society/thespeciesshouldgrowanddevelop),sincetheutopianspacesymbolizeda higherlevelhumanitythathadovercomethepastinwhichDewey’sownsocietylived. TheUtopians ‘askedwhetheritwastruethatinourdaywehadtohaveschoolsandteachersandexaminationsto makesurethatbabieslearnedtowalkandtotalk’[6](p. 138). ThetimelycuriosityoftheUtopians aboutDewey’sworldintroducesaspatio-temporalincongruitythatservesDewey’srhetoricalstrategy ofprojectinghiseducationalphilosophyontheutopian,advancedsociety. AstheUtopiansexchange ideaswithDewey,theycriticizetheacquisitivesocietyofDewey’stimesanditsprevalent‘measure andtestofachievementandsuccess’[6](p. 139). TherenewaloftheexistenceofDewey’ssociety requiredaneducationwhichwouldassistitinovercomingitsacquisitivenessandinapproximating thevisionofademocraticandnaturallydevelopedsocietysuchastheutopianiconoftherelevant text. Thus,wemayansweraffirmativelytothequestionposedbytheCallforPapersoftheseminarat whichtheshorterversionofthispaperwaspresented: ‘MayDewey’spoliticalphilosophyoffertools forthecriticismofthosetrendsinEuropeanpoliciesthatseemmoretobemodeledaccordingtothe demandsoftheglobalmarketizationthanfromideasondemocratizationandcitizenshipeducation?’ Yet,question-raisingratherthanproblem-solvingshouldcontinueinthedirectionoftheuse-lessrather thanoftheusefulinDewey’sthought. 3. Dewey’sVisittoTurkey AstheCallforPapers(oftheseminarwhichhostedtheinitialairingofmyideasonthematter) specified,‘thewaysinwhichDemocracyandEducationhasbeentravelingoverthelastcenturymay Educ.Sci.2017,7,20 7of13 helptosituateandconceptualizeeducationalpolicies,theoriesandexperiencesthroughouttheworld’. Morebroadly,inrelationtoDewey’seducationalphilosophy,ThomasPopkewitz’[7]editedbookon DeweyandthetravelingofpragmatismineducationhasalreadyinitiatedanexplorationofDeweyasa ‘travelinglibrary’persona. Questionssuchas: ‘Whatdoesitmeantotranslateaphilosophicalthinking into different contexts and language? How can we measure the success of translation?’ [8] (p. 1) importantlyretrievetranslationasanaspectoftravel. Howdotheprinciplesofdemocracyandeducation becometransformedwhentheyformtheideologicalbaggageofthetravelingphilosopher/educator, whentheyarepartofhis‘travelinglibrarypersona’? HowdothoseDeweyanideasthatseemoflasting andcurrentsignificancelooklikefromtheprismofhowthetravelingphilosophernegotiatedthem withinadifferentcontext? Thisprism,Ihope,willhaveadeconstructiveeffectbyrevealingthat,then asnow,generalitiesaboutrespectingdiversity,promotingdemocracy,valuingminoritiesandsoon remainanemptylettersolongastheyremainvagueandde-politicized. Concretepoliticalissuesand theirhandlingbypublicintellectualsconstituteatouchstonewhereverbalcommitmentsandpolitical declarationsaretestedastowhetherthey,assuch,drawusintosomethingbetterortheycouldrightly standaccusedofhollowrhetoric. Todeploymyargument,IwillnowturntooneofDewey’stravels andtohiseducationalrecommendationstoanothercountry. Iwillask: howdoesDewey’sjourney toTurkeyillustratehisownunderstandingandapplicationofhisideasaboutdemocracy,diversity andminority? KemalAtaturkinvitedDeweytoTurkeyin1924andrequestedfromhimthecompositionofa reportandrecommendationsuponTurkisheducation. Dewey‘hadlongstruggledintheeducational reform movement in the United States’ but, given the local nature of American schools, ‘this was always a highly fragmented and piecemeal endeavor’ [5] (p. 1). Hence, the invite to the journey andtowritingrecommendationsfortheconstructionofTurkisheducationpracticallyfromscratch ‘musthavebeenanattractivepropositionforDewey’. AsArmenMarsoobiancomments,nowDewey ‘wasgivenanopportunitytomakeproposalsthatcouldbeimplementedonasystematicnation-wide basis’[5](p.1). Elsewhere[9]IdiscussDewey’s‘ReportandRecommendations’[10](henceforthReport)inmuch moredetail. HereIwillsumupmypoints. TheReportisveryinterestingnotonlyforwhatitstates butalso,perhapsmore,forwhatitfailstostate. Letusfirstseewhatitstates: ‘fortunately,thereisnodifficultyinstatingthemainendtobesecured bytheeducationalsystemofTurkey. ItisthedevelopmentofTurkeyasavital,free,independent,and layrepublicinfullmembershipinthecircleofcivilizedstates’[10](p. 275,emphmine). Byimplication, inlinewithbroadercolonialidiomsandattitudes,thisdevelopmentalistparlancecouchesthemain educationalendina‘barbarismversuscivilization’idiomandrendersDewey’srecommendations partofacivilizingmission. Surprisingly,insteadofdirectlyaspiringtoautopianiconsuchastheone thathadguidedhisowndeploymentofpedagogicalidea(l)sinDemocracyandEducation,toDewey, TurkeyshouldstrivetojointhesocietiesthatDeweyconsideredacquisitiveandinanothertexthad characterizedas‘villains’and‘meddlers’[11]. Further,andincontrasttoDewey’sessayonUtopia wherehisownstateshouldaspiretoanasyetunaccomplishededucationalandsocietalvision,Turkey shouldmodelitselftoDewey’sownsocietyanditscircle,whichisnowutopianized(setasanicon). Now, let us focus more on what is not stated in the Report: the string of adjectives which pre-conditionsthefullmembershipinthecircleofthecivilizedcontainsnorelational,transitiveterms thatwouldhavemadenation-buildinganethico-politicallymoredemandingoperation. Forinstance, adjectivessuchas‘non-predatory’,‘non-imperialist’,etc.,aremissing,probablybecauseDeweyiswell awarethathecannotusesuchwordstodescribethecircletowhich, inhisview, thenascentstate (Turkey)shouldaspire. Then,Deweyspecifieswaystoachievetheendofjoiningthecircleofcivilizedstates: ‘theschools must(1)formproperpoliticalhabitsandideas’;[suchas? wemayask]‘(2)fosterthevariousformsof economicandcommercialskillandability;and(3)developthetraitsanddispositionsofcharacter, intellectualandmoral,whichfitmenandwomenforself-government,economicself-supportand Educ.Sci.2017,7,20 8of13 industrialprogress’;noticeherethat,again,anyrelationalratherthanself-centeredqualifierismissing. Dewey concretizes such traits and dispositions as follows: ‘namely, initiative and inventiveness, independence of judgment, ability to think scientifically and to cooperate for common purposes socially’[10](p. 275). Onceagain, nohigherdemandsaremadeonthesocialselfofthekindthat wouldhavedirectrelevancetohowtheotheristreatedwithinandoutsidethecountry. Mostpoliticaleducationandphilosophytodaycelebratesgeneralitiesaboutrespectingdifference but offers no concrete and challenging examples to illustrate how such respect materializes in demanding and difficult political situations. Likewise, Dewey’s Report says nothing about the education of minorities in Turkey. As Marsoobian notes, ‘granted that as a result of the genocide, massacresandpopulationexchanges,therewerenoArmenians(except“hiddenArmenians”)orGreeks left in Turkey aside from those in Constantinople, there were still significant numbers of other minorities,includingKurds,Alevis,Ezidis,Assyrians,Chaldeans,Laz,Caferis,Roma,Circassiansand Jews’[5](p. 7). WeknowfromoneofDewey’srelatedtravelnarratives[12]thatDeweywasclearly informedabouttheexistenceofsomeoftheseminorities. Still,norecommendationsorcautionary remarksabouttheirtreatmentsurfaceinhisReport. TheDeweyoftheReportonlyreferstoaharmlessandnaturalizeddiversity. Anonymizedor naturalized through references to a localism of diverse modes of working (e.g., agriculture, etc.), diversity does not become a vehicle of higher ethico-political demands on the state: ‘the central ministryshould[... ]notmerelypermitdiversificationbutpromoteit,andeveninsistuponit’[10] (p. 281). Howandinrelationtowhat? HereisDewey’sresponse: ‘Itwouldtaketheleadinstudying theproblemsandneedsofdifferentportionsofthecountry,andindicatethekindoftopics,materials andmethodsadaptedtomaritime,pastoral,fruit-growing,grain-growing,cotton-raising,silk-worm districts, to urban industrial and commercial districts and the special industrial capacities of each region’[10](p. 281). WhileinTurkey,Deweynoticed‘alargeamountofunusedlandandofpubliclyownednatural resources’[10](p. 284). Inaddition,inhisReport,herecommendsthata‘certainamountofthisland shouldbesetasideineachprovince,allthefuturerevenuesofwhicharetobedevotedtotheschools of that province. Dewey sees this land as profitable but fails to ask how it became empty, why it lookedlikethecolonialterranulliusfreeforthetakingandcultivation. Byoverlookingsuchquestions hefurtherfailstonoticethecomplicationsregardinggeneralitiesaboutdemocracyanddiversityan answertothesequestionswouldcause. ProvingrightMargonis’[2]commentsonDewey’sfailingto seethatthe‘wealthofunusedterritory’intheUSwas,infact,landbelongingtoIndiansandMexicans andseizedbyEuropeans,DeweycontinuestheargumentintheReportabouttheutilityof‘unused land’byreferencetoAmerica. ‘ThestatesoftheUnitedStateswhichintheirearlyhistoryadoptedthis methodhaveprofitedenormouslyfromit. Itmightbeoneofthedutiesofthefinancialcommission justreferredto,toprepareadefiniteschemeforsettingasideandallottingunusedlandstoschool purposes’[10](p. 284). Dewey’shomologyofTurkeyandofoneofthestatesinthecircleofthecivilized(whichTurkey shouldjoin)concerningmodernistopportunitiesfordevelopmentandutilizationoftheother’sland for school purposes reveals Dewey’s feelings of affinity with Turkey’s determination to preserve imperiallandandsecurethecolonialgainsofpastconquestsbymodernizingtheempire(inthegloss andfaçadeofthenation-state). Thisfrontierethoswithitsexpansionismoverthelandsofminorities providesastandpointfordeconstructingDewey’sdevelopmentalistvision. Thegapseparatingthe utopianizedspace(Turkey)fromtheutopiandestination(circleofthe‘civilized’)wasnotashugeas Deweyassumedwhenheinsertedbetweenthemthedistanceof‘thecivilized’andthedeveloping. Thoughsurelynotassimilable,thespacesonwhichDeweybestowedhisutopianismsharedatavery deeplevelmuchmorethanheseemed,orcurrentprogressivediscourseseems,awareof. Iwillreturn tosuchaffinitieslateron. Now,howdoesallthisrelatewiththegleaningsfromDemocracyandEducationinthefirstsection and the generalities about democratic habits, heterogeneity, pluralism, etc. which still go down Educ.Sci.2017,7,20 9of13 well in our world today? To Marsoobian, ‘Dewey clearly laid out the goals for public education’ inhisReport. ‘Thesegoalswereinharmonywithhiseducationalwritingsofthepreviousdecade, especiallyDemocracyandEducation’[5](p. 5). ToillustratethisharmonyMarsoobianstatesthat,inthe Report,Deweyemphasizes‘theneedtodevelopmethodsofinstructionanddisciplinesoastofoster democratichabits: “Methodsofdictation,arbitrarycontrolandmechanicalobediencedonotfitpupils tobecitizensinademocracy”’[5](p. 5). Yet, in my view, this harmony is disrupted by very telling silences in the Report such as the abovementionedandmanymore. Forinstance,inDemocracyandEducation,Deweystatesthat‘itis notenoughtoteachthehorrorsofwarandtoavoideverythingwhichwouldstimulateinternational jealousyandanimosity’[1](p. 102). Inaddition,herecommendsthat‘theemphasismustbeputupon whateverbindspeopletogetherincooperativehumanpursuitsandresults,apartfromgeographical limitations’[1](p. 103). Yet,nowhereintheReportdoesDeweymentiontheteachingofthehorrorsof war,letalonecontactandinteractionwithneighbours. Heonlymentionstravelsto‘modelcountries’, membersofthecircleofthecivilized.Finally,thereisnomentionofgenocidessuchasthoseagainstthe Armenians,theGreekPontiansandtheAssyrians,nocautionarycommentonthetreatmentofdiverse populationsandnovalorizationofheterogeneityasweencountereditinDemocracyandEducation. Thepublicationofthebookwhosecentennialanniversarywearecelebratingcoincidedwiththe ArmenianandothergenocidescommittedbytheTurkishregimein1915–1916—anothercentennial anniversary. UponreturningfromhisprofessionaljourneytoTurkeyin1924,thatis,someyearsafter thoseevents,DeweywroteamongstotherthingsaparagraphontheArmeniangenocide,practically condoningit.Dewey’s‘discussionoftheeventsof1915–1916’,which‘occupiesonlyoneparagraph’[13] (p. 375), has, since then, been globally disseminated and utilized by denialist propaganda. This paragraphconstitutes‘aterriblelapseinDewey’spoliticaljudgment—alapseinwhichhealsofailed toliveuptothestandardsofinquirysetforthinhisphilosophicalworks’. AsS.O’Dwyerexplains, ‘throughthislapse,DeweybecameoneofthefirstofasmallbandofWesternintellectualstorelativize orevendenytheArmenianGenocide’[13](p. 376). Thus,whenabroadandassignedwithataskofeducationalpolicywhichpromotedhiseducational philosophy,Deweyremainssilentaboutminoritiesandselectsfromhisideasthemostde-politicized ones, mainly those which relate to development and modernization, as recommendations to the regime which invited him. Moreover, he sides with the renewal of imperial existence and the preservation of control over conquered lands and peoples, not with the claims to freedom of the subaltern. Thoughitmaysomewhatdivertusfromourfocus,itisworthcontrastingherehowthe 1898PlatformissuedbytheAnti-ImperialistLeagueintheUSAagainsttheSpanish-AmericanWar defended subaltern peoples as follows: ‘we denounce the slaughter of the Filipinos as a needless horror’;‘wemaintainthatgovernmentsderivetheirjustpowersfromtheconsentofthegoverned’; ‘weholdwithAbrahamLincolnthat“nomanisgoodenoughtogovernanothermanwithoutthat other’sconsent’. (http://oll.libertyfund.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1592& Itemid=263). ThecontrastrevealsaDeweyancontradiction, ifitistruethatDeweysupportedthe Anti-ImperialismLeaguein1898(ofwhichhebecamethevicepresidentlater,i.e.,from1910to1920). Thenagain,DeweyisnotmentionedbyWilliamE.Leuchtenburg[14]amongthosewhooutspokenly opposedtheSpanish-AmericanWarwhenitbrokeout. Inaddition,Dewey’sattackonimperialism, e.g. regardingMexicoin1927didnotgodeeperthansomefashionablegeneralities,atleastenough forustodrawsomemoreconclusiveevidence. Martin[15](p. 294)summarizestheeventsofthe Spanish-AmericanwarbutisnotclearatallaboutDewey’sposition. Deweyhimselfmentionedthe ‘badaftertasteoftheSpanish-Americanwar’[4](p. 260)andmuchlaterhepraisedW.Jamesforhis indignantprotestattheAmerican‘seizureofthePhilipines’[16](p. 22). However,thisdoesnotshed adequate light on his exact position when the events had started or when they were taking place. LeuchtenburgregardsthefactthatmainlyconservativescriticizedtheSpanish-Americanwarand its conquests and that too few progressives were outspoken against the war (and this only when theconsequencesofthewarwererealized[14](p. 486)asadeepconnectionofprogressivismwith Educ.Sci.2017,7,20 10of13 imperialism. Leuchtenburgseesthisconnectionintheprogressivists’faithtoAmerica’sdemocratic mission [14] (pp. 485 and 501); their racialized views (e.g., toward the black people of America that made them more receptive to imperialism [14] (p. 498); their middle-class excitement with America’srisingasaworldpower;theirtendency‘tojudgeanyactionnotbythemeansemployed butbytheresultsachieved[14](p. 500);theirpreferenceforoutcomesratherthanfor‘finedistinctions and nice theories’ [14] (p. 500, emph mine); their unwillingness to ‘remold the world anew’, and theirself-understandingasamovement‘providingremediesforcertainspecificpoliticalabusesand economicills’. They‘wereinterestednotonlyinamoreequitabledivisionofthepie,butalsoinalargerpie todivide’[14](p. 503,emphmine). LetusnowreturntotheArmenianissue.WhatarewetomakeoutofDewey’sposition?Andmore, howcomeafiguresuchasDewey,endsupcontroversializingtheArmenianquestion? Idesignate as‘controversialization’thedeliberatecomplicationofapoliticalissuewhichattentiontoevidence wouldproveaveryclear-cutratherthancontroversialcase. Atypicalcaseistheeffortofsomecircles tocontroversializetheHolocaust,but,fortunately,currentWesternacademialargelyresistsfallinginto suchtraps. Unfortunately,however,theArmenianissuehasnotmetsuchfelicitousWesternresistances tocontroversialization. Relatedevidenceconcerningthe1915–1916genocidesanddeportationswas alreadyavailabletoDewey[13];hadhestudiedit,hewouldnothavecontroversializedtheArmenian issue. However, he totally bypassed it in his fascination with the modernizing project of Turkey. Controversializing issues which are clear-cut is, in my view, a most violent form of depriving the otherfromvoiceandrecognition. Controversializationofsuchissuesisthe‘invisible’tacticwhich perpetuatestheinvisibilityofthe‘other’(theno-count)inourcurrentdistributionofthereal(toadapt Rancière’s parlance), it remains unnoticed, or, when noticed, it is hastily bypassed as harmless or unworthyofeducationalattention. InsteadofthinkingthatDewey’sfailuresconstitutealongsurpassedstageinourthoughtwhose acknowledgementallowsustofocusexclusivelyonwhatinhisthoughtisstillusefultoday,Isuggest that we see them as indicative of why it may not always be advisable to focus on the fruitful and why we should sometimes explore the unsettling. To give an example, the Call for Papers that Ihavealreadymentionedasks: ‘MayDeweyofferfruitfuleducationaltoolsandperspectivesinour effortstointegraterefugees?’ Iinviteustothinkthisthroughbyreferencetothefollowingpointby MarsoobianonDewey’ssanitizationofethniccleansing: Dewey‘remarksthattheseparatingofthese populations[ArmeniansandotherethnicgroupsfromTurks]is“theonlyhopefortheavoidanceof futureatrocities”’[5](p. 15). ‘Wordssuchasthesethatindirectlyjustifyethniccleansingstilltakemy breathawaytwentyyearslater’,saysMarsoobian,referringtohisinitialreadingofDewey’stextsback inthe90s[5](p.15).Duetodeepaffinitiesofhispoliticalandintellectualmilieuwithcolonialmindsets (andotherreasonswhichIhaveindicatedin[9]),Deweyhadsomuchgivenintopropagandaand hadsounquestioninglyacceptedwhatheheardthroughhisownexperienceof‘learningbydoing’ thatheendedupcondoningprocessesofturningpeoplesintorefugees(inthatspecificcase). Likewise, ourquestiontodayshouldnotonlybehowtointegraterefugeesbutratherthroughwhatprocesses onebecomesarefugeeandwhethershewouldratherprefertohaveourhelpsoasnottobecomea refugeeinthefirstplaceinsteadofhavingnooptionbuttobeintegrated[17]. ‘Expressed in terms of the attitude of the individual the traits of good method are straightforwardness,flexibleintellectualinterestoropen-mindedwilltolearn,integrityofpurpose, andacceptanceofresponsibilityfortheconsequencesofone’sactivityincludingthought’[1](p. 187). TotheDeweyofDemocracyandEducation,‘intellectualgrowthmeansconstantexpansionofhorizons and consequent formation of new purposes and new responses. These are impossible without an activedisposition towelcomepoints ofviewhitherto alien’[1](p. 182). Thedisposition towhich Deweywasreferringwasopen-mindedness. Yet,thisdidnothelphimtolearnbyundoing,thatis,to alienatehimselfenoughfromthepoliticaltraditionofhisowncountryandofthebroaderWestern cultureofempirestransmutedintonation-states(whilepreservingimperialattitudesandoutlooks). DeweyadoptedwithtoofewquestionstheTurkishpropaganda,preciselybecauseitwasnotalien.

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education sciences Article Learning by Undoing, Democracy and Education, and John Dewey, the Colonial Traveler MariannaPapastephanou DepartmentofEducation,UniversityofCyprus,P.O.Box20537,Nicosia1678,Cyprus;[email protected] AcademicEditors:PaulStandishandSunInnYun Received:25October2016;Accepted:16January2017;Published:24January2017 Abstract: ThecentennialanniversaryofJohnDewey’sDemocracyandEducationhasbeencelebrated thisyearinareconstructiveandutility-basedspirit. Thearticleconsidersthisspiritandtheneedto complementitwithacritical-deconstructiveand‘use-less’prismthatwillrevealshortcomingsin Dewey’sandourownpoliticalpedagogies. GleaningsfromDewey’sbookallowustobeginwith whatmosteducationaltheoriststodaytreatasstrongpointsofDewey’spoliticsandthentoexplore howsuchpointsappearordisappearwhenDewey’sideastravelandhowtheyrelatetocolonialand developmentalistelementsinDewey’spragmatism. Thearticlerevealshowsuchelementsoperatein oneofDewey’seducationalpolicywritingsandinhisrelatedtravelnarratives. Themainaimofthe articleistoindicatethatweoftenrequirea‘learningbyundoing’toobtainaheightenedviewonthe stakesandchallengesofoldandcurrentprogressivepedagogies. Keywords: heterogeneity;homogeneity;nationalism;diversity;minority;Armeniangenocide 1. Introduction Thepresentpaperisalonger,article-lengthversionofthepresentation‘JohnDewey,TheColonial Traveler’whichIdeliveredattheOpenresearchseminar‘DemocracyandEducation: Reversingthe Democratic Recession?’ which took place at the University of Oslo, Department of Education, on the26October2016. VariouseventscelebratingthecentennialanniversaryofthepublicationofJohn Dewey’sDemocracyandEducation[1]haveinvitedustoask: ‘WhatcategoriesandnotionsofDewey’s pedagogyseemtimelyandrelevantfortransnationaleducationalpoliciesanddebateson“21stCentury learning”? TheCallforPapersoftheseminartowhichtheshorterversionofthispaperresponded furtherassertedthat,‘takingthecurrentcosmopolitancondition,democraticrecessionandaEurope intransition,itispertinenttoasktowhatdegreeDewey’spoliticalphilosophyofeducationmayhelp topromoteglobalcitizenshipeducationandmutualunderstanding’. Despitetheirsignificanceandpertinence,theabovequestionsreflectarationaleofutilityand updatingwhichfocusesonextractingfromabodyofthoughtallthatmaybeassociatedwithwhat wenowvalueandplaceourhopeson. Implicitly,thisrationaleprivilegesreconstructivereadingsof Deweywhichseekinhisthoughtwhatmaypassasresilient,stilluseful,andvaluable. Suchreadings bypasselementsinDewey’sphilosophythatinvitecriticalinterrogation. Inaway,suchapproaches alsoendupbeingassertiveofourcurrentphilosophicalpositionsandaffirmativeofouroutlooks. TheydonotchallengeDeweyandourrelianceonDeweyorthereasonsforsuchrelianceenough. Hence,thequestionsIshallberaisinggointheoppositedirectionandreflectamoredeconstructive spirit: theycomplicateDewey’spositionandexposeasyetunquestioned,non-problematizedaspects ofhisthoughtandactions. ArethereanyDeweyanpoliticalblindspotswhichmayhelpusinterrogate Dewey’sandourowneducationalphilosophiesaswellashisandourownpoliticaleducation? Educ.Sci.2017,7,20;doi:10.3390/educsci7010020 www.mdpi.com/journal/education Educ.Sci.2017,7,20 2of13 InwhatfollowsIraiseonesuchissueand,tobroachit,IfirstgleanfromDemocracyandEducation[1] Deweyanpoliticalassertions,suggestionsandexhortationsofthekindthatwewouldappreciatetoday andconsideroflastingrelevance. Ialsoincludemyinitial,criticalreactiontosomeofthesegleanings thatshouldbekeptinviewthroughoutthepaper,asitwillstrengthensomeofmylaterpoints. Then, IexplorehowthedynamicprocessofmigrationofideastoanothercontextaltersthepictureofDewey’s thoughtthatsuchgleaningsconstruct. TheratherstaticimageoftheDeweyofDemocracyandEducation asthelocalreformerandagentofAmericandemocraticreformchangeswhenwetakenoticeofhow Deweyemergesfromoneofhistravelsandrelatedwritingsasaglobaldisseminatorofeducational ideas and developer of educational systems. Finally, I show that such transmutations of Dewey’s travelingphilosophyconstituteamajorphilosophicalandeducationalchallenge. 2. Dewey’sDemocracyandEducation Dewey’sDemocracyandEducationiscommendablyguidedbythevisionofademocraticsociety. Hecontraststhedemocraticsocietytoanundesirablesociety‘whichinternallyandexternallysets upbarrierstofreeintercourseandcommunicationofexperience’[1](p. 104). Unlikeit,ademocratic society‘securesflexiblereadjustmentofitsinstitutionsthroughinteractionofthedifferentformsof associatedlife’and‘makesprovisionforparticipationinitsgoodofallitsmembersonequalterms’[1]. Deweyselectstwopointsbywhich‘tomeasuretheworthofaformofsociallife’: these‘aretheextent inwhichtheinterestsofagrouparesharedbyallitsmembers,andthefullnessandfreedomwith whichitinteractswithothergroups’[1](p. 103). Nowadays, most political philosophersand educators would agree with all the above. Some mightonlybeabitpuzzledaboutDewey’svalorizationofsharedinterests,sincesuchcommonality seemstofavourthe‘common’ofcommunityratherthandiversityandtoriskourprecious,current emphasesonheterogeneity,pluralistaccountsofthegoodandtheunassimilablealterityoftheother. ShallwesuspectaDeweyanpreferenceforhomogeneityandtherebypartcompanywithDeweyon thispoint? LetusthinkthisthroughbyconsideringanotherrelevantpassagefromDemocracyandEducation. Thepassagebeginswithheterogeneityandendsinpraisinghomogeneity. Itsbeginningispolitically interesting,asitfocusesonthemulti-ethnic/multi-culturalstate. Deweydiscussesthediversityof groupsinhissocietyandtracesitbacktofourpractices,whichhappentobevaluedbymanythinkers today. Theseare: commerce,transportation,intercommunication,andemigration. InDewey’swords, ‘withthedevelopmentofcommerce,transportation,intercommunication,andemigration,countries liketheUnitedStatesarecomposedofacombinationofdifferentgroupswithdifferenttraditional customs’ [1] (p. 26). Dewey’s developmentalist historical account misses another major practice: that of emptying African lands from their people, of turning them into human cargo to enslave themforfreelabour—freehereinthesenseofgot-for-nothing—andof‘emptying’thosepeoplefrom theirlanguages,customsandcultures. Inaddition,thevaguenotionofemigration—whichevokes ethically-neutralmovementandisnowemphasizedandoftenutopianizedinpoliticalphilosophy andeducation—blocksviewofanotherreality,thatofexpansionthroughmovement. Deweyomits colonialexpansionhereasapracticethateffecteddiversification. Inaddition,hecertainlyomitsthe politicaldetailthatexpansionsecuresimperialspaceinsteadofservingnation-stateconstructionon JohnStuartMill’swell-knownprincipleofonepeople/oneland/onegovernment. More,toFrank Margonis,imperial-colonialexpansionismandthemythofexplorationofnewfrontiersunderpins passages in Dewey’s work that refer to America’s “‘period of natural and unconscious expansion geographically,thetakingupofland,thediscoveringofresources,”whereEuropeansseized—not MexicanorIndianlands—buta“wealthofunusedterritory’”[2](p. 301). IammentioningsuchomissionsonlytoindicatethatDewey’snarrativeofpoliticaldiversity beautifies(andinsodoingde-politicizes)aspecificnation-buildinggenealogyinmuchthesameway inwhichweoftenglorifytheglobalandmobileinourcurrentrealitieswhileoverlookingthroughwhat processesandduetowhatandwhoseliabilitiesthe‘currentcosmopolitancondition’oftransportation, Educ.Sci.2017,7,20 3of13 emigration,andthelikehasbeeneffectedandwhetheritmeritstheadjective‘cosmopolitan’. Consider herethequotationfromtheCallforPapersinthefirstparagraphofmyintroduction. Ittakesmuch utopianizationofthecurrentconditiontocallit‘cosmopolitan’ratherthanmerely‘global’; unless the term ‘cosmopolitan’ is divested of any ethico-political normativity merely to signify mobility, cross-culturalencounteranddispersalofideasandpractices. Formyobjectionstoallthis,see[3]. Atanyrate, Deweycontinuesbyconnectinghisnarrativeofprogressanddevelopmentwith an education burdened with the responsibility to foster the required dose of homogeneity: ‘It is thissituation[ofheterogeneity—M.P.]whichhas,perhapsmorethananyotheronecause,forcedthe demandforaneducationalinstitutionwhichshallprovidesomethinglikeahomogeneousandbalanced environmentfortheyoung’[1](p. 26). Deweyregisterstheheterogeneitythathistoricalprocesses haveeffectedassomethingtoberegulatedormitigatedandtaskstheinstitutionofeducationwith providingthemissingcommonethos. Why? Inhiswords,‘onlyinthiswaycanthecentrifugalforces setupbyjuxtapositionofdifferentgroupswithinoneandthesamepoliticalunitbecounteracted’[1] (p. 26). Within the common space of schooling: differences are contained; diversity is politically harnessedawayfromcentrifugalrisks;andcommitmenttoone’scultureturnsintoharmlessfolklore. ‘Theinterminglingintheschoolofyouthofdifferentraces,differingreligions,andunlikecustoms createsforallanewandbroaderenvironment. Commonsubjectmatteraccustomsalltoaunityof outlookuponabroaderhorizonthanisvisibletothemembersofanygroupwhileitisisolated’[1] (p. 26). ThentherecomesDewey’spraiseoftheAmericaneducationalcontributiontoaccomplishing thepatrioticbond: ‘TheassimilativeforceoftheAmericanpublicschooliseloquenttestimonytothe efficacyofthecommonandbalancedappeal’[1](p. 26). Deweyvaluesdiversitysolongasitisno renegade–justasmanythinkersdotoday.Wemaynoticetwokindsofheterogeneityandhomogeneity operatingwithinthismindset: heterogeneityofculturesisvaluedsolongasitisnotaccompanied withheterogeneityofpoliticalends. Homogeneityisaffirmedonlywhenitframeslargerpoliticalends, andnotwhenitcomesclosetohomogeneityofmonoculturalism—thoughnocompellingargument isprovidedastowhyahomogenousculture(ifsuchathingexistsorhaseverexisted)isbylogical necessitypernicious. In “Nationalizing Education” [4], a 1916 essay whose centennial anniversary we could also celebrate, Dewey uses multicultural, heterogeneous nationalism, which he likens to an admirable internationalism,preciselytodemarcatethepoliticalsuperiorityofhiscountryoverEuropeanstates ongroundsoftheformer’sdiversityagainstthelatter’ssupposedhomogeneity. ContrastingUSand EuropeanpoliticalspaceDeweyemphasizesthathisnationis‘itselfcomplexandcompound. Strictly speakingitisinterracialandinternationalinitsmake-up’. Itcontains‘amultitudeofpeoplesspeaking differenttongues,inheritingdiversetraditions,cherishingvaryingidealsoflife. Thisfactisbasicto ournationalismasdistinctfromthatofotherpeoples’[4](p. 204). Heextrapolatesthat‘ourunity cannotbeahomogeneousthinglikethatoftheseparatestatesofEurope’[4]. Dewey’sgeneralization aboutstatesofEuropeis,ofcourse,falseoftheEuropeof1916,ifweconsidercolonialismandthe subalterndiversitythatsomesupposednation-statesofEurope(infact,empires)comprised. Certainly, asArmenMarsoobianremarks,Dewey’sgeneralizationisalsofalseofEuropetoday[5]. WemayfurthercomplicateDewey’snarrative,thistimebyreferencetoAlaskaortothe1898 Spanish-AmericanWar,tothecolonieswhichthatwaraddedtoAmericanterritoryandtoadifferent kindofdiversityitinvolved,thatofthecolonized. AlthoughAlaskahadbeenpopulatedforthousands of years by indigenous peoples, from the 18th century onward, European powers considered its territory ripe for exploitation. The Russian colonial era of Alaska ended when the United States purchasedit(anothersenseofcommerce,differentformthecommercethatDeweymentionedinhis narrativeofAmericandevelopment)fromRussiaon30March1867. IntheSpanish-AmericanWarof1898theU.S.defeatedSpainandacquireditscoloniesinthe Philippines, Puerto Rico, Cuba and Guam. This event was followed by the Philippine-American war(1899–1902). OneofthemajorvictoriesduringtheSpanish-AmericanWarwasbroughtabout byanotherDewey,AdmiralGeorgeDewey. Itisinterestingthat,assourcesofthetimesshow,the Educ.Sci.2017,7,20 4of13 imperialprinciplesor‘values’behindthewarwereopposedbyanAnti-ImperialistLeaguein1898 (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/American_Anti-Imperialist_League)whichincludedanimpressive listofpoliticians,academics,andauthors. JohnDeweywassaidtobeamongthemalreadyattheinitial stages(butIhavenotfoundothersourcesortextualevidenceinanyofDewey’sworksthatmight corroboratethis;so,thispointrequiresfurtherresearch). Nevertheless,thefollowingwebsiteincludes importantinformationonthiswarandreactionstoitonthepartoftheLeagueonanti-colonialgrounds andindefenseofthenation-stateterritorialityandofself-determination,freedomandindependence: http://oll.libertyfund.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1592&Itemid=263. Asweproceedinthisarticle,considerthecontradictionsthatsurfaceifDewey’sstanceonthis matterwasanti-imperialistwhilsthispositionintheReportandespeciallyinother,relatedtextswas fraughtwithcolonialresiduesandimperialrationalizationsofdeportationsandgenocides. Theclaims toindependenceofsomeoftheacquiredUScolonies,e.g.,theclaimsofthepeopleofPuertoRico, a couple of decades later [3] come to remind us that ‘varying ideals of life’ also included political demandsmadebythecolonizedonwhichDeweyhadnotbeenadequatelyeloquent. BythisIdonot meanthatDeweyshouldhavedirectlywritten,say,aboutPuertoRico,itsindependencestruggleand USpolicyonit. However,asaphilosopher-educatorwritingabouthiscountrydevelopingintoits thenstatusthroughcommerce,migration,etc.,andintoademocraticstatethroughpoliticaleducation, DeweyshouldhavenotoverlookedhowexamplessuchasPuertoRicoorissuesofexpansionand slavery complicated the smooth narrative of state-development which he was propounding. Like manytheoriststoday,Deweylimitsheterogeneitytoculturalvariationandfailstothinkitthroughto itspoliticalimplicationsandstakes. Deweyisparticularlyappreciativeofindividualdiversity,andthusuptodateconcerningcurrent philosophical-educationalsensibilities. Hegivesdiversityacentralroleinhisvisionofademocratic society and education so long as diversity contributes to growth: ‘a progressive society counts individual variations as precious since it finds in them the means of its own growth’. Therefore, ‘ademocraticsocietymust,inconsistencywithitsideal,allowforintellectualfreedomandtheplayof diversegiftsandinterestsinitseducationalmeasures’[1](p. 314). However,howdoesDeweyspeak aboutacollectiveothernesswhichheplacesatalowerdevelopmentalstage? Isthatdiversityalso presentin,evenpreciousto,ademocraticsociety? Collectivitiesof‘lower’progressanddevelopment comeupassavageandbarbaricgroupsinDemocracyandEducation. BelowIprovidesomeexamples andunpackthispoint. Dewey’sdistinctionbetweenschoolingandinformalkindsofeducationisframedbydistinctions betweencivilizationandbarbarismaswellas‘developedversussavage’socialgroups.‘Inundeveloped socialgroups,wefindverylittleformalteachingandtraining. Savagegroupsmainlyrelyforinstilling neededdispositionsintotheyounguponthesamesortofassociationwhichkeepsadultsloyalto theirgroup. Theyhavenospecialdevices,material,orinstitutionsforteachingsaveinconnection withinitiationceremoniesbywhichtheyouthareinductedintofullsocialmembership. Forthemost part,theydependuponchildrenlearningthecustomsoftheadults,acquiringtheiremotionalsetand stockofideas,bysharinginwhattheeldersaredoing. Inpart,thissharingisdirect,takingpartinthe occupationsofadultsandthusservinganapprenticeship;inpart,itisindirect,throughthedramatic playsinwhichchildrenreproducetheactionsofgrown-upsandthuslearntoknowwhattheyare like’[1](p. 11). My attention here is neither to the accuracy or inaccuracy of Dewey’s socio-anthropological generalitiesnortohisdismissiveattitudetowardthatparticular,‘undeveloped’learningbydoing. Iammoreinterestedinhisinvestingdiversitywithadiversifiedvaluethatqualifieswhichkindof alteritycountsasacceptableorusefulanddisqualifiesthatwhich,toDewey,representsasurpassed stage in educational and societal development. Dewey’s narrative of development and progress unfoldswithareferencetotheevolutionofcivilizationwhichevokessuchqualifications: ‘Tosavages itwouldseempreposteroustoseekoutaplacewherenothingbutlearningwasgoingoninorderthat onemightlearn’[1](p. 12). ‘Butascivilizationadvances,thegapbetweenthecapacitiesoftheyoung Educ.Sci.2017,7,20 5of13 andtheconcernsofadultswidens. Learningbydirectsharinginthepursuitsofgrown-upsbecomes increasinglydifficultexceptinthecaseofthelessadvancedoccupations. Muchofwhatadultsdois soremoteinspaceandinmeaningthatplayfulimitationislessandlessadequatetoreproduceits spirit. Abilitytoshareeffectivelyinadultactivitiesthusdependsuponapriortraininggivenwiththis endinview. Intentionalagencies—schools—andexplicitmaterial—studies—aredevised. Thetaskof teachingcertainthingsisdelegatedtoaspecialgroupofpersons’[1](p. 12). Whetherthisnarrative doesfullhistoricaljusticetohowScholaiemergedintheancientGreekworldwhoseprimaryobjective wasnotquitethetransmissionofusefulknowledgeandinwhichschoolmeantpauseforthoughtand freetimeisbeyondtheconfinesofthisarticle. However,whatismoreimportanthereisthateducation acquiresa‘civilizingmission’roleinDewey’sdevelopmentalistgenealogy. DeweybeganhisDemocracyandEducationwiththestrikingontologicalaphorismthat‘lifeisa self-renewingprocessthroughactionupontheenvironment’[1](p. 5)anddistinguishedlivingand inanimatethingsinvirtueoftheformer’spreservationthroughtheirrenewalofexistence. Hestated that‘themostnotabledistinctionbetweenlivingandinanimatethingsisthattheformermaintain themselvesbyrenewal’[1](p. 5)andemphasizedthateducationhadacrucialpositionintheprocess ofsocialdevelopment. ‘Eveninasavagetribe,theachievementsofadultsarefarbeyondwhatthe immaturememberswouldbecapableofiflefttothemselves’. Thegapbetweentheoriginalcapacities oftheimmaturehumanbeingsandthestandardsandcustomsoftheeldersincreases‘withthegrowth ofcivilization’[1](p. 7). Thegrowthofcivilizationisnatural, thoughnotinthesenseoflinearor physically pre-programmed. ‘Mere physical growing up, mere mastery of the bare necessities of subsistence will not suffice to reproduce the life of the group. Deliberate effort and the taking of thoughtfulpainsarerequired’. Humanbeingsareborn‘notonlyunawareof,butquiteindifferent to,theaimsandhabitsofthesocialgroup’,and‘havetoberenderedcognizantofthemandactively interested. Education,andeducationalone,spansthegap’[1](p. 7). Becausetherenewalthrough successivegenerationsisnotautomatic,fallingbacktolongsurpasseddevelopmentalstagesisthe constantdangerofasocialsystemwhichwouldfailtodevelopaneducationastransmissionofculture tothenewgenerations. ‘Unlesspainsaretakentoseethatgenuineandthoroughtransmissiontakes place,themostcivilizedgroupwillrelapseintobarbarismandthenintosavagery’[1](p. 8). Thus, inthispassage,educationisstrictlyunderstoodasa‘damofcivilization’sinceitguaranteesacivilizing acculturation,blocksbarbarismandsavageryanddemarcatesthecorrespondingsocio-politicalspaces. WhereasdemocraticeducationandsocietyconstituteDewey’sutopianvision,thebarbaricandsavage societiesseemheretoconstitutehisfearedalternatives,thedystopianizedspacestobekeptatbay. In Democracy and Education, the ‘barbaric’ and ‘savage’ occupy the political space of the dreaded ‘otherness’,beckoningfromafarwhenevermeliorativesocietalandeducationaladvancementtoward abetterfutureisatrisk. Whataboutthatwhichoccupiesthemiddlespaceandtheintermediatetime(neithersurpassed dystopianoraccomplishedutopia),thatis,whataboutDewey’sownsociety? Itwasasocietywhich hadnotyetimplementedDewey’seducationalrecommendationsandhadnot,therefore,reachedthe stageoftheenvisionededucationalandsocietalutopia. Norwasit,however,asbadasthedystopian conditionofbarbarismletalonesavagery. WemayobtaininsightintohowDeweyplaceshisown society in relation to utopia from his short essay ‘Dewey Outlines Utopian Schools’ [6]. There he offersabriefaccountofthemainpedagogicalprinciplesofanimaginary,Utopiansocietyontowhich hehasprojectedhiseducationalrecommendationsandmadethemappearasaccomplishedreality. Inthatessay,thenaturalandthedevelopmentalareemphasized,theknowledgeofuselessfactsis setagainstdevelopingusefulattitudesandahomologyisdrawnbetweentheaccumulativespirit ofDewey’sacquisitivesocietyanditsprivilegeonknowledgeacquisitionandaccumulation(which Dewey,ofcourse,condemns). HecontrastshisownsocietytotheUtopian,depictingtheformeras adevelopmentalstagesurpassedbythelatterthroughthenaturaldevelopmentoftheappropriate education(ofproblem-solving,learning-by-doing,etc.). Educ.Sci.2017,7,20 6of13 EducationinDewey’s‘Utopia’issonaturalthatthefirstcasualtyisinterrogation. TheUtopians donottakeDewey’squestionsseriously: ‘whenIaskedafterthespecialobjectivesoftheactivityof thesecenters,myUtopianfriendsthoughtIwasaskingwhychildrenshouldliveatall’[6](p.138). The reason for this was a faith in ontogenetic developmentalism (each person should grow and develop)thatrenderedmeaninglessanyendotherthansecuringnaturalgrowth: AfterImadethemunderstandwhatImeant,myquestionwasdismissedwiththeremark thatsincechildrenwerealiveandgrowing,“ofcourse,we,astheUtopians,trytomake theirlivesworthwhiletothem;ofcourse,wetrytoseethattheyreallydogrow,thatthey reallydevelop.”Butasforhavinganyobjectivebeyondtheprocessofadevelopinglife, theideastillseemedtothemquitesilly. Thenotionthattherewassomespecialendwhich theyoungshouldtrytoattainwascompletelyforeigntotheirthoughts[6](p. 138). Awareness of ontogenetic developmentalism and of its connection with growth and natural learning/selection/processesledtoaneducationaldevelopmentalismwhichevokedsomeofDewey’s ideasinDemocracyandEducation: Astheirinterestintheyoungdevelops,theirownfurthereducationcentresmoreandmore aboutthestudyofprocessesofgrowthanddevelopment,andsothereisaverysimilar processofnaturalselectionbywhichparentsaretakenoutofthenarrowercontactwith theirownchildreninthehomesandarebroughtforwardintheeducationalnurtureof largernumbersofchildren[6](p.137). Dewey’sutopiantextisalsointerestingfortheconjugaldimension,theimplicitheteronormativity andtheaffirmationofthefamilyinstitution: ‘Theadultswhoaremostactivelyconcernedwiththe younghave,ofcourse,tomeetacertainrequirement,andthefirstthingthatstruckmeasavisitor toUtopiawasthattheymustallbemarriedpersonsand,exceptinexceptionalcases,musthavehad childrenoftheirown. Unmarried,youngerpersonsoccupyplacesofassistanceandserveakindof initiatoryapprenticeship’[6](p. 137). Amongstotherthings,theseideasbreakdecisivelywithPlato’s radicalutopianistchallengeoffamilyintheRepublicandwiththeabsenceofheteronormativityin Stoicutopias. Thus,theyinviteinterestingcomparisons. However,adiscussionofthispointgoes beyondtheconfinesofthepresentarticle. But the advanced stage of utopia was not only ontogenetic and educational. It was also phylogenetic(society/thespeciesshouldgrowanddevelop),sincetheutopianspacesymbolizeda higherlevelhumanitythathadovercomethepastinwhichDewey’sownsocietylived. TheUtopians ‘askedwhetheritwastruethatinourdaywehadtohaveschoolsandteachersandexaminationsto makesurethatbabieslearnedtowalkandtotalk’[6](p. 138). ThetimelycuriosityoftheUtopians aboutDewey’sworldintroducesaspatio-temporalincongruitythatservesDewey’srhetoricalstrategy ofprojectinghiseducationalphilosophyontheutopian,advancedsociety. AstheUtopiansexchange ideaswithDewey,theycriticizetheacquisitivesocietyofDewey’stimesanditsprevalent‘measure andtestofachievementandsuccess’[6](p. 139). TherenewaloftheexistenceofDewey’ssociety requiredaneducationwhichwouldassistitinovercomingitsacquisitivenessandinapproximating thevisionofademocraticandnaturallydevelopedsocietysuchastheutopianiconoftherelevant text. Thus,wemayansweraffirmativelytothequestionposedbytheCallforPapersoftheseminarat whichtheshorterversionofthispaperwaspresented: ‘MayDewey’spoliticalphilosophyoffertools forthecriticismofthosetrendsinEuropeanpoliciesthatseemmoretobemodeledaccordingtothe demandsoftheglobalmarketizationthanfromideasondemocratizationandcitizenshipeducation?’ Yet,question-raisingratherthanproblem-solvingshouldcontinueinthedirectionoftheuse-lessrather thanoftheusefulinDewey’sthought. 3. Dewey’sVisittoTurkey AstheCallforPapers(oftheseminarwhichhostedtheinitialairingofmyideasonthematter) specified,‘thewaysinwhichDemocracyandEducationhasbeentravelingoverthelastcenturymay Educ.Sci.2017,7,20 7of13 helptosituateandconceptualizeeducationalpolicies,theoriesandexperiencesthroughouttheworld’. Morebroadly,inrelationtoDewey’seducationalphilosophy,ThomasPopkewitz’[7]editedbookon DeweyandthetravelingofpragmatismineducationhasalreadyinitiatedanexplorationofDeweyasa ‘travelinglibrary’persona. Questionssuchas: ‘Whatdoesitmeantotranslateaphilosophicalthinking into different contexts and language? How can we measure the success of translation?’ [8] (p. 1) importantlyretrievetranslationasanaspectoftravel. Howdotheprinciplesofdemocracyandeducation becometransformedwhentheyformtheideologicalbaggageofthetravelingphilosopher/educator, whentheyarepartofhis‘travelinglibrarypersona’? HowdothoseDeweyanideasthatseemoflasting andcurrentsignificancelooklikefromtheprismofhowthetravelingphilosophernegotiatedthem withinadifferentcontext? Thisprism,Ihope,willhaveadeconstructiveeffectbyrevealingthat,then asnow,generalitiesaboutrespectingdiversity,promotingdemocracy,valuingminoritiesandsoon remainanemptylettersolongastheyremainvagueandde-politicized. Concretepoliticalissuesand theirhandlingbypublicintellectualsconstituteatouchstonewhereverbalcommitmentsandpolitical declarationsaretestedastowhetherthey,assuch,drawusintosomethingbetterortheycouldrightly standaccusedofhollowrhetoric. Todeploymyargument,IwillnowturntooneofDewey’stravels andtohiseducationalrecommendationstoanothercountry. Iwillask: howdoesDewey’sjourney toTurkeyillustratehisownunderstandingandapplicationofhisideasaboutdemocracy,diversity andminority? KemalAtaturkinvitedDeweytoTurkeyin1924andrequestedfromhimthecompositionofa reportandrecommendationsuponTurkisheducation. Dewey‘hadlongstruggledintheeducational reform movement in the United States’ but, given the local nature of American schools, ‘this was always a highly fragmented and piecemeal endeavor’ [5] (p. 1). Hence, the invite to the journey andtowritingrecommendationsfortheconstructionofTurkisheducationpracticallyfromscratch ‘musthavebeenanattractivepropositionforDewey’. AsArmenMarsoobiancomments,nowDewey ‘wasgivenanopportunitytomakeproposalsthatcouldbeimplementedonasystematicnation-wide basis’[5](p.1). Elsewhere[9]IdiscussDewey’s‘ReportandRecommendations’[10](henceforthReport)inmuch moredetail. HereIwillsumupmypoints. TheReportisveryinterestingnotonlyforwhatitstates butalso,perhapsmore,forwhatitfailstostate. Letusfirstseewhatitstates: ‘fortunately,thereisnodifficultyinstatingthemainendtobesecured bytheeducationalsystemofTurkey. ItisthedevelopmentofTurkeyasavital,free,independent,and layrepublicinfullmembershipinthecircleofcivilizedstates’[10](p. 275,emphmine). Byimplication, inlinewithbroadercolonialidiomsandattitudes,thisdevelopmentalistparlancecouchesthemain educationalendina‘barbarismversuscivilization’idiomandrendersDewey’srecommendations partofacivilizingmission. Surprisingly,insteadofdirectlyaspiringtoautopianiconsuchastheone thathadguidedhisowndeploymentofpedagogicalidea(l)sinDemocracyandEducation,toDewey, TurkeyshouldstrivetojointhesocietiesthatDeweyconsideredacquisitiveandinanothertexthad characterizedas‘villains’and‘meddlers’[11]. Further,andincontrasttoDewey’sessayonUtopia wherehisownstateshouldaspiretoanasyetunaccomplishededucationalandsocietalvision,Turkey shouldmodelitselftoDewey’sownsocietyanditscircle,whichisnowutopianized(setasanicon). Now, let us focus more on what is not stated in the Report: the string of adjectives which pre-conditionsthefullmembershipinthecircleofthecivilizedcontainsnorelational,transitiveterms thatwouldhavemadenation-buildinganethico-politicallymoredemandingoperation. Forinstance, adjectivessuchas‘non-predatory’,‘non-imperialist’,etc.,aremissing,probablybecauseDeweyiswell awarethathecannotusesuchwordstodescribethecircletowhich, inhisview, thenascentstate (Turkey)shouldaspire. Then,Deweyspecifieswaystoachievetheendofjoiningthecircleofcivilizedstates: ‘theschools must(1)formproperpoliticalhabitsandideas’;[suchas? wemayask]‘(2)fosterthevariousformsof economicandcommercialskillandability;and(3)developthetraitsanddispositionsofcharacter, intellectualandmoral,whichfitmenandwomenforself-government,economicself-supportand Educ.Sci.2017,7,20 8of13 industrialprogress’;noticeherethat,again,anyrelationalratherthanself-centeredqualifierismissing. Dewey concretizes such traits and dispositions as follows: ‘namely, initiative and inventiveness, independence of judgment, ability to think scientifically and to cooperate for common purposes socially’[10](p. 275). Onceagain, nohigherdemandsaremadeonthesocialselfofthekindthat wouldhavedirectrelevancetohowtheotheristreatedwithinandoutsidethecountry. Mostpoliticaleducationandphilosophytodaycelebratesgeneralitiesaboutrespectingdifference but offers no concrete and challenging examples to illustrate how such respect materializes in demanding and difficult political situations. Likewise, Dewey’s Report says nothing about the education of minorities in Turkey. As Marsoobian notes, ‘granted that as a result of the genocide, massacresandpopulationexchanges,therewerenoArmenians(except“hiddenArmenians”)orGreeks left in Turkey aside from those in Constantinople, there were still significant numbers of other minorities,includingKurds,Alevis,Ezidis,Assyrians,Chaldeans,Laz,Caferis,Roma,Circassiansand Jews’[5](p. 7). WeknowfromoneofDewey’srelatedtravelnarratives[12]thatDeweywasclearly informedabouttheexistenceofsomeoftheseminorities. Still,norecommendationsorcautionary remarksabouttheirtreatmentsurfaceinhisReport. TheDeweyoftheReportonlyreferstoaharmlessandnaturalizeddiversity. Anonymizedor naturalized through references to a localism of diverse modes of working (e.g., agriculture, etc.), diversity does not become a vehicle of higher ethico-political demands on the state: ‘the central ministryshould[... ]notmerelypermitdiversificationbutpromoteit,andeveninsistuponit’[10] (p. 281). Howandinrelationtowhat? HereisDewey’sresponse: ‘Itwouldtaketheleadinstudying theproblemsandneedsofdifferentportionsofthecountry,andindicatethekindoftopics,materials andmethodsadaptedtomaritime,pastoral,fruit-growing,grain-growing,cotton-raising,silk-worm districts, to urban industrial and commercial districts and the special industrial capacities of each region’[10](p. 281). WhileinTurkey,Deweynoticed‘alargeamountofunusedlandandofpubliclyownednatural resources’[10](p. 284). Inaddition,inhisReport,herecommendsthata‘certainamountofthisland shouldbesetasideineachprovince,allthefuturerevenuesofwhicharetobedevotedtotheschools of that province. Dewey sees this land as profitable but fails to ask how it became empty, why it lookedlikethecolonialterranulliusfreeforthetakingandcultivation. Byoverlookingsuchquestions hefurtherfailstonoticethecomplicationsregardinggeneralitiesaboutdemocracyanddiversityan answertothesequestionswouldcause. ProvingrightMargonis’[2]commentsonDewey’sfailingto seethatthe‘wealthofunusedterritory’intheUSwas,infact,landbelongingtoIndiansandMexicans andseizedbyEuropeans,DeweycontinuestheargumentintheReportabouttheutilityof‘unused land’byreferencetoAmerica. ‘ThestatesoftheUnitedStateswhichintheirearlyhistoryadoptedthis methodhaveprofitedenormouslyfromit. Itmightbeoneofthedutiesofthefinancialcommission justreferredto,toprepareadefiniteschemeforsettingasideandallottingunusedlandstoschool purposes’[10](p. 284). Dewey’shomologyofTurkeyandofoneofthestatesinthecircleofthecivilized(whichTurkey shouldjoin)concerningmodernistopportunitiesfordevelopmentandutilizationoftheother’sland for school purposes reveals Dewey’s feelings of affinity with Turkey’s determination to preserve imperiallandandsecurethecolonialgainsofpastconquestsbymodernizingtheempire(inthegloss andfaçadeofthenation-state). Thisfrontierethoswithitsexpansionismoverthelandsofminorities providesastandpointfordeconstructingDewey’sdevelopmentalistvision. Thegapseparatingthe utopianizedspace(Turkey)fromtheutopiandestination(circleofthe‘civilized’)wasnotashugeas Deweyassumedwhenheinsertedbetweenthemthedistanceof‘thecivilized’andthedeveloping. Thoughsurelynotassimilable,thespacesonwhichDeweybestowedhisutopianismsharedatavery deeplevelmuchmorethanheseemed,orcurrentprogressivediscourseseems,awareof. Iwillreturn tosuchaffinitieslateron. Now,howdoesallthisrelatewiththegleaningsfromDemocracyandEducationinthefirstsection and the generalities about democratic habits, heterogeneity, pluralism, etc. which still go down Educ.Sci.2017,7,20 9of13 well in our world today? To Marsoobian, ‘Dewey clearly laid out the goals for public education’ inhisReport. ‘Thesegoalswereinharmonywithhiseducationalwritingsofthepreviousdecade, especiallyDemocracyandEducation’[5](p. 5). ToillustratethisharmonyMarsoobianstatesthat,inthe Report,Deweyemphasizes‘theneedtodevelopmethodsofinstructionanddisciplinesoastofoster democratichabits: “Methodsofdictation,arbitrarycontrolandmechanicalobediencedonotfitpupils tobecitizensinademocracy”’[5](p. 5). Yet, in my view, this harmony is disrupted by very telling silences in the Report such as the abovementionedandmanymore. Forinstance,inDemocracyandEducation,Deweystatesthat‘itis notenoughtoteachthehorrorsofwarandtoavoideverythingwhichwouldstimulateinternational jealousyandanimosity’[1](p. 102). Inaddition,herecommendsthat‘theemphasismustbeputupon whateverbindspeopletogetherincooperativehumanpursuitsandresults,apartfromgeographical limitations’[1](p. 103). Yet,nowhereintheReportdoesDeweymentiontheteachingofthehorrorsof war,letalonecontactandinteractionwithneighbours. Heonlymentionstravelsto‘modelcountries’, membersofthecircleofthecivilized.Finally,thereisnomentionofgenocidessuchasthoseagainstthe Armenians,theGreekPontiansandtheAssyrians,nocautionarycommentonthetreatmentofdiverse populationsandnovalorizationofheterogeneityasweencountereditinDemocracyandEducation. Thepublicationofthebookwhosecentennialanniversarywearecelebratingcoincidedwiththe ArmenianandothergenocidescommittedbytheTurkishregimein1915–1916—anothercentennial anniversary. UponreturningfromhisprofessionaljourneytoTurkeyin1924,thatis,someyearsafter thoseevents,DeweywroteamongstotherthingsaparagraphontheArmeniangenocide,practically condoningit.Dewey’s‘discussionoftheeventsof1915–1916’,which‘occupiesonlyoneparagraph’[13] (p. 375), has, since then, been globally disseminated and utilized by denialist propaganda. This paragraphconstitutes‘aterriblelapseinDewey’spoliticaljudgment—alapseinwhichhealsofailed toliveuptothestandardsofinquirysetforthinhisphilosophicalworks’. AsS.O’Dwyerexplains, ‘throughthislapse,DeweybecameoneofthefirstofasmallbandofWesternintellectualstorelativize orevendenytheArmenianGenocide’[13](p. 376). Thus,whenabroadandassignedwithataskofeducationalpolicywhichpromotedhiseducational philosophy,Deweyremainssilentaboutminoritiesandselectsfromhisideasthemostde-politicized ones, mainly those which relate to development and modernization, as recommendations to the regime which invited him. Moreover, he sides with the renewal of imperial existence and the preservation of control over conquered lands and peoples, not with the claims to freedom of the subaltern. Thoughitmaysomewhatdivertusfromourfocus,itisworthcontrastingherehowthe 1898PlatformissuedbytheAnti-ImperialistLeagueintheUSAagainsttheSpanish-AmericanWar defended subaltern peoples as follows: ‘we denounce the slaughter of the Filipinos as a needless horror’;‘wemaintainthatgovernmentsderivetheirjustpowersfromtheconsentofthegoverned’; ‘weholdwithAbrahamLincolnthat“nomanisgoodenoughtogovernanothermanwithoutthat other’sconsent’. (http://oll.libertyfund.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1592& Itemid=263). ThecontrastrevealsaDeweyancontradiction, ifitistruethatDeweysupportedthe Anti-ImperialismLeaguein1898(ofwhichhebecamethevicepresidentlater,i.e.,from1910to1920). Thenagain,DeweyisnotmentionedbyWilliamE.Leuchtenburg[14]amongthosewhooutspokenly opposedtheSpanish-AmericanWarwhenitbrokeout. Inaddition,Dewey’sattackonimperialism, e.g. regardingMexicoin1927didnotgodeeperthansomefashionablegeneralities,atleastenough forustodrawsomemoreconclusiveevidence. Martin[15](p. 294)summarizestheeventsofthe Spanish-AmericanwarbutisnotclearatallaboutDewey’sposition. Deweyhimselfmentionedthe ‘badaftertasteoftheSpanish-Americanwar’[4](p. 260)andmuchlaterhepraisedW.Jamesforhis indignantprotestattheAmerican‘seizureofthePhilipines’[16](p. 22). However,thisdoesnotshed adequate light on his exact position when the events had started or when they were taking place. LeuchtenburgregardsthefactthatmainlyconservativescriticizedtheSpanish-Americanwarand its conquests and that too few progressives were outspoken against the war (and this only when theconsequencesofthewarwererealized[14](p. 486)asadeepconnectionofprogressivismwith Educ.Sci.2017,7,20 10of13 imperialism. Leuchtenburgseesthisconnectionintheprogressivists’faithtoAmerica’sdemocratic mission [14] (pp. 485 and 501); their racialized views (e.g., toward the black people of America that made them more receptive to imperialism [14] (p. 498); their middle-class excitement with America’srisingasaworldpower;theirtendency‘tojudgeanyactionnotbythemeansemployed butbytheresultsachieved[14](p. 500);theirpreferenceforoutcomesratherthanfor‘finedistinctions and nice theories’ [14] (p. 500, emph mine); their unwillingness to ‘remold the world anew’, and theirself-understandingasamovement‘providingremediesforcertainspecificpoliticalabusesand economicills’. They‘wereinterestednotonlyinamoreequitabledivisionofthepie,butalsoinalargerpie todivide’[14](p. 503,emphmine). LetusnowreturntotheArmenianissue.WhatarewetomakeoutofDewey’sposition?Andmore, howcomeafiguresuchasDewey,endsupcontroversializingtheArmenianquestion? Idesignate as‘controversialization’thedeliberatecomplicationofapoliticalissuewhichattentiontoevidence wouldproveaveryclear-cutratherthancontroversialcase. Atypicalcaseistheeffortofsomecircles tocontroversializetheHolocaust,but,fortunately,currentWesternacademialargelyresistsfallinginto suchtraps. Unfortunately,however,theArmenianissuehasnotmetsuchfelicitousWesternresistances tocontroversialization. Relatedevidenceconcerningthe1915–1916genocidesanddeportationswas alreadyavailabletoDewey[13];hadhestudiedit,hewouldnothavecontroversializedtheArmenian issue. However, he totally bypassed it in his fascination with the modernizing project of Turkey. Controversializing issues which are clear-cut is, in my view, a most violent form of depriving the otherfromvoiceandrecognition. Controversializationofsuchissuesisthe‘invisible’tacticwhich perpetuatestheinvisibilityofthe‘other’(theno-count)inourcurrentdistributionofthereal(toadapt Rancière’s parlance), it remains unnoticed, or, when noticed, it is hastily bypassed as harmless or unworthyofeducationalattention. InsteadofthinkingthatDewey’sfailuresconstitutealongsurpassedstageinourthoughtwhose acknowledgementallowsustofocusexclusivelyonwhatinhisthoughtisstillusefultoday,Isuggest that we see them as indicative of why it may not always be advisable to focus on the fruitful and why we should sometimes explore the unsettling. To give an example, the Call for Papers that Ihavealreadymentionedasks: ‘MayDeweyofferfruitfuleducationaltoolsandperspectivesinour effortstointegraterefugees?’ Iinviteustothinkthisthroughbyreferencetothefollowingpointby MarsoobianonDewey’ssanitizationofethniccleansing: Dewey‘remarksthattheseparatingofthese populations[ArmeniansandotherethnicgroupsfromTurks]is“theonlyhopefortheavoidanceof futureatrocities”’[5](p. 15). ‘Wordssuchasthesethatindirectlyjustifyethniccleansingstilltakemy breathawaytwentyyearslater’,saysMarsoobian,referringtohisinitialreadingofDewey’stextsback inthe90s[5](p.15).Duetodeepaffinitiesofhispoliticalandintellectualmilieuwithcolonialmindsets (andotherreasonswhichIhaveindicatedin[9]),Deweyhadsomuchgivenintopropagandaand hadsounquestioninglyacceptedwhatheheardthroughhisownexperienceof‘learningbydoing’ thatheendedupcondoningprocessesofturningpeoplesintorefugees(inthatspecificcase). Likewise, ourquestiontodayshouldnotonlybehowtointegraterefugeesbutratherthroughwhatprocesses onebecomesarefugeeandwhethershewouldratherprefertohaveourhelpsoasnottobecomea refugeeinthefirstplaceinsteadofhavingnooptionbuttobeintegrated[17]. ‘Expressed in terms of the attitude of the individual the traits of good method are straightforwardness,flexibleintellectualinterestoropen-mindedwilltolearn,integrityofpurpose, andacceptanceofresponsibilityfortheconsequencesofone’sactivityincludingthought’[1](p. 187). TotheDeweyofDemocracyandEducation,‘intellectualgrowthmeansconstantexpansionofhorizons and consequent formation of new purposes and new responses. These are impossible without an activedisposition towelcomepoints ofviewhitherto alien’[1](p. 182). Thedisposition towhich Deweywasreferringwasopen-mindedness. Yet,thisdidnothelphimtolearnbyundoing,thatis,to alienatehimselfenoughfromthepoliticaltraditionofhisowncountryandofthebroaderWestern cultureofempirestransmutedintonation-states(whilepreservingimperialattitudesandoutlooks). DeweyadoptedwithtoofewquestionstheTurkishpropaganda,preciselybecauseitwasnotalien.

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