ERIC EJ1125648: Collectivists' Decision-Making: Saudi Arabian Graduate Students' Study Abroad Choices

2017·0.06 MB·English

by  ERIC

Journal of International Students, 7(1) 2017
Peer-Reviewed Article
ISSN: 2162-3104 Print/ ISSN: 2166-3750 Online
Volume 7 Number 1 (2017), pp. 94-112
© Journal of International Students
http://jistudents.org/
Collectivists’ Decision-Making: Saudi Arabian
Graduate Students’ Study Abroad Choices
Tamara Yakaboski
University of Northern Colorado, USA
Karla Perez-Velez
University of Northern Colorado, USA
Yousef Almutairi
University of Northern Colorado, USA
ABSTRACT
The authors in this qualitative study explored how Saudi Arabian students
selected a teaching focused research institution by examining Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia and U.S. national influences, institutional factors, and
personal influencers. Despite the continued rise in Saudi Arabian students
studying at U.S. universities, limited published research exists on this
unique student population. This study on Saudi graduate students
reconceptualizes the homogenous perspectives on international student
mobility. It demonstrates that study abroad decisions are not made from just
push-pull or economic factors but through culturally specific social
processes involving various actors both in and beyond their home country
as well as intermediaries that is indicative of a more collectivist society.
Keywords: Saudi Arabia, student mobility, college choice , international
students
I
nternational student decisions to migrate for graduate degrees are not only
made at the individual or family level but can be highly influenced and even
driven, by employers and governmental entities. Adding to the complexity
of college choice is how international graduate students select institutions
that lack a global ranking or reputation. The perspectives of two commonly
applied theories in international student mobility studies, push-pull
(Mazzarol & Soutar, 2002) and human capital (Becker, 1993), focus mostly
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on private benefits to the individual and public benefits for the home nation
state. However they fail to illuminate more nuanced or culturally specific
reasons why individuals participate in study abroad and where they end up
studying. Recent research within the international student mobility literature
has looked at the influence of international study abroad scholarships funded
by governmental programs (Perna, Orosz, Gopaul, Jumakulov, Ashirbekov,
& Kishkentayeva, 2014; Perna, Orosz, Jumakulov, Kishkentayeva, &
Ashirbekov, 2015). These programs are seen as governmental “intervention”
that increases student participation in transnational higher education and
play a role in student study abroad decisions (Paulsen, 2001; Perna, et al,
2015).
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) has developed a successful
government scholarship program through its commitment to the Saudi
Arabian education systems by educating citizens overseas in needed fields
of study. The KSA invests over $2 billion dollars annually to fund the main
international scholarship program, The King Abdullah Scholarship Program
(KASP). The King Abdullah Scholarship Program (active from 2005 –
2020) is an international scholarship program funded and run by the Saudi
government to provide quality higher education for qualified Saudis, to
bring about high levels of academic and professional standards, exchange
culture with other countries and build up a qualified and professional Saudi
staff and faculty (Hall, 2013). Additionally, many Saudi higher education
institutions also fund their employees to study abroad for advanced degrees
through institutional or employer sponsored scholarship programs (Higher
Education Council of Saudi Arabia, 1997).
The Saudi Arabian Cultural Mission (SACM) administers all KSA
scholarship programs and functions as the intermediary between U.S.
institutions and their counterparts in the KSA (SACM, n.d.). As with all
Saudi funded scholarships, students face a limit of which academic fields
and degree types the government will cover and they have a return
obligation, where recipients much return back to KSA after degree
completion (Perna, et al., 2014). While these governmental funding
programs are quite influential as in the case for Saudi students, they are not
absolute influencers on institutional choice.
The KSA is the fourth largest sender of students to the U.S. for
higher education for five years in a row, just behind China, India, and South
Korea, and over 20% of these Saudi Arabian students are at the graduate
level (Institute of International Education, 2015). Saudi students will
continue to study in the U.S. in steady numbers at least until 2020 when the
scholarship program is set to expire. Yet, even with the continuous rise in
Saudi Arabian students studying at doctoral/research universities (DRU) in
the U.S. since the scholarship programs began, limited published research
exists on what influences these student’s study abroad decisions as well as
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their national and institutional selections. While the Saudi Ministry of
Higher Education maintains a recommended list of approved universities,
this alone does not explain how Saudi students find their way to a DRU that
lacks a worldwide reputation and is more teaching focused. Therefore, the
purpose of this study was to explore Saudi student mobility at national,
institutional, and personal levels related to their decision making about
institutional choice.
LITERATURE REVIEW
The majority of international student mobility research focuses on national
level economic or education determinants rather than the individual level
(Becker & Kolster, 2012; Shanka, Quintal & MEdMan, 2006; Wei, 2013)
and some studies look at institutional choice as a by-product of national
choice (Chen, 2007; Lee, 2008). The decision to study in the U.S. over other
countries includes reasons, such as improving English language abilities
(Eder, Smith, & Pitts, 2010), economic factors (Wei, 2013), feelings of
safety (Lee, 2008; Shanka et al., 2006; Urias & Yeakey, 2009), and the
desire to experience the American culture (Eder, et al., 2010). For graduate
students specifically a U.S. doctoral degree implies an increase in
opportunities as well as research training (Zhou, 2015).
International students choose their institutional host site based on a
variety of factors and which factors have the most influence on a student
depends on their background and reasons for studying overseas (Bista &
Dagley, 2015; Lee, 2008). Two common reasons are prestige and national
ranking of institutions (Lee, 2008). Other researchers have found that the
use of recruiters (Becker & Kolster, 2012; Hagedorn & Zhang, 2011),
family and friend recommendations and networks (Eder, et al., 2010; Pimpa,
2003), and marketing (Lee, 2008; Shanka et al., 2006) all play roles in
informing the decision making process for international students studying in
the U.S. Location of the institutions in terms of cost of living or proximity
to urban environments or their home countries have also been found as a
minor influence (Lee, 2008; Shanka et al., 2006; Wilkins & Huisman,
2011).
Saudi Students as International Students
The literature on Saudi higher education students studying abroad
focuses on benefits of studying overseas (Heyn, 2013; Hofer, 2009) and
challenges with adjustment, academics, and values (Al-Nusair, 2000;
Rasheed, 1972; Shaw, 2010). Heyn’s (2013) dissertation confirmed limited
research on Saudi students studying in the U.S. Heyn indicated that 17
studies have been quantitative studies and five have been qualitative studies
all dedicated to Saudi students’ experiences and learning in the classroom
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and many of these are dissertations. Also, these 22 studies were published
over more than a 30-year time period, thus leaving researchers with an
incomplete understanding of current Saudi students’ institutional choice and
study abroad decision-making.
The few studies that have examined choice and reasons for studying
in the U.S. found that KSA government policies and current Saudi faculty in
KSA both play an important role (Denman & Hilal, 2011; Hall, 2013;
Onsman, 2012). Considering some version of a scholarship program has
been available over the last few decades and many current faculty at Saudi
Arabian universities were educated in the West, primarily in the U.S.
(Onsman, 2012), these same faculty may encourage their students to attend
their alma maters. One study limited to Saudi men found three dominant
reasons for studying in the U.S.: family ties, prestige of American
universities, and policies of the KASP (Hall, 2013). Another study identified
policies that might influence which country Saudi students choose for higher
education and explain mobility patterns (Denman & Hilal, 2011). Given the
increase of Saudi students studying overseas, this study attempts to bridge
the gap by offering a qualitative exploration into choice and decision-
making beyond just using governmental policies as the main or sole
influencer.
RESEARCH METHOD
Theoretical Framework
Much of the research on international students’ choice to study in
the U.S. has developed from push-pull migration theory (Lee, 1966). The
tendency is to view study abroad decisions as one directional; some factors
push students out of their home countries while others pull or entice students
to specific host countries (Altbach, 2004; Chen, 2007; Eder et al., 2010;
Mazzarol & Soutar, 2002; Wilkins & Huisman, 2011). Some studies suggest
that this framework fails to understand the complexity and nuances with
student mobility decisions (Lee, 2008; Yakaboski, 2013) and views
international students as a homogenous group (Gargano, 2009). Human
capital theory often is used in conjunction with push-pull theory and
assumes that students study abroad because it benefits them directly either
monetarily or in other ways, such as enjoyment or adventure (Becker, 1993).
This presents a narrow understanding of influences and students.
On the other hand, transnationalism theory explains structural
factors in international student mobility and work that is more recent has
argued for using it to examine students working with and within structures
across borders (Schneider, 2013). Transnationalism considers that
international students exist in transnational social fields with interlocking
networks of ideas, practices, and social networks (Gargano, 2009). Student
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Journal of International Students, 7(1) 2017
mobility and migration through a lens of transnationalism is about not only
material or financial transactions and gains but symbolic or cultural meaning
(Brooks & Waters, 2011). Transnationalism focuses on processes that are
not linear but highlights how multiple actors and structures may influence
students’ choices or how they may not view decisions as their choices but
decisions of other people or entities. Transnationalism helps to explain the
interplay between the international scholarship programs of KASP, SACM,
and Saudi institutions, U.S. institutions and students and their families as
well as cultural, religious, and gendered influences.
Given the unique interplay of national and cultural influences with
Saudi graduate student choice, this research sought to answer the following
research questions:
1. How do Saudi Arabian graduate students make study abroad
decisions at national, institutional, and personal levels when
sponsored by Saudi-based programs funded by either the
government or employers?
2. How are Saudi Arabian graduate students’ study abroad
decisions influenced by culture, religion, and gender?
RESEARCH METHOD
We used an interpretivist exploratory qualitative design due to a limited
foundation of literature on Saudi graduate student decisions and institutional
selection or choice (Creswell, 2014; Lincoln, Lynham, & Guba, 2011).
Interpretivism seeks to understand and interpret the lived experiences of
participants and uses these experiences to inform praxis (Lincoln, et al.,
2011). Interpretivism also identifies meaning as socially constructed and
interpreted by participants through interactions with their world, which was
important in order to not analyze the stories through a Western perspective
(Broido & Manning, 2002; Merriam, 2009).
Participants
We gathered data for this study from one mid-sized research
university (MRU) in the Western region of the United States. MRU is
located in a state among the ten highest for enrollment of Saudi students
(SACM, n.d.). Yet, the institution is a mid-sized, more teaching focused
research institution that enrolls a small but growing number of international
students with Saudi Arabia as the largest sender. Of the university
enrollment, international students (undergraduate and graduate) make up
only three percent of the student body representing 21 different countries at
the graduate level and 34 countries at the undergraduate level (MRU Impact
Profile, 2014). Saudi students consist of the largest population with a total of
164 Saudi students of the 367 international students at both undergraduate
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and graduate levels. Half of the Saudi students are at the graduate level
hence the decision to focus on the masters and doctoral degree seeking
students as opposed to those enrolled in undergraduate programs or the
institution’s English as a second language program. Of the 84 total Saudi
graduate student population exactly half are women.
Age Marriage
Pseudonym Sex Degree level Program of study
status
Ali Male Master Special Education 25 Married
Fahd Male Professional Nursing 34 Married
Omar Male PhD Education Technology n/a Married
Majed Male PhD Education Technology 28 Married
Ahmed Male Master Special Education 25 Single
Marwan Male Master Psychology 24 Single
Essa Male Master Special Education 30 Single
Saad Male PhD Applied Statistics 34 Married
Bandar Male Master Psychology 26 Married
Reem Female PhD Special Education n/a Did not share
Lamia Female PhD Psychology n/a Single
Rana Female PhD Education Technology n/a Married
Nasser Male PhD Special Education 32 Married
Yaser Male PhD Education Technology 40 Married
Atif Male Master Special Education 25 Married
Mohanad Male Master Education Leadership 42 Married
Saif Male Master Education Technology 25 Single
Ghada Female Master Education Technology n/a Single
After receiving institutional IRB approval, we invited Saudi students via
emails sent by MRU’s international student office requesting their
participation as well as personal invitations from one of the researchers.
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Eighteen Saudi graduate students were interviewed, eight doctoral, nine
masters, and one graduate level professional degree. All Saudi students
received pseudonyms to protect their confidentiality. See Table 1 for names
used and demographics. Even though the research team was mixed-gender,
it was much easier to recruit male students to participate. As a result, the
final sample included 14 male and four female participants. All were on full
scholarship from the government, KASP (8), or their employer institution
(10). The participants who were on institutional scholarship were teaching
faculty at Saudi higher education institutions and were working on terminal
degrees in the U.S.
Data Collection and Analysis
We followed the principles of qualitative research and case study
methods to conduct semi-structured interviews, which allowed the
participants and researchers to move freely from the initial questions to
other emergent topics and allowed the participant or researcher to probe
deeper into responses or further explain interview questions (Merriam,
2009). By conducting one hour face-to-face interviews, we were able to
develop themes about decisions and choices made by Saudi graduate
students that may guide future quantitative research. The participants were
interviewed in English instead of their native language but one of the
researchers served as an insider member and key informant that assisted in
not only identifying participants but advising the team in cultural
considerations and assisting with language challenges (Jones, Torres, &
Armino, 2006). Due to cultural and religious factors, the Saudi researcher,
as a male, interviewed the male students and the other two researchers as
females interviewed the Saudi women students.
To support the rigor and trustworthiness of the study given a
member of the team was an insider, the research team engaged in researcher
reflexivity (Jones, et al., 2006) assessing our integrity as a research team via
an audit trail and being explicit with our research design (Gibbs, 2007).
Transnationalism theory provided an analysis framework that pushed the
research team to think beyond a Western perspective and to incorporate a
variety of considerations from cultural, religious, gender, societal, and
governmental influences. All members of the research team developed
codes and themes and then shared responses for inter-rater reliability
(Maxwell, 2004; Patton, 2001). We resolved any coding and analysis
differences by discussing Western versus Middle Eastern cultural
understandings and interpretations until we reached consensus. For this
study’s participants, the most significant influencers functioned at the
national, institutional, and societal levels and were influenced by culture,
gender, and religion.
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RESULTS
U.S. and KSA National Level Influences
A narrative of U.S. prestige and quality education. Institutional rankings
and ratings seemed to matter less to these participants as they relied more
heavily on the known narrative that U.S. degrees were more prestigious and
of good quality compared to other countries, including their own. Reem
shared that,
It was my dream to come here and study in the USA. I found the
USA [degree] is, like, more valuable in Saudi Arabia. That study in
the USA is more valuable because it [is from a] very good
university, very high-ranking university and a good community, a
good educational system here in USA so that’s why they [SACM]
encourage us to come to the USA.
Yet, for Bandar, studying in the U.S. was not his dream but rather
something he felt pressured to do by his university employer:
I didn’t have a choice to study in another country, even my country,
which is home because my university wanted me to get a strong
academic experience, which they believe the United States has more
powerful academics than my country, especially in [specific social
science field].
Some participants reinforced the value of learning English as a
global language (Elyas, 2008) and experiencing cultures. Saad shared,
“since the English language is a world language it will open resources for
me, I can find more resources.” As Marwan said, “unless you have
experience, you have to go outside of your country, especially to the United
States and engage with the different cultures and gain new experiences.”
While it is not new that the participants considered it prestigious to
study in the U.S., one of the women expressed a gendered perspective to the
prestige. Lamia explained,
It [Saudi students studying overseas] used to be very rare but now I
think people are now used to the idea that, “yes, my son and my
daughter are studying abroad, and that’s okay.” But for conservative
families this is not okay, I mean, even if the government is sending
us. But I think it’s viewed positively for males that, yes, you will
continue your education. For girls, it’s not same, some of my uncles,
they still question my father, like, “what is she doing there?” but my
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mom and all the females in my family like my aunts, they’re excited
because this has a real benefit.
Prestige and family pride may not be universal when viewing study
abroad through a gendered, cultural perspective.
Absence of graduate programs and quality ones in Saudi Arabia. The
limited number of graduate level programs in Saudi Arabia required that
students leave their homes to gain terminal degrees in order to return and
grow Saudi Arabian programs and institutions. Participants often expressed
these decisions as feeling that they did not have a choice in going overseas
but rather that their institutions required them to temporarily migrate for
graduate education and then return to their job, which was especially the
case for the ten participants on institutional scholarship. Even the other eight
with KASP funding discussed the common goal of returning after
graduation and obtaining faculty positions in KSA higher education
institutions. A few of the participants discussed opportunity in the recent
growth of master’s level educational programs in fields that might not have
existed when they were undergraduate students in Saudi Arabia, such as
educational technology or special education.
It is a common strategy for a country to send students overseas for
advanced education when growing its own higher education system. As
Saudi departments and institutions expand, fewer students will study
overseas once they have the capacity and ability to train their own graduate
students. This is already shifting as Lamia expressed:
Because our universities don’t have graduate degrees. If you have a
doctorate, you must get it from outside so that’s why they send
people, mostly graduate students, because we didn’t have the
programs. We didn’t have schools teaching but now since I mean,
new graduates came home so now we have [graduate programs]. So
in my school that I graduated from, they still don’t have educational
psychology doctorate programs but I think they do you have a
masters program.
Educating graduate students overseas is a useful strategy when a
government requires that students return home after completing their
studies, such as what all Saudi Arabian scholarships require, which also
helps to prevent brain drain.
Another program concern is a perceived lower quality of
educational programs in Saudi Arabia due partially to a lack of focus on
research, which was seen as a strength to studying in the U.S. Lamia offered
a view on the absence of research in Saudi Arabia:
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Journal of International Students, 7(1) 2017
One of the things that I noticed about Saudi Arabia is that they don’t
focus on research. So when I arrived [in the U.S.], for example, I
Googled motivation and international students. Most of the
research, if it was done in the Middle East, it would be done either
in Israel, Egypt, United Arab Emirates, so Saudi Arabia is not really
focused on research. Which is sad because we need some research
institutions … and I think that we have to consider that back home
and start the research movement.
Saif expressed the need for Saudi institutions to incorporate other
practices and knowledge that can be gained abroad:
I’m an administrator at a university in Saudi Arabia, that is my
country, and actually we need to improve our education in Saudi
Arabia and I would like to merge some of the education from
another countries, like the United States, to our Arabic education.
Participants viewed U.S. graduate education as an opportunity to
develop KSA educational systems and knowledge. The participants were
aware that they were helping to grow and improve Saudi higher education
programs through their transnational temporary migration.
Saudi government or institutional sponsors. While the Saudi Ministry of
Higher Education maintains lists of approved U.S. educational programs and
institutions, it is the financial sponsors, through either KASP or individual
institutions, who influence both institutional and program of study choice.
All Saudi scholarship programs stipulate that students cannot change their
majors without prior sponsor approval and justification (SACM, n.d.). Three
participants discussed how they had wanted to study one field but were told
to study in a different, related field by their sponsor or government. As
Reem expressed, “I get accepted in psychology and educational technology
but my sponsor wants me to study gifted education, specifically, they didn’t
accept my change of major.” Saad explained this as the need for certain
majors and not for others in Saudi Arabia. Given that ten of the participants
were on institutional/employer scholarships and that they will return to their
university jobs, these students need to have graduate degrees that their home
departments can support and use.
Regardless of the prestige associated with studying in the U.S.,
some students preferred to have stayed in their home country for graduate
education. Atif said, “if I have a chance to study inside my country, I would
go there and I still want to go there. I didn’t have an option.” Also, Ahmed
said, “they [Saudi institutional employer] did not let me. I want to study
there because I wanted to stay with my family but they won’t let me. My
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