ERIC ED578736: Multi-Grade Kindergarten Classrooms and Children's Academic Achievement, Executive Function, and Socio-Emotional Development

2017·0.86 MB·English

by  ERIC

Submitted on October 11, 2016 Infant and Child Development
Revision 1 submitted on February 13, 2017
Revision 2 submitted on March 17, 2017
Accepted March 27, 2017

MULTI-GRADE KINDERGARTEN CLASSROOMS AND CHILDREN’S ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT,
EXECUTIVE FUNCTION, AND SOCIO-EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT

Running Head: Multi-grade Kindergarten Classrooms
Word Count: 122 (abstract), 6,988 (main text), 50 (references)
3 Tables, 1 Appendix, 0 Figures

Arya Ansari
University of Virginia

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to the first author at the Center for
Advanced Study of Teaching and Learning, University of Virginia, PO Box 800784,
Charlottesville, VA 22908-0784 (email: [email protected]). This research was
supported by grants from the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (R24
HD42849, PI: Mark Hayward; T32 HD007081-35, PI: R. Kelly Raley and Elizabeth Gershoff;
and R01HD069564, PI: Elizabeth Gershoff) awarded to the Population Research Center at the
University of Texas at Austin and by a grant from the Institute of Education Sciences, U.S.
Department of Education (R305B130013) awarded to the University of Virginia. I thank
Elizabeth Gershoff and Kelly Purtell for their helpful comments on and assistance with prior
versions of this article.
MULTI-GRADE KINDERGARTEN CLASSROOMS 2

Abstract
Using data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study Kindergarten Class of 2010-2011
(ECLS-K: 2011; n = 11,000), this study examined the developmental outcomes of 5-year-old
children in multi-grade classrooms (combined pre-kindergarten and kindergarten classrooms
serving 3-, 4-, and 5-year-olds) compared with 5-year-olds attending kindergarten-only
classrooms serving primarily 5-year-olds. Results from regression and propensity score analyses
revealed that 5-year-old children who attended multi-grade classrooms with pre-kindergarteners
made smaller gains in math and literacy skills and demonstrated less optimal executive function
at the end of the school year as compared with children who attended kindergarten-only
classrooms. Classroom-level factors largely explained the differences in children’s academic
achievement but did not consistently explain differences in their executive functioning. No
consistent differences emerged for children’s social-behavioral development.

Keywords: Multi-grade kindergarten classrooms; ECLS-K: 2011; Academic achievement;
Executive function; Socio-emotional skills
MULTI-GRADE KINDERGARTEN CLASSROOMS 3
The multi-grade education philosophy—defined as grouping children of two or more
grades into a single classroom—has long been a part of the U.S. educational system (Little,
2001; Veenman, 1995; Vincent, 1999). During the early elementary school years, these
classrooms serve up to 5% of children across the country (Thomas, 2012) and although they are
often encouraged from an educational standpoint, they typically arise because of economic and
logistical constraints (Burns & Mason, 2002; Little, 2001; Veenman, 1995). Whether these
classrooms help (or hinder) children’s school success, however, has been a subject of great
debate. Grounded in developmental theories of cognitive development (Vytgotsky, 1978) and
social learning (Bandura, 1986), some scholars argue that multi-grade classrooms can be more
effective than the single-grade model because children of various skills can stimulate each
other’s learning through modeling and scaffolding (Veenman, 1995). In contrast, other scholars
posit that children in multi-grade classrooms may exhibit fewer gains in early learning and
development because teachers may provide children with less challenging content as a means of
accommodating a wide range of skill levels, resulting in disengagement among older and more
skilled children (Mason & Burns, 1996; Urberg & Kaplan, 1986).
Given the conflicting empirical evidence and the long-standing model of single-grade
education, multi-grade classrooms require continued attention. Such inquiry is especially
necessary during the early elementary school years when children’s skills are more malleable
(Bornstein, Hahn, Putnick, & Suwalsky, 2014), and kindergarten in particular, which has grown
exponentially over the last several decades (Davis & Bauman, 2013) and constitutes a critical
developmental period for shaping children’s long-term life success (Duncan et al., 2007;
Entwisle & Alexander, 1989; Jones et al., 2015). Thus, with the rise in the number of children
attending kindergarten, coupled with the heightened emphasis on children’s early learning
(Bassok, Latham, & Rorem, 2016), we need to know whether the multi-grade model is more or
MULTI-GRADE KINDERGARTEN CLASSROOMS 4
less effective than the single-grade model when implemented during the transition to school. The
current study addresses these gaps in the literature by using data from the Early Childhood
Longitudinal Study Kindergarten Class of 2010-2011 and contrasting the early learning of 5-
year-olds attending multi-grade classrooms that serve both preschoolers and kindergarteners and
kindergarten-only classrooms. It should be noted this study cannot speak to the benefits or
drawbacks of these two types programs for: (a) the younger children (e.g., 3- and 4-year-olds);
and (b) for 5-year-olds enrolled in classrooms with older children, as these types of questions are
beyond the scope of this study and the data available.
Multi-Grade Classrooms and the Transition to School
Regardless of whether multi-grade classrooms are put into practice for pedagogical or
logistical reasons, the evidence behind multi-grade education is methodologically limited and has
focused on the experiences of older children in the later elementary school years (e.g., first or
second grade and beyond) rather than of children during the transition to school (Veenman,
1995). Prior evaluations of multi-grade educational programs have also been ambiguous. Studies
of multi-grade classrooms in Virginia (second to fifth grade, Spratt, 1986), New York (second to
fifth grade, Way, 1981), and California (kindergarten to third grade, Purl & Curtis, 1970) have
demonstrated academic effects that were positive, negative, and statistically indistinguishable,
respectively, and that aggregate to zero (Pratt, 1986; Veenman, 1995). Similarly, analyses of
elementary schools that have transitioned from a single-grade to multi-grade model for children
between the first and eighth grade years have demonstrated no significant changes in children’s
test scores (Proehl, Dogulas, Elias, Johnson, & Westsmith, 2013). In other words, despite the
strong and long-standing advocacy in support of multi-grade educational programs (e.g., Katz,
Evangelou, Hartman, 1990), the extant literature suggests that the multi-grade education model
produces similar academic outcomes as compared with the single-grade model.
MULTI-GRADE KINDERGARTEN CLASSROOMS 5
Most of these studies, and the multi-grade literature more generally, have been unable to
adequately address issues of selection, which may also contribute to differential effects across
studies and potentially bias findings in support for the multi-grade philosophy (see, Mason &
Burns, 1996). In other words, children are not randomly assigned to multi-grade and/or single-
grade classrooms, but rather, parents select whether to send their children to these schools, which
may also affect the child outcomes in question. Moreover, other economic and geographical
reasons might also be at play (e.g., there are no other alternative programs available). For
example, more experienced teachers are more likely to teach multi-grade classrooms and these
classrooms generally serve more advantaged children (Mason & Burns, 1996); therefore, any
observed benefits of multi-grade classrooms might be due to the socio-economic and educational
advantages of parents and teachers rather than children’s educational experiences in multi-grade
classrooms. Thus, despite the fact that multi-grade education dates back well over a century, the
research on this educational practice has remained in its early stages.
There are a few recent exceptions, however. In an analysis of the ECLS-K: 1998 cohort,
Thomas (2012) found no differences in the educational outcomes of first-graders who
experienced multi-grade (combination of kindergarten and first grade or first and second grade)
versus single-grade education. Unlike much of the existing literature, this study was able to
account for a rich set of child-, family-, and school-level characteristics as a means of ruling out
confounding factors. In contrast to these national data, in a quasi-experimental analysis of the
Los Angeles School District, Mariano and Kirby (2009) found that multi-grade classrooms had a
negative (roughly 10% of a standard deviation), effect on student achievement across the
elementary school years, even when examining the average treatment effect on the treated
through propensity score techniques. Similarly, analyses of elementary schools across the state of
California have revealed that the implementation of multi-grade classrooms for children in the
MULTI-GRADE KINDERGARTEN CLASSROOMS 6
second and third grade years resulted in lower test scores, with effects corresponding to 6-10% of
a standard deviation.
Of note is that each of these studies have generally focused on children of older ages
(first through fifth grade), which is critical as multi-grade and mixed-aged classrooms may be
particularly harmful for younger children. For example, recent analyses of the Head Start
program revealed that 4-year-old children who were enrolled in mixed age classroom performed
less well on assessments of math and literacy as compared with 4-year-olds who attended
classrooms with fewer younger children (Ansari, Purtell, & Gershoff, 2016). Similar patterns
have emerged in other evaluations of preschool programs from urban cities in the northeastern
United States (Moller, Forbes-Jones, Hightower, 2008). Consequently, the costs and benefits of
modern-day multi-grade and mixed-age classrooms are unclear, especially during the transition
to school, which has long-term implications for children’s life success (Duncan et al., 2007).
Mechanisms Underlying the Differences across Multi- and Single-grade Classrooms
The mechanisms through which multi-grade classrooms operate are also relatively
unknown, with one of the primary hypothesized pathways being peer learning. Social learning
theory suggests that, during these early years, learning often occurs through modeling, whereby
younger children can observe older and more competent children in the classroom and mimic
their behaviors and actions (Bandura, 1986). Additionally, older children can scaffold younger
children who, in turn, develop more independence and build on their kindergarten skills by
reinforcing each other’s abilities and, as part of this scaffolding process, older children can
cement their own skills and knowledge (Vytogsky, 1978). These principles of cognitive and
social-learning theories are the bedrock for the multi-grade educational philosophy and underlie
the peer effects literature (Justice, Logan, Lin, & Kaderavek, 2014; Mashburn, Justice, Downer,
& Pianta, 2009), which demonstrates that classmates can (and do) affect children’s learning.
MULTI-GRADE KINDERGARTEN CLASSROOMS 7
Advocates of multi-grade education also argue that these classrooms can promote the
school success of children by reducing the rigid expectations that result from single-grade
classrooms. In other words, children can learn at their own paces and skill levels (Katz et al.
1990), in part because teachers focus their instruction and daily activities on children’s individual
needs as opposed to the grade-level expectations. In an ideal classroom, even the oldest children
should receive the appropriate degree of novel instructional stimulation as compared with
children in single-grade classrooms. Thus, multi-grade classrooms can provide teachers with a
unique means of meeting the developmental needs of children of varying ages and abilities;
whether these theories work in practice, especially for older and more advanced children within a
classroom, has remained contested (Ansari et al., 2016; Bell et al., 2013; Justice et al., 2014;
Moller et al., 2008).
In contrast, opponents of multi-grade education argue that these classrooms may be less
conducive for children’s learning and development for a number of reasons (Mason & Burns,
1996). For example, there is a growing body of literature suggesting that children’s own abilities
shape and influence classroom standards and processes (Nurmi & Kiuru, 2015) so that, in
practice, multi-grade teachers often end up providing less individualized attention and less
challenging content to older children in the classroom (Mason & Burns, 1996). Teachers in
multi-grade classrooms may also have a more challenging time managing children who display a
wide range of academic and behavioral skills. Consequently, these teachers may have less time
to dedicate to whole group and small group instruction and, instead, may spend a greater amount
of time on classroom management and discipline, which may slow children’s academic growth
(Mason & Burns, 1996). Regardless of whether these pathways are direct or indirect, or whether
these effects are positive or negative, these classrooms present a unique opportunity to answer a
MULTI-GRADE KINDERGARTEN CLASSROOMS 8
basic developmental question that has received conflicting empirical support: whether the eldest
children make greater academic gains when they are with same-age or different aged peers.
The Current Study
This study attempts to bridge these gaps in knowledge by using data from the nationally
representative ECLS-K class of 2010-2011 to address three research questions: (1) What is the
current prevalence of multi-grade and kindergarten-only classrooms and what characteristics
distinguish them?; (2) How do the educational outcomes of 5-year-old children in multi-grade
classrooms compare with those of 5-year-olds in kindergarten-only classrooms?; And (3) What
are the mechanisms through which multi-grade classrooms affect 5-year-old’s school success?
Given the mixed evidenced regarding the benefits of multi-grade classrooms, I did not make
directional hypotheses. In addressing these questions, however, this study considers 5-year-old’s
academic outcomes as well as their executive function and socio-emotional development, both of
which shape children’s short- and long-term school success (Masten et al., 2012; McClelland et
al., 2013). Finally, this study also considers classroom organization, management and discipline,
instructional delivery, and self-directed and peer learning as possible mechanisms for differential
effects across multi-grade and kindergarten-only classrooms.
In sum, this study is poised to fill a critical gap in the existing literature that has provided
mixed empirical support for the effectiveness and efficacy of multi-grade education during the
early elementary school years. This investigation builds on the work of Thomas (2012) by
shifting the attention from the implementation of multi-grade education during the first grade
year to kindergarten, and using the most recent cohort of the ECLS-K. Thus, the findings
reported herein have potential implications for both developmental theory and educational policy
during a period of heightened accountability: on the one hand, if contemporary multi-grade
kindergarten classrooms have a deleterious effect for children’s educational outcomes, then
MULTI-GRADE KINDERGARTEN CLASSROOMS 9
programs that use these models need to be re-evaluated; on the other, if these programs foster
children’s school success, then multi-grade classrooms may present a unique opportunity to
educate young children during the transition to formal schooling. Finally, not only can this study
delve into the pros and cons of multi-grade education, but it can also help determine why these
educational programs influence children’s developmental outcomes.
Method
This study used a nationally representative sample of kindergarteners drawn from
the ECLS-K class of 2010-2011 (see Tourangeau et al., 2014). The ECLS-K included
approximately 18,760 children in both part- and full-day kindergarten programs across 970
schools in the U.S. The first stage of sampling was based on 90 primary sampling units (PSUs),
which were selected from a national sample that represented different counties and geographic
areas. At the second stage, 1,310 schools (80% public) were selected within the PSUs, with 970
eventually participating. Finally, in the third stage, up to 23 kindergarteners were selected per
school. It is important to note that the ECLS-K sampling frame was based on kindergarten
enrollment, not child age; thus, the results of this study reflect families with kindergarteners
during the 2010-2011 school year (for more information on sampling see, Tourangeau et al.,
2014). To date, these children have been followed through the end of the fourth grade year and
data were collected from multiple informants including direct child assessments as well as
parent, caregiver, and teacher reports of the home, community, and school context.
For the purposes of the current study, children were required to have: (a) a valid
longitudinal weight, ensuring that the data are nationally representative of the larger population
of children and families (and correcting for non-random attrition); (b) been enrolled in a
classroom that served only kindergarteners or served both pre-kindergarteners and
kindergarteners (more details provided below); and (c) been enrolled in a full day kindergarten
MULTI-GRADE KINDERGARTEN CLASSROOMS 10
classroom. The first exclusion criterion was in place because children without a longitudinal
weight were those who left the study sample by the end of kindergarten and, thus, did not
experience a full year in multi-grade or single-grade classrooms. The second exclusion criterion
meant that teachers who reported that they taught a classroom that included any grade beyond
pre-kindergarten or kindergarten were excluded from these analyses. These children were
excluded because the purpose of the study was to examine the effects of being a 5-year-old in a
classroom with pre-kindergarteners. Finally, the last exclusion factor was due to the fact that a
large number of multi-grade kindergarten classrooms were full-day programs. These three
exclusion factors resulted in a final sample of 11,000 children (per IES/NCES guidelines, all
sample sizes have been rounded to the nearest 10). See Table 1 for sample descriptives.
Measures.
Weighted descriptive statistics for the focal variables are presented in Tables 1 and 2,
separated by type of kindergarten class (i.e., kindergarten-only versus multi-grade classrooms).
All reported reliabilities are from the ECLS-K: 2011 user’s manual (Tourangeau et al., 2014).
Multi-grade classrooms. During the start of the school year, teachers reported whether
they taught a multi-grade classroom and, if so, what grade levels were included. Options
included pre-kindergarten, transitional kindergarten, regular kindergarten, first grade, second
grade, and third grade or higher. Teachers who said that they did not teach a multi-grade
classroom and/or reported that their class only served kindergartens were classified as teaching a
kindergarten-only classroom. In contrast, teachers who answered “yes” to teaching a multi-grade
classroom and reported that one of the grade levels included pre-kindergarten and a regular
kindergarten, were classified as multi-grade. Children were also classified as being enrolled in a
multi-grade classroom if teachers reported that they did not teach a multi-grade class (or they did
not respond to this question), but noted that their class served both pre-kindergarteners and