Economic History of West Africa

285 Pages·2014·1.07 MB·English

ECONOMIC HISTORY
OF WEST AFRICA
Edited by
PROF G.O. OGUNREMI
Department of History, Lagos State University
DR E.K. FALUYI
Department of History, University Of Lagos
REX CHARLES PUBLICATION
in association with CONNEL PUBLICATIONS
Published by
Rex Charles Publication
in association with
Connel Publications
P.O. Box 22015, University of Ibadan Post Office
Ibadan, Oyo State, Nigeria
N6A/1390A (101), Polytechnic-Sango Road,
Ibadan, Oyo State.
G.O. Ogunremi and E.K. Faluyi
Published in 1996
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or
transmitted in any form or by any means electronic mechanical, photocopying, recording, or
otherwise without the prior written, permission of Rex Charles Publication.
ISBN 978-2137-37-5
PREFACE
Certainly, this is a long-awaited book When Professor Tony Hopkins published his monumental
study, An Economic History of West Africa in 1 Sf73% he regretted that only a few scholars had
responded quickly to Allan.. McPhee’s call in-his The Economic Revolution in British West
Africa, published as early as 1926, for a more detailed study of the economy of West Africa.
Although some works had been done, it was not until after almost half a century that Hopkins
responded to McPhee’s call. Neither did Ekundare published his work, An Economic History of
Nigeria, until that same year, 1973.
Since 1973, no serious single book on the economic history of West Africa has been published.
Indeed, nobody can think of that type of solo effort today without running into problems. Nor is
it all that easy to find a responsible publisher to take interest in publishing tertiary education
textbooks. The quick refurn on their investment is the major consideration, of the publisher in
accepting to finance any publication.
Hence many of them prefer publishing Primary and Secondary books, if their attention is not
attracted by well-to-do speech-makers and affluent autobiographical writers. Thus, there is
virtually no interest shown by Publishers in well researched special works.
In other words, a potential author faces numerous obstacles. One remedy to the problem is to
work together on a book in order to ensure its high scholarship and authority. The other solution
is to be undaunted in one’s effort to look for a creditable publisher. All in all, one lesson that this
book has taught is that scholars must not-relent in their efforts to get books published for the
present and future generation of students in our higher educational institutions.
When the chapters of this book were given to the contributors;the course outline in Economic
History of West Africa in our universities were carefully examined and well covered. This is
because unlike the earlier books, the aim was to make the book directly relevant to our students.
So right from the pre-colonial era, there is no major theme that is not fully exhausted.
More importantly, the contributors have been carefully selected not only because they are
brilliant scholars in their own right, they are also teachers who depend on their experience in
handling their chapters. There are few over lappings here and there. This cannot be completely
eliminated in a work of this nature which covers long period and different themes. This in itself
demonstrates the continuity in West African Economic History. Where such occur, these have
been used for
different purposes, to make the work comprehensive and achieve unity. This has in no small way
enhanced the high quality of the book.
As far as we know, this is the most authoritative single book on the Economic History of West
Africa today. Even before Hopkins books has the problem of being imported into the country, it
has become less relevant to our universities new syllabus on the course. In terms of wide
coverage and detailed exposition, this book has come to satisfy our academic needs.
We therefore recommend with confidence this book not only to our students of economic history
in the universities but to all historians and indeed, to general readers
ign Ihe whole of the enlightened world. In modern days, economic history has become the focus
of our study. It is a window through which we can pip into and reflect on our economic past.
Students of history, economic and business departments who study the subject find it very
analytical intriguing and most academically rewarding.
The subject has become compulsory for many students and a ’must1 for all educated people. It is
only by studying economic history that an economic planner, an economic policy maker, a
company director can make adequate decisions predicated on the experience of the past.
Although each .chapter is a complete treatise, the chapters must be read by linking one with the
other. It must also be noted that although each contributor takes responsibility for his chapter,
there has been an effort to make cross references for a better understanding. Lastly, we want to
stress that notes and references are limited to few important ones and are deliberately kept at the
end .of each chapter to facilitate a smooth reading of each chapter. The notes and references are,
however necessary for a better understanding of and further reading. Finally, by this publication
a challenge is posed. It is hoped that another edition of this book.will be out soon. Then it must
still be updated in line with the syllabus andJn pursuit of academics according to the orientation,
aspiration and expectation of future readers.
G.O. Ogunremi, E.K. Faluyi
Editors,
April 4, 1996
CONTENTS
Acknowledgements. vi
Preface vii
Contibutors xi
Chapter 1: ’The Structure of the West African Economy
Wale Oyemakinde 1
’Thapter 2: The Structure of Pre-Colonial Economy
CO. Ogunremi 14
Chapter 3: Traditional Factors of Production in the Pre-Colonial Economy
CO. Ogunremi 31
Chapter 4: Pre-Colonial Transport
CO. Ogunremi 42
Chapter 5: Mining and Extractive Industries: 19th Century
Toyin Falola andA.C Adebayo 49
Chapter 6: Trade and Markets in Pre-Colonial Economy
Toyin Falola 61
Chapter 7: Impact of External Trade on Traditional Economy
P.O. Elegalam 72
Chapter 8: Economic Implications of the Islamic Revolutions of the 19th Century
K. Faluyi 87
Chapter 9: Trade with the Europeans in the 19th Century
Toyin Falola 98
Chapter 10: The Rise of the Merchant Class in West Africa
Eno B. Ikpe 112
Chapter 11: The Economic Basis of Imperialism
Ade Alade ’. 126
Chapter 12: The Economic Impact of the World Wars
Kehinde Faluyi 140
Chapter 13: Transportation in Colonial West Africa
Ayodeji Olukoju 151
Chapter 14- Transition from the Traditional to Modern Currency System in West Africa
Lawal ,A.A 164
Chapter15: The Development of Agricultural Exports and Official Intervention in Produce
Marketing
Kehinde Faluyi 175
Chapter 16: The Role of Government in the Promotion of Agriculture
Wale Oyemakinde 189
Chapter 17: The Origin and Growth of Trade Unionism
Tayo Fashoyin 199
Chapter 18: Industrialisation Under Colonial Rule
Kehinde Faluyi 211
Chapter 19: Inter-State Economic Cooperation
M.O.A. Adejugbe 221
Chapter 20: Economic Cooperation: The ECOWAS Example
Jide Olagbaju and Toyin Falola , 246
Chapter 21: Post-Independence Economic Changes and Development in West Africa
Jide Olagbaju and Toyin Falola 257
The Structure of the West African Economy
Wale Oyemakinde
Whereas by the first half of the 18th century all the countries of the world relied on agricultural
pursuits for bread winning, towards the end of that century the transformation of human
activities from farming endeavours to progressive industrial output had achieved striking success
in Britain and the wind of change subsequently blew over Europe, North America and Japan in
the far east. The West African Economy, just like the economies of the other sections of the
under-developed world remained agricultural and traditional. This was the situation throughout
the 19th century down to the 20th.1
Of the factors of production, land was the only one that seemed to be in abundance. It was
unimaginable that a prospective farmer would have any difficulty obtaining land for his use.2
While he did not have outright ownership of it, the farmer was entitled to whatever family land
was available in his place of birth. If he migrated to some other area, he could assume temporary
tenancy over such land that he needed or he could at least function as a share-cropper. Although
there was hardly any technological knowledge with which to redeem waterlogged or otherwise
unsuitable land resources, farmland was plentiful enough not to create a constraint on
development in pre-colonial West Africa. A major explanation for this was that population
growth had not come to such a high dimension as it subsequently did after early decades of the
20th century. The pressure on land was therefore manageable and even though land fertility
could not be replenished because of inadequate knowledge of attainable manure, virgin areas or
scantily exhausted zones existed for people to use.
Intensive agriculture featuring definite rotational order for crops could not be adopted because
knowledge of scientific agriculture was lacking. With diminishing yields from a parcel of land
under concentrated cultivation, the farmer captured the signal that it was time to move elsewhere.
But this was no shifting cultivation as such. The next area of activity was almost invariably
contiguous to the former area and quite often what happened was spatial extension of cultivation
rather than shifting cultivation which pre-supposes a break from the existing frontier of farmland.
But if land was not a constraint on development, labour was.3 It was indeed because the supply
of labour was inadequate that land did not constitute a problem. For if the labour situation has
been more elastic, the injection of more hands into the farming arena would in all probability
have over stretched the available land resources, especially as technological competence was too
low to enable the redemption of useless land and the enrichment«ef worn-out fields and estates.
Labour shortage was probably a reflection of the prevalent low life expectancy. For one thing,
infant mortality rate was high and life span generally short. Another reason is that health care
was so poor that labour productivity in general could not be high. Although there was nothing to
suggest that the birth rate was low, the fact of high death rate could substantially negate the
possible gains from rising birth rate. Indeed, a major factor that sustained people’s interest in
prolonged human procreation was the uncertainty as to whether children would survive their
parents. Perhaps the enduring effects of such fear explain the reluctance of some local people to
accept birth control devices in these days of modernization.4
It must really have been both fashionable and desirable, fo keep large families to increase the
chances for a fair number beating death to it until a ripe age would be attained. Apart from the
need to keep women longer in child bearing, or in fact, the practice by women and their
husbands to continue child rearing till it would be impossible for them to pfoduce, there was the
vogue, among men, for polygamy apparently to have as many children as possible and indeed to
use both the labour of the wives and their children particularly in the busy periods of planting
and harvesting.5 That seemed to be their solution to the problem of labour shortage which
featured prominently in the traditional West African economy and even till now.6 Although the
greater need these days is for middle level and highly skilled manpower, employers have also
been heard complaining about inadequate labour supply even at the unskilled level of personnel.
Family labour was convenient, not only because it was relatively readily available, but also
because it was easily disciplined. For one thing, the extended family system had inherent
sanction which compelled co-operation with the family head if not obedience to him. For
another, it was the responsibility of each of the wives of the farmer to ensure that her children
worked enthusiastically for their father to earn her as well as them his favour for which the other
wives were deemed to be competing for. Besides, since the old man’s legacy would, in the-end,
be shared by his children according to their maternal groupings, children’s labour could a\so be
administered and controlled through their mothers. Unlike a modern labour force quite often
bedeviled by constant industrial relation crisis, family-based labour tended to operate with
relative harmony.
Similar industrial tranquility’seemed to feature both with the mutually transacted labour and the
communally recruited workmen in the traditional economy. For the former, people in the same
age grade organized themselves to clear one another’s farm together by rotation until the circle
was completed when each member’s job would have been done. The latter case of communal
labour arrangement often involve the whole community in public service like sinking a well or
erecting a structure such as the temple for housing the village shrine. The chief’s town crier
would summon able bodied men to such duty while the women and the children might be busy
preparing the food with which to feed the returning workers.
Outside the above mentioned categories of labour transaction, involuntary service was Used.
Young fellows who would have been pawned by their parent’s to guardian’s rreditors served
their masters for an agreed period of time, others were domestic slaves viho must minister unto
the needs of their overlords until such a time that they could pay off their ransom. They were
used both as farm workers and as carriers of trade goods in an economy in which wage labour
was hardly known.
The need for labour in the traditional West African economy of the 19th century seemed to have
been particularly great, perhaps much greater than the 20th century situation. Whereas some
labour saving devices were introduced in the 20th century with ”he coming of imported
machinery, such opportunities did not exist earlier on. All productive activities thai had to be
effected were only done by men and women with oody and blood. But the supply of men and
women as labour for economic endeavours substantially depended on ffiie size of the population.
However, population growth in absolute terms does not necessarily mean an immediate rise in
labour supply. Since it lakes some thirteen to fifteen years for the newly born to participate in