Dumbarton Oaks Papers 54

432 Pages·2001·19.489 MB·English

by  Dumbarton Oaks

This is an extract from:
Dumbarton Oaks Papers, No. 54
Editor: Alice-Mary Talbot
Published by
Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection
Washington, D.C.
Issue year 2000
© 2000 Dumbarton Oaks
Trustees for Harvard University
Washington, D.C.
Printed in the United States of America
www.doaks.org/etexts.html

Nicolas Oikonomides
1934–2000
Dumbarton Oaks has lost a good friend. On 31 May 2000, Nicolas Oikonomides,
Dumbarton Oaks’s advisor for Byzantine sigillography, died in Athens after a brief
illness.
The beginning of Professor Oikonomides’ long association with Dumbarton Oaks
datesto1973,theyearhecommencedaprojecttoreadandpublishthe17,000Byzantine
lead seals in the collections of Dumbarton Oaks and the Fogg Museum.
InmanywaysProfessorOikonomideswasuniquelyqualifiedtoheadtheprojectand
to edit the first four volumes of the Catalogue of Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in
theFoggMuseumofArt,aseriesdevotedtosealsoftheByzantineprovincialadministration.
Although as a youth he had originally intended to study the history of modern Greece
at the University of Athens, Oikonomides soon turned to Byzantine history under the
tutelage of Professor Dionysios Zakythinos, and his first writings in this discipline began
to appear in the early 1950s. In 1958 he enrolled in a doctoral program in Paris, where
he studied sigillography with one of the great specialists in the discipline, Pe`re Vitalien
Laurent. His dissertation, an edition and commentary of the Taktikon Escorial, was the
basisofalatervolume,publishedin1972,Leslistesdepr´es´eancebyzantinesdesIXeetXesi`ecles.
This book was then and remains a classic study of the evolution of titles and develop-
mentsintheByzantinesystemofadministration.ForalmosttwodecadesProfessorOiko-
nomidesmaintainedanassociationwithFrenchbyzantinology,collaboratinginthepubli-
cation of seven volumes of the Archives de l’Athos series, beginning with the Actes de
Dionysiou(1968)andcontinuingthroughtheappearanceofthefourthvolume,Actesd’Ivi-
ron (1995).
The colonels’ seizure of power in Greece in 1967 forced Professor Oikonomides to
leavethecountryandtocontinuehiscareerelsewhere.Eventually,in1969,hesettledin
Canada, where he took a position in the history department at the University of Mon-
treal. For an expatriate Greek with extensive academic training in France, francophone
Montreal,withitslargeHelleniccommunity,wastheperfectplacetomakethetransition
from Europe to North America. As he established himself at the university where he
would remain for twenty years and twice serve as department chairman, Oikonomides
continued to stay abreast of events in Greece and to maintain his contacts with Greeks
abroad, not least through his broadcasting on Greek-language radio. Yet devoted as he
was to his native land and culture, Oikonomides came to feel very much at home in
MontrealandbecameaCanadiancitizen,anallegianceofwhichhewasalsoveryproud.
x NICOLAS OIKONOMIDES
At a reception commemorating his retirement from the University of Montreal in
1989, his colleagues and students paid homage to his contribution in teaching and re-
search. He taught undergraduate courses and seminars in both Byzantine and modern
Greek history while training and supervising a succession of graduate students. He was
a practical, approachable teacher who believed that one learned by doing; he would lay
out photographs of manuscripts or seals and have the student begin reading them to
acquire the necessary skills and knowledge. While he insisted on high standards in the
quantity and quality of research, above all in the primary sources, his guidance was al-
ways instructive and unobtrusive. It was, however, the wealth of his scholarly research
and publications that truly set him apart, an achievement attributable not only to his
extraordinary range of expertise, but also to his industry and use of time. When his
successoraschairmanexpressedastonishmentthatOikonomideshadbeensoproductive
even when burdened with all manner of administrative responsibilities, it brought to
mindOikonomidesoncementioninghowhehadtranscribedanumberofAthonitedoc-
umentsduringplanetripsbetweenMontrealandToronto(wherehehadbeeninvitedto
give a seminar on Byzantine diplomatics).
Professor Oikonomides was well versed in palaeography, and a good portion of his
scholarly output reflects an abiding interest in using this tool to exploit unedited docu-
ments for information on legal precepts, the duties of bureaucrats, and the evolution of
bureaucratic structures. Dumbarton Oaks drew on his expertise in these areas in the
1980s,whenhebecameakeymemberoftheteamthatproducedtheOxfordDictionaryof
Byzantium,servingon the AdvisoryBoard andwriting all theentries onByzantine diplo-
macy, diplomatics, and the fiscal system.
UnderLaurent’searlyguidance,hehaddevelopedafurtherresearchskill:sigillogra-
phy. It is possible that he would never have developed such mastery of this auxiliary
disciplineexceptfortheconjunctionofseveralunrelatedcircumstances.In1969Profes-
sor Herbert Hunger, while a visiting scholar at Dumbarton Oaks, had the opportunity
to view the collection of some 12,000 Byzantine lead seals that Dumbarton Oaks had
assembled and recommended that the institution undertake publishing them. Such a
venture required a competent editor. With a trained sigillographer on the North Ameri-
cancontinent,thestagewassetforProfessorOikonomidesandDumbartonOakstoenter
into a long-term arrangement whereby he served (from 1972 until his death) as advisor
for Byzantine sigillography.
The firstphase ofthe projectwas anarduous one.It consistedof readingthe 12,000
sealsoftheDumbartonOakscollection,inadditiontothe5,000morefromthecollection
oftheFoggMuseumof Art,andenteringthetranscriptionsonnotecards.1 Bylate1979
the reading of the seals had been completed, and there was now lodged in the Dumbar-
tonOaks basementavast“cartoteca”ofseals.Afteraneight-yearhiatus,thesealsproject
wasrebornin1987asapublicationsproject.ProfessorOikonomidesrosetothechallenge
1Onememoryofthistimethatshallalwaysremainwithme(JohnNesbitt)isaqueryofProfessorOiko-
nomidesastowhereandhowIshouldbeginmyportionoftheworkontheseals.Ihad,afterall,neverseen
aleadsealinmylifeand,likemostpeople,hadnoideahowtoreadone.HesaidthatIshouldbeginwith
themonogrammaticseals;ifIcouldreadthose,Icouldreadanyofthem.Intheend,thiswasnottrue,for
therearestillmanysealsthateludemycomprehension.Indeed,thefactthatIcanreadandinterpretany
ofthemisreallyduetohispatientguidanceandthevastknowledgethathebroughttoourtask.
NICOLAS OIKONOMIDES xi
of bridging the gap between archive and dissemination in a way that few others would
have. He realized that to publish them would require the use of new technology—the
computer.
IftherewasoneareaofexpertiseinwhichProfessorOikonomidesopenlydelighted,
itwashismasteryoftheintricaciesof“MacWorld,”andoneofhisproudestachievements
was the creation (with the help of Harvard technicians) of Sealshort, an inscriptional
font. With this new font in hand it was possible to publish camera-ready copy, that is,
catalogues that could be produced rapidly, accurately, and inexpensively. The question
then became what to publish. The answer was relatively easy. For two decades Professor
Oikonomides had been researching and publishing articles on changes in the provincial
administration and the history of the Byzantine frontiers. The time had come to build
upon such articles as “L’´evolution de l’organisation administrative de l’Empire byzantin
auXIesi`ecle(1025–1118)”2andtopublishsealsrelevanttohistoricalgeographyandthe
functions and personnel of provincial bureaucracies. The energy that Professor Oiko-
nomides brought to the accomplishment of this project (as well as others) is reflected in
the fact that volume one appeared in 1991, and volume four will appear in 2001—a
publication rate of almost one volume every two and a half years.
This figure is of course exclusive of the many other seals publications in which he
and Dumbarton Oaks were involved and of which he was either author or editor. To
minimize discussion in the catalogues of how and why seals are assigned certain dates,
Professor Oikonomides had the foresight to publish a booklet on these matters in 1986,
DatedLeadSeals. To encourage the study of seals and their publication, in 1987 he initi-
ated StudiesinByzantineSigillography, a journal that soon became a means of overcoming
one of the major stumbling blocks to the publication of seals, namely, bibliography. The
propercataloguingofsealsrequiresinformationfrommanypublications,includingauc-
tionsales,ontheexistenceofsimilarorparallelspecimens.Addressingthisissue,volume
three (1993), volume five (1998), and volume six (1999) include lists of scholarly articles
and auction catalogues appearing between the years 1931 and 1996.
All of this Professor Oikonomides undertook while handling the competing needs of
hishomeinstitutionsinGreece.Forshortlyafterthesealsprojectwasrestarted(in1987),
heleftNorth Americatotakethechairof ByzantineHistoryattheUniversity ofAthens.
LaterhealsotookoverdirectionoftheByzantineStudiesCenterattheNationalHellenic
ResearchFoundation,andin1997hebecamevice-presidentoftheExecutiveCommittee
of the Foundation for Hellenic Culture. His scholarly production remained as rich as
ever amidst these duties, and in 1996 he realized his longstanding intention to publish
the definitive study of the middle Byzantine fiscal system, Fiscalit´e et exemption `a Byzance
(IXe–Xes.).
NicolasOikonomides’scholarlyreputationisassured,forhisworkwilllongbeindis-
pensable to research in every aspect of Byzantine history, but his friends and colleagues
willrememberhimmostofallforthepleasureofhiscompany.Hewasaconvivial,gener-
oushostwithareadysenseofhumorwholovedtospeakofhistravels,experiences,and
observations. Perhaps our most affectionate memory of Nikos will be the story of his
rendezvous with U.S. customs officials. En route from Montreal to Washington, he pre-
2TM6(1976).
xii NICOLAS OIKONOMIDES
sented his visa for admission to the United States. When asked to explain his role with
the“sealsproject,”NikosrespondedthatDumbartonOaks,amajorresearchcenter,had
come into possession of 17,000 seals, of which he was preparing a catalogue. As customs
officialsgatheredroundinamazement,Nikoswarmedtothesubject,explainingthatthe
seals had come from various lands, principally Turkey and Greece; each one had been
photographed, andnow it was timeto discuss theprovenance and owners ofthe seals in
a multivolume catalogue. It finally dawned on Nikos, as he beheld the incredulous faces
before him, that the officials thought that he was talking about 17,000 marine mammals
stored on an estate in the national capital. He then hastened to explain the meaning of
“seal”inthis particularcontext,butthe lessonNikosderivedfromthis incidentwasthat
the United States truly was the greatest country on earth, for only Americans had the
breadth of mind not just to envision but to support such a “seals catalogue.”
We thought it appropriate to close with the following lines from Cavafy, which we
offer in tribute to a great scholar who did so much to illuminate the history, institutions,
and civilization of the medieval Greek world:
ÔUph'rxe di´kaio", so(cid:1)o´", gennai'o"
ÔUph'rxen e“ti to` a“riston ejkei'no, ÔEllhniko´"—
ijdio´thta de`n e“c∆ hJ ajnqrwpo´th" timiote´ran(cid:2)
eij" tou`" qeou`" euJri´skontai ta` pe´ran.
Il´etaitjuste,sage,etcourageux
EtenfinGrec,plusquetouteautrechose;
L’humanit´enes’honorepasdeplusbellequalit´e
Demeilleuresneserecontrentqueparmilesdieux.
Hewasjust,wise,courageous
Andhewasmoreoverthatbestofall,aGreek—
Humanityhasnomorehonorablequality;
Theonesbeyondarefoundamongthegods.
John Nesbitt
Eric McGeer
This is an extract from:
Dumbarton Oaks Papers, No. 54
Editor: Alice-Mary Talbot
Published by
Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection
Washington, D.C.
Issue year 2000
© 2000 Dumbarton Oaks
Trustees for Harvard University
Washington, D.C.
Printed in the United States of America
www.doaks.org/etexts.html
The Church of Sts. Sergius and Bacchus in
Constantinople and the Monophysite Refugees
JONATHANBARDILL
When Cyril Mango first attempted to elucidate the circumstances surrounding the
construction of the church dedicated to Sts. Sergius and Bacchus in the palace
of Hormisdas in Constantinople, his proposed scenario raised objections from Richard
Krautheimer andThomas F. Mathews,to whichMango felt compelledto reply.1 Iwould
not have ventured to address this controversial topic yet again, were it not for the emer-
gence of some new evidence.
The church (now Ku¨¸cu¨k Ayasofya Camii) is located on the south side of the city,
beneaththetoweringsubstructuresofthecurvedendoftheHippodrome,justinsidethe
sea walls along the shores of the Marmara.2 Today, the railway from Sirkeci Station runs
inthenarrowgapbetweenthechurch’ssouthwallandthefortifications.Procopiusindi-
catesthatthechurchstoodwithinthepalaceofHormisdasandthatthispalacehadbeen
theresidenceofJustinianandTheodoraintheyearsbeforetheyascendedthethronein
527.3LetterswerewrittentoPopeHormisdason29June519,statingthatJustinianhad
built (or perhaps, in truth, begun to build) a church of Sts. Peter and Paul in the palace
ofHormisdas,andrequestingrelicsofthetwoapostlesandofSt.Lawrenceinorderthat
they might be deposited there.4 Justinian supported Chalcedonian orthodoxy and had
ThisarticlewaswrittenwhileIheldaBritishAcademyPostdoctoralFellowshipattheInstituteofArchae-
ology,Oxford.IamgratefultoSebastianBrockandananonymousrefereeforreferences,andalsotoJames
Howard-JohnstonandCyrilMangofortheircommentsfollowingthepresentationofaversionofthispaper
totheByzantineStudiesSeminarinOxfordon27January1995.
1SeeC.Mango,“TheChurchofSaintsSergiusandBacchusatConstantinopleandtheAllegedTradition
ofOctagonalPalatineChurches,”JO¨B21(1972):189–93;R.Krautheimer,“AgainSaintsSergiusandBacchus
atConstantinople,”JO¨B23(1974):251–53;T.F.Mathews,“Architectureetliturgiedanslespremi`eres´eglises
palatiales de Constantinople,” Revuedel’art 24 (1974): 22–29; C. Mango, “The Church of Sts. Sergius and
Bacchus Once Again,” BZ 68 (1975): 385–92. Mango’s “Tradition” and “Once Again” are reprinted in
C.Mango,StudiesonConstantinople(Aldershot,1993).
2Onthechurch,seeW.Mu¨ller-Wiener,BildlexikonzurTopographieIstanbuls(Tu¨bingen,1977),177–83,fig.
358; T.F. Mathews, The Byzantine Churches of Istanbul: A Photographic Survey (University Park, Pa.–London
1976),242–59;P.Grossmann,“Beobachtungenzumurspru¨nglichenGrundrißderSergios-undBakchoskir-
cheinKonstantinopel,”IstMitt39(1989):153–59.
3Procopius,Buildings,1.4.1–8,ed.O.Veh,Prokop:Werke,vol.5(Munich,1977);trans.H.B.Dewingand
G.Downey,Procopius,vol.7(London,1940).
4FordetailsofSts.PeterandPaul,seeMango,“Tradition,”189–90;andA.A.Vasiliev,JustintheFirst:An
IntroductiontotheEpochofJustiniantheGreat(Cambridge,Mass.,1950),377–78.
2 CHURCH OF STS. SERGIUS AND BACCHUS
written earlier letters to the pope helping negotiate an end to the Acacian schism.5 It is,
therefore, not unlikely that it was Justin I’s reconciliation with the papacy (achieved on
31 March 519) that motivated his nephew to build the new church.6 Justinian was made
co-emperorwithhisuncleon1April527;whenthelatterdiedexactlyfourmonthslater,
he became sole ruler, his wife was proclaimed augusta, and the imperial couple moved
from the palace of Hormisdas into the Great Palace.7
ProcopiusexplainsthatSts.SergiusandBacchuswasbuiltbyJustinianalongsidethe
earlierchurchofSts.PeterandPaul,andhesaysthatthetwoedificeswereofsimilarsize
and shared the same atrium.8 The dedicatory inscription carved around the nave of Sts.
Sergius and Bacchus is worth quoting in full:
Othersovereignshavehonoureddeadmenwhoselabourwasunprofitable,butourscep-
tered Justinian, fostering piety, honours with a splendid abode the Servant of Christ,
Begetterof allthings, Sergius;whomnot theburningbreath offire, northesword, nor
any otherconstraint of tormentsdisturbed; but whoendured to beslain for thesake of
Christ,theGod,gainingbyhisbloodheavenashishome.Mayheinallthingsguardthe
rule of the sleepless sovereign and increase the power of the God-crowned Theodora
whosemindisadornedwithpiety,whoseconstanttoilliesinunsparingeffortstonourish
thedestitute.9
The references to“our sceptered Justinian” and “God-crowned Theodora”indicate that
the text was composed and inscribed in or after 527, the year in which the couple as-
cended the throne. Even if the capitals that support the inscribed entablature had been
stockpiled or salvaged from an earlier structure (unlikely suggestions), the monograms
on them, which are to be resolved as IOUCTINIANOU, BACILEVC, and QEODVRAC,
provide the same terminuspostquem.10
The monograms might also be adduced as evidence in favor of a terminus ante quem
in 532. Those of Justinian and Theodora are of the box type (otherwise known as the
block, square, or double-bar type), being constructed around a letter with two uprights
(N in IOUCTINIANOU) or around two letters, each with a single upright (E and P in
QEODVRAC).Thecruciformstyleofmonogramwasalaterdevelopment,whichhadnot
beenintroducedby518.11TheabsenceofanycruciformmonogramsofTheodoraonthe
5Vasiliev,JustintheFirst,179–83,199.
6Vasiliev,JustintheFirst,378;W.Dynes,“TheFirstChristianPalace-ChurchType,”Marsyas11(1964):6.
7SeePLRE,II,648–51(“Iustinus4”),645–48(“Iustinianus7”);PLRE,III,1240–41(“Theodore1”).
8Procopius,Buildings,1.4.1–8.
9TranslationfromMango,“Tradition,”190.FortheGreek,see,e.g.,A.vanMillingen,ByzantineChurches
inConstantinople:TheirHistoryandArchitecture (London, 1912), fig. 20 (by A.E. Henderson); S.G. Mercati,
“Epigraphica,”AttidellaPontificiaAccademiaRomanadiArcheologia,ser.3,Rendiconti3(1925):197–205.
10Forthemonograms,seeH.Swainson,“MonogramsoftheCapitalsofS.SergiusatConstantinople,”BZ
4(1895):106–8.
11The sculpture and brickstamps from St. Polyeuktos lack cruciform monograms. For the monograms,
seeR.M.Harrison,ExcavationsatSara¸chaneinIstanbul,vol.1(Princeton,1986),162,fig.L;M.J.Vickers,“A
‘New’CapitalfromSt.Polyeuktos(Sara¸chane)inVenice,”OxfordJournalofArchaeology8(1989):228,fig.2;
andS.J.Hill,“TheBrickstamps,”inHarrison,Excavations,1:213,fig.B(B11,B28);216,fig.C(C11,C13–
C16).IwilldemonstrateelsewherethatthesuperstructuresofthechurchofSt.Polyeuktoswerebuiltusing
stampedbricksmanufacturedinandafter518,whichis,therefore,theterminuspostquemfortheconstruction
of the upper parts. E. Weigand, “Ein bisher verkanntes Diptychon Symmachorum,” JDAI 52 (1937): 130,
placedtheintroductionofthecruciformmonogram“zwischen530und540”butlackedfirmevidencefora
terminuspostquem.SuchevidencenowcomesfromtheSt.Polyeuktosexcavations.
JONATHAN BARDILL 3
group of capitals used inSts. Sergius and Bacchus may indicate that thetype (or at least
Theodora’s monogram of that type) had not appeared even by 527. In the churches of
Hagia Eirene, Hagia Sophia (both ca. 532–537), and St. John at Ephesus (535/6–541),12
cruciformmonogramsoftheempressareemployed,eitheraloneorincombinationwith
herboxmonograms.13Theevidencemight,therefore,betakentoindicatethatthecapi-
tals in Sts. Sergius and Bacchus had been carved after Theodora’s accession in 527 but
somewhatbeforethedesignsforthecapitalsinHagiaEireneandHagiaSophiahadbeen
prepared, ca. 533.14 Furthermore, no monogram of AUGOUCTA occurs on the capitals,
although it does appear in both Hagia Eirene and Hagia Sophia, and this is perhaps
another indication that the capitals were carved before ca. 533.15 These are, of course,
arguments from silence, and there may be other explanations: the sculptors were unfa-
miliar with the most up-to-date imperial monograms, or the capitals were old stock or
spoils taken from elsewhere. A terminus ante quem in 536 is firmer, since the acts of the
council held in May and June of that year were signed by one Paul, “the presbyter and
abbot of the holy apostles Sts. Peter and Paul and of Sts. Sergius and Bacchus in the
palace of Hormisdas.”16
Unfortunately, the five brickstamps that have so far been published are not help-
ful in clarifying the church’s date. The two types of rosette that Ernest Mamboury and
Cyril Mango ascribed to the sixth century belong, in fact, to the Turkish period, being
stamped on hexagonal tiles used to relay the floor in the gallery.17 The three other ex-
12For the date, see C. Foss, Ephesus afterAntiquity: A LateAntique, Byzantineand TurkishCity (Cambridge,
1979),88n.88.
13SeeW.S.George,TheChurchofSt.EireneatConstantinople(London,1912),fig.7,pl.16(HagiaEirene);
C.G.CurtisandS.Aristarches,“Aj ne´kdotoi Ej pigra(cid:1)ai´Buzanti´ou,” OJ ejnKwnstantinoupo´lei EJ llhniko´"Filo-
logiko`"Su´llogo",archaeologicalsuppl.tovol.16(1885):13–15(HagiaSophia);E.M.Antoniades,“Ek(cid:1)rasi"
th'" AJ gi´a" So(cid:1)i´a", vol. 2 (Athens, 1908), 23, 29, 31, 34, 35, 68, 69, 205, 209, 213, 225, 231, 232, 236, 297,
309,326,335,343,356(HagiaSophia);H.Vetters,ed.,DieInschriftenvonEphesos:InschriftengriechischerSt¨adte
ausKleinasien17.2,VII.2(Bonn,1981),no.4363(St.JohnatEphesus).
14CurtisandAristarches,“Aj ne´kdotoi Ej pigra(cid:1)ai´Buzanti´ou,”15,pl.3,no.8,suggestthatthemonogram
on a capital in the southwest exedra at ground-floor level in Hagia Sophia gives the date A.M. 6042. The
interpretation is doubtful, but if correct it would suggest that construction had reached the first storey by
533/4.SeealsoC.G.Curtis,BrokenBitsofByzantium,pt.2(n.p.,1891),no.15;W.R.LethabyandH.Swain-
son, The Church of Sancta Sophia Constantinople (London–New York, 1894), 296; Antoniades, “Ek(cid:1)rasi" th'"
AJ gi´a"So(cid:1)i´a",2:29;H.K¨ahler,HagiaSophia,trans.E.Childs(NewYork–Washington,D.C.,1967),14with
pl. 75; R.J. Mainstone, Hagia Sophia: Architecture, Structure and Liturgy of Justinian’s Great Church (London,
1988),185.C.Foss,“ThreeApparentEarlyExamplesoftheEraofCreation,”ZPapEpig31(1978):241–46,
doesnotdiscussthiscapital.
15Swainson,“Monograms,”107,tooktheabsenceoftheAUGOUCTAmonogramtoindicatethatthechurch
was built before Theodora became augusta. But this is impossible, since the entablature inscription and
monogramsofBACILEVCclearly indicatethatthechurchwasbuiltafter Justinianhadbecomeemperor,
andTheodoraisknowntohavebecomeaugustaonthesamedaythatsheandherhusbandwerecrowned.
T.Mathews,TheEarlyChurchesofConstantinople:ArchitectureandLiturgy(UniversityPark,Pa.,1971),47,mis-
representsSwainson’sargument,stating;“Theodoraisnotnamedinthemonograms.”
16Mango, “Tradition,” 191; Krautheimer, “Again,” 253; Mango, “Once Again,” 385–86. For Paul’s signa-
tures,seeACO,ed.Schwartz,vol.3(Berlin,1940),46no.34,129no.54,144no.56,158no.54,164no.54,
173no.59.Inno.34,Paulstyleshimselfpresbu´tero"kai`hJgou´meno"tw'naJgi´wnPe´troukai`Pau´loutw'najpos-
to´lwn,Sergi´oukai`Ba´kcoutw'nmartu´rwn.
17See E. Mamboury, “Les briques byzantines marqu´ees du chrisme,” Annuaire de l’institut de philologie et
d’histoireorientales 9 (1949): 449–62 (where nos. 16 and 17, in fact, represent the same stamp); C. Mango,
“Byzantine Brick Stamps,” AJA 54 (1950): 19–27, fig. 1 (where the two different types are shown). The