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UnpopularPessimism Why CIA Analysts Were So Doubtful About Vietnam Harold P. Ford(cid:146) In travelingthrough Tonkin, every vil National Estimates (ONE), the lageflew the VietMinhflag, andhad Office ofEconomic] Research and armedsoldiers, many withJapanese Reports, and the South Vietnam weapons taken in raids. The women Branch ofthe Office ofCurrent andchildren werealso organized, and Intelligence (OCI). Such views were allwere enthusiastic in theirsupport. generally a bit less evident among The importantthingis thatallwere officers ofthe North Vietnam cognizantofthefactthatindependence Branch ofOCT. many ofwhom had was notto begainedin a day, and been transferred there from previous werepreparedto continue theirstrug Soviet and North Korean assign gleforyears. In the ruralareas, Ifound ments. The situation among the It is well documented and notone instanceofopposition to the Agency(cid:146)s operational offices at home well known that for VietMinh, even amongformergovern and abroad was mixed: some enthusi mentofficials. astically shared official White House decades CIA analysts were views, while others were remarkably skeptical ofofficial OSS report, October J9452 caustic. In more than a few cases, the Intelligence Community(cid:146)s (IC) coor pronouncements about the It is well documented andwell dination processes and top CIA Vietnam and officers muted doubts about Viet war known that for decades CIA analysts consistently fairly were skeptical ofofficial pronounce nraanmks,exypertestsheedfiinniCsIheAd(cid:146)sinatnealllyitgiecnce pessimistic about the ments about the Vietnam war and produced by the DDI and ONE consistently fairly pessimistic about outlook for light at the end the outlookfor (cid:147)light at the end of maintained definitely pessimistic, ofthe tunnel. the tunnel.(cid:148) Less well known is why skeptical tones over the years. theAgency(cid:146)s analysts doubt were so ful, especially because CIAwas all the The danger always existed that indi while a central player in US opera vidual CIA analysts could get locked tional efforts to create and strengthen into constant dark points ofview, SouthVietnam. Thus, it is important reluctant to accept new evidence to to examine the sources ofCIA ana the contrary. Also, at times some lysts(cid:146) doubts about successive CIA analysts overreacted to certain administrations(cid:146) repeated assurances assertive personalities from other and claims. offices who happened to be arguing wholly unsupportable optimism. And Not all CIA analysts thought alike, there were a few occasions where and at times there were substantial CIAjudgments on Vietnam badly differences ofview. Skepticism and missed the boat, or where Agency pessimism aboutVietnam were judgments were too wishy-washy to present chiefly among those officers serve the needs ofpolicymaking or, who produced finished intelligence in a handful ofcases, where analytic Harold P. Ford held senior positions in the form ofNational Intelligence officers caved in to pressures from in both the National Intelligence Estimates and in Intelligence Direc above and produced mistakenly rosy Council and the Directorate of torate (then the DDI) publications: judgments. Despite these hazards, Operations. that is, analysts in the Office of and, as Robert McNamara(cid:146)s recent 85 Report Documentation Page Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for the collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instructions, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington VA 22202-4302. Respondents should be aware that notwithstanding any other provision of law, no person shall be subject to a penalty for failing to comply with a collection of information if it does not display a currently valid OMB control number. 1. REPORT DATE 3. DATES COVERED 1997 2. REPORT TYPE 00-00-1997 to 00-00-1997 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5a. CONTRACT NUMBER Why CIA Analysts Were So Doubtful About Vietnam 5b. GRANT NUMBER 5c. PROGRAM ELEMENT NUMBER 6. AUTHOR(S) 5d. PROJECT NUMBER 5e. TASK NUMBER 5f. WORK UNIT NUMBER 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION Central Intelligence Agency,Center for the Study of REPORT NUMBER Intelligence,Washington,DC,20505 9. SPONSORING/MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSOR/MONITOR’S ACRONYM(S) 11. SPONSOR/MONITOR’S REPORT NUMBER(S) 12. DISTRIBUTION/AVAILABILITY STATEMENT Approved for public release; distribution unlimited 13. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES Studies in Intelligence, Volume 40, No. 5, Semiannual Edition, 1997, No. 1 14. ABSTRACT 15. SUBJECT TERMS 16. SECURITY CLASSIFICATION OF: 17. LIMITATION OF 18. NUMBER 19a. NAME OF ABSTRACT OF PAGES RESPONSIBLE PERSON a. REPORT b. ABSTRACT c. THIS PAGE Same as 11 unclassified unclassified unclassified Report (SAR) Standard Form 298 (Rev. 8-98) Prescribed by ANSI Std Z39-18 Vietnam (cid:147) The fact that CIA judgments often were more candid than those of most bookIn Retrospectmaintains, the rivals, the VM/VC dominated other offices due in was war(cid:146)s outcome justified many ofthe the countryside. Local populations CIA analysts(cid:146) doubts and warnings. important measure to the seldom volunteered intelligence to bureaucratic advantage the the French, the South Vietnamese, Officials in other entities, especially or theAmericans about Communist(cid:151) in the Department ofState(cid:146)s Bureau Agency(cid:146)s culture and led forces in their midst. ofIntelligence and Research, often afforded. purpose came up with similar doubtingjudg Then, too, theVM(cid:146)s 1954 victory ments. At times, their doubts also 9~ over the French at Dien Bien Phu were shared by certain officers in and the end ofFrench rule had been DIA and elsewhere in the Depart tremendous boosts to nationalist sen ment ofDefense and by certain timent and Ho Chi Minh(cid:146)s status junior and field grade intelligence France(cid:146)s fight against the Commu and popularity. At that time, most officers in Vietnam. CIA(cid:146)s analysts observers ofIndochina affairs, includ nist-led Viet Minh (VM) and how haofvafadiiclenasbo,lesnpoteocuionatlihqseuoreuUracSneaslGyootfivcdearmtneamtnehonottdol satnruaiclbhyustutensdfstououbntsdheeequdFernoetpnltcyihmwiidestfnmeeashtsa.eddCcIoAn hitehnlagdt,UiSfthneiantVtieoMlnlwiwgieodnuecleedlaegwceitnincoinebssy,waejrulaedrggeed ogies, no precomputer-age Window identical patterns in much oftheneUaSr- margin. 95s. TheAgency(cid:146)s analysts simply, if military and diplomatic reporting usonofsutcreicneendstiiodffincdaooltluysb,qtudaiirsntetiolwljieutddhtghomefeifrinctimsaalntphyrato dfatlreot-migmrSeaasdiegtooUlnSd.cImoninlfaiidtddaeirntytiiaoannl,dlytMhbieysysmiwoienrde ADthCesIirmeiAclloalrrednvioDefuwlalwe1as9s,5w4ehvNeon,SCsahcamcreoeerdtdiibnnygg,to nouncements(cid:151)a recordwhich the officers ofsuch practices. A few CIA told that senior group that (cid:147)The anuutmheorrosuosfoTthheerPehnitstaogroinanPsaphearvseand arniaelnycsetdsfsierrsvtehdanidnsVuicehtndiasmtoarntidonexbpye mnoeswst dfirsohmeaIrntdeoncihnginfae.at.ur.ewaosftthhee evi documented. dence that the majority ofthe people some senior US officials there. The in Vietnam supported the Vietminh resulting candor ofCIAjudgments The following principal factors and rebels.(cid:148)4 South Vietnam(cid:146)s Ngo Dinh flowed also from the fact that the forces are among the many reasons reports Headquarters analysts Diem (with subtle US backing) sub for the doubts exhibited by so many received from CIA(cid:146)s Saigon station sequently proceeded to frustrate the ofCIA(cid:146)s Vietnam analysts: holding ofelections, and this were much more factual and exacting strengthened the determination of in their demanded authenticity than CIA(cid:146)s cultural advantages. The fact much ofthe other reporting VM forces to continue subverting all that CIAjudgments often were more wfarsom Vietnam. Vietnam in order to redress their candid than those ofmost other grievance at being robbed ofwhat offices was due in important measure they felt had been theirvictory in the to the bureaucratic advantage the Recognition oftheVietnamese field and at Geneva. Agency(cid:146)s culture and purpose Communists(cid:146) (VC) enormous afforded. Thejob ofCIA analysts advantages. CIA(cid:146)s analysts were And one ofthe greatest advantages was to tell it like it is, freer from the aware that the basic stimulus among Ho(cid:146)s movement enjoyed, at times policy pressures withwhich their col the politically conscious Vietnamese indicated in reporting from the field, leagues in Defense, the military was nationalism and that, following were the subversive assets the VM intelligence agencies, and, to a lesser WorldWar II, the VM had largely and the VC had throughout South extent, the Department ofState had captured the nationalist movement. Vietnam. Thousands oftheir agents to contend.3 Many CIAVietnam ana Ho Chi Minh(cid:146)s apparatus came to be and sleepers existed throughout lysts had beenworking Indochina better led, better organized, and South Vietnam(cid:146)s Government, on problems for some time, often longer more united than any other ofthe armed forces, and security/intelli than most military intelligence offic competing, divided nationalist Viet gence organizations. The dramatic ers. ThoseAgency officers were namese parties. Through a extent ofthat advantage was not familiar with how intelligence report combination ofsome reforms and revealed until the fall ofSaigon ing had been distorted during ruthless elimination ofpolitical in 1975, when events disclosed 86 Vietnam CIA analysts (as well as intelligence officers from other agencies) repeatedly how thoroughly the enemy had warned decisionmakers units; and how the enemy had penetrated the society ofSouth Viet stunned the world by overwhelming nam(cid:151)including some American that such US military the French forces at Dien Bien Phu. offices there. escalation would not in BecauseAgencyofficers were not bur dened with the operational task of Recognition ofVM/VC determina itselfsave South Vietnam training and developing South Viet tion to try to meet South unless it accompanied namese armed forces, they were were Vietnamese and US escalation, and much freer ofcertain views more by substantial political- willingness to suffer great damage, prevalent among US military person ifnecessary, in order to win even social progress in Saigon nel, such as disdaining the French tualvictory. CIA analysts widely experience, maintaining that US mili and especially in the appreciated the fact that the enemy tary know-how could prevail, and saw its battle as a long-range conflict villages. trying to impose upon Saigon gov andwas prepared to go the distance. ernments US military tactics that To sustain VM/VC morale, Hanoi 9~ were better suited to European battle repeatedly invoked pastvictorious fields.S Such appreciation by CIA Vietnamese heroes, even ancient officers found reflection both in the ones who for nearly a thousand years field and at Headquarters: in CIA had fought Chinese pressures to maintained that the war had to be counterinsurgency measures that lost dominate Indochina. Like those won. Agency officers made this their effectiveness when later taken heroes, Hanoi was confident that its point to policymakers through clan over by the US military, and in many advantages in the field and the destine service reports, DDI and numerous Headquarters analyses power ofits forces to endure would ONE memos, National Intelligence thatjudged that US military tactics in time frustrate more powerful, less Estimates (NIEs), participation in were not substantially reducing the patient outside powers and cause JCS war games and in NSC-sanc enemy(cid:146)s ability and determination to them eventually to quit. For decades, tioned working groups, and, in the continue the war. end, warnings by DCI John CIA analysts again and again told pdooulbitclyemsaskepresrsetvheartet,hecoeunnteemryeswcaolualtde MtunrctaCitlioonanebwo.auntBtu1et9d6nt6ootolhniasetteinf.nrutIsthterwaaatsidomnniosntiins Mwoerreeosveenrsi,timvaentyo tAhgeegnecoygraanaplhyisctsand as best it could, and do so despite suf terrain features in Indochina that the field caused certain previous fering heavy damage. shielded supply lines from sienngiionrptlraucee,beelsipeevceiraslltyoSbeecgrientadreyfoefct outer vieewnaenmdyhelped enemy guer Such Agency analysts(cid:146) doubts were Defense McNamara, whose In Retro rilla tactics but impeded US especially marked during the months mechanized forces. CIA analysts long Jionh1n9so6n4(cid:146)sanaddm1i9n6i5s,trwahtieonnPwraessisdtenutm shhpeaedcatnbndeoehnwischoporolrdlesiccttyhamallatkaCilnIognAgcwoaalnrldneiatgnhugaests ahtoIwndroelcuhcitnaantastsheigJnCmSenatsndretchaellUedS bling toward carrying the war to had been (cid:147)wrong, terriblywrong.(cid:148) Army had been in 1954 to try to bail North Vietnam and committing US out the French militarily at Dien combat forces in the South. During Bien Phu, in part because US mili that time, and in the face ofpres Recognition ofthe great difficul tary studies had concluded that sures to (cid:147)get on the team,(cid:148) CIA ties French andAmerican military Indochina(cid:146)s location and terrain were analysts (as well as intelligence offic measures encountered in trying to not suited for readysupplyor effec ers from other agencies) repeatedly combatVM/VC political-military tive US military action. These warned decisionmakers that such US warfare. Virtually all CIAVietnam analysts also recalled, as most policy- military escalation would not in officers, in the field and in Washing makers by the early 1960s seemingly itselfsave South Vietnam unless it ton, remained strongly influenced by did not, how reluctant US Army were accompanied by substantial the French defeat in Indochina. leaders had been to become engaged political-social progress in Saigon They recognized how ill-suited in war in Indochina, and how at the and especially in the villages of French military tactics had been for time theJCS had held that (cid:147)From South Vietnam, where virtually all fighting the enemy; how the VM the point ofview ofthe United CIA officers at all levels had long had chewed up elite French military States, with reference to the Far East 87 Vietnam We do not believe that the loss ofSouth Vietnam and Laos would be followed by as awhole, Indochina is devoid of the rapid, successive conflicting nationalistic elements(cid:151) decisive military objectives, and the the later ofCommunist as wars allocation ofn-iore than token US communization of Chinaversus Communist North armed forces to the area would be a the other states ofthe Far Vietnam and Communist Cambodia serious diversion oflimited US versus Communist North Vietnam capabilities.(cid:148)6 East. illustrated. Similar views following US expan These judgments contributed to~the sion ofthe war to the North in doubts held by certain CIA analysts, 1965, together with available posi especiallywithin ONE, that the loss tive evidence, led most CIA(cid:151)and much impact(cid:151)that the Sino-Soviet ofVietnam would inexorably lead to DIA(cid:151)analysts to conclude that, alliance was coming apart at the the loss ofall SoutheastAsia and the despite US bombing efforts, the level US defense position in the far seams; that the USSR and China ofHanoi(cid:146)s arms shipments to the were competitive with respect to the Pacific. The doubts went unvoiced VC were continuing to rise. Subse Vietnam war; and that their develop for years in the face ofrepeated quent accounts byJohnson ing estrangement offered US embraces ofthe domino thesis by administration decisionmakers con administrations an exploitable oppor senior officials ofthe Truman, Eisen firm that those reports had a tunity. The principal exceptions to hower, Kennedy, andJohnson definitely depressing influence upon these views within CIAwere largely administrations. Then, when finally their earlier certainties, and, in some confined to certain counterintelli asked by the White House in mid- cases, were instrumental in causing officers who, after the 1964 for its view ofthe domino the gence even some ofthose policymakers to lower Sino-Soviet firefights that occurred sis, ONE replied heretically that their previous enthusiasm about the along the Ussuri River border in (cid:147)We do not believe that the loss of war(cid:146)s prospects. 1969, continued to maintain that South Vietnam and Laos would be followed by the rapid, successive the Sino-Soviet estrangement was a Rejection ofofficial claims that plot to deceive the West.8 communization ofthe other states of Moscow and Beijingwere direct the Far East ~ The impact of ing the enemywar effort and that those doubts on policymakers was nil. international Communism Those CIA analysts who rejected the was a monolith. Manysenior policymak official view that Moscow and Recognition ofthe fact that South ers judged for years that the enemy(cid:146)s Beijingwere largely running the Vietnam remained a fragile entity war effort in Vietnam was being run Vietnam war effort based their skepti whose ability to cope effectively by (cid:147)the Communist bloc.(cid:148) One such cism on several sources. One was with theVC should not be overes example: Gen. Lyman Lemnitzer, at appreciation ofthe degree ofinde timated. These views, held widely the timeJCS Chairman, stated in pendence from outside Communist among CIA analysts, ifless so 1962 that Vietnam(cid:146)s fallwas (cid:147)a control Ho Chi Minh(cid:146)s movement among CIA operations officers, for planned phase in the Communist and fledgling government had years ran headlong into repeated timetable for world domination(cid:148) and enjoyed all along. Anotherwas the assertions by successive US adminis that the adverse effects ofVietnam(cid:146)s fact that, following the French defeat trations that Saigon(cid:146)s military fall would be felt as far away as at Dien Bien Phu, Moscow and effectiveness was rising. Subsequent Africa.7 By contrast, virtuallyall CIA Beijing could have given Hanoi more events validated such CIAjudg officers held that available evidence support at 1954(cid:146)s Geneva Confer ments: former NSC staffofficer clearly indicated that, although the ence than they did. There also was Chester L. Cooper, for example, USSR and Communist China evidence that all along the Soviets later recorded that, of 1962, (cid:147)The were as giving Hanoi defense assistance, the had less interest in promoting Com fact was that thewar was notgoing Vietnam war was Hanoi(cid:146)s show and munist aims in Indochina than in well, theVietnamese Armywas not had been from the outset. Moreover, buttressing Communist Party for taking kindly to American advice, with the exception largelyofone tunes in France and Western and Diem was notfollowing through CIA office, Agency analysts had been Europe. Most CIA analysts held that on his promises to liberalize his way ahead ofthe rest ofthe IC in the various Communist movements regime or increase its effective pointing out(cid:151)for years without in SoutheastAsia each contained ness.(cid:148)0 In addition, over the years 88 Vietnam For CIA(cid:146)s years, messages did find ready not response downtown because they much field reporting underscored against fearful Aseas ofDoubt were up the fact that President Diem(cid:146)s gov ernment did not enjoywide support odds These, then, were the principal areas in Vietnam(cid:146)s villages. His govern 9, ofdoubt that foryears lay behind so ment was a minority Catholic one in many CIA analyses ofthe outlook in a predominantly Buddhist country)(cid:146) Vietnam. Except for those occasions Diem was not a dynamic leader, and whereAgencyofficers produced he could not compete with the wide doing a goodjob ofconverting the flawed accounts or rosied up their spread popularity Ho Chi Minh ARVN into aneffectivefightingforce. judgments to meet pressures from enjoyed. He was remote from the above, the areas ofdoubt translated people, as attested even by Lyndon into the following fairlystark mes Johnson in early 1961 while still Such sensitivitywas particularly sages to successive policymakers: registered in early 1963, when Vice President: DCI McCone, theJCS, CINCPAC, MACV, the US Embassy in Saigon, 1. Do not underestimate the enemy(cid:146)s strength, ruthlessness, nationalist Afinalindication ofthedanger and other policymakers took appeal, and pervasive undercover pisiethoefftahcetctihtiaetstohefoSorudtihna~ypeo aunmdbrtahgeeICa(cid:146)st awdorrakfitnNg-IlEevwehliocfhficOerNsE assets throughout South Vietnam. Vietnam]andprobably even had agreed upon. It held that among smtoarreveodfftohreIreuadrearlsahrze~aswiatrhe under Vwieertenaaml(cid:146)sack(cid:147)voefry(cid:147)agggrreesastivweeakannedssfeisr(cid:148)m 2r.esDiloienncoetaunnddesrteasytinigmaptoewetrh.e eHneemiys(cid:146)sin standingandwarmth. There is leadership at all levels ofcommand, for the long run and is confident that popularenthusiasm poor morale among the troops, lack US morale will give way before his an enormous will. He will keep coming despite andgreatpopularpower waiting oftrust between peasant and soldier, huge casualties. If escalate, he will tactical ofavailable forces, we to be broughtforth byfriendly poor use a personalpoliticalleadership. But very inadequate intelligence system, too. and obvious Communist penetration itcannot be evokedby men in ofthe South Vietnamese military 3. Do not overestimate the degree to white linen suits whose contact organization.(cid:148)3 which airpower will disrupt North with the ordinarypeople is Vietnam(cid:146)s support ofthe VC or will largely through the rolled-up win cause Hanoi to back offfrom such dows ofaMercedes-Benz.(cid:146)2 Those criticisms by Communityana support. lysts raised a firestorm ofprotest the policymakingofficers. Subsequently published documents aThmeoyngbroughtsuch pressure on 4a.ndDopolniotticaolveproetsetnitmiaatleotfhe miSliotuatrhy indicate that MACVand Mission DCI McCone and ONE that the lat our Vietnamese ally/creation. officers occasionallyvoiced despair at ter caved in and agreed to a rewritten, the Government ofSouth Vietnam(cid:146)s decidedlymore rosyNIE (53-63), in (GVN) lack ofmilitary and political which the earlier criticisms ofthe 5. The war is essentially a political progress, but tended to confine their ARVN were muted and the tone of war that cannot be won by military doubts to official, classified channels. the Estimate changed: the first sen means alone. It will have to be won Public official admission oiserious tence ofthe revised NIE now read, largely by the South Vietnamese in GVN shortcomings was rare. Even (cid:147)We believe that Communist the villages ofSouth Vietnam. more so, senior US militaryfigures, progress has been blunted in South at home and in the field, were almost Vietnam] and that the situation is 6. The war is essentially a civil war, always reluctant to admit that for improving.(cid:148)4 Thiswas not one of run from Hanoi, not a Communist years South Vietnamese military CIA(cid:146)s proudest moments. And less bloc plot to test the will ofAmerica units (theARVN), usuallymuch bet than fourweeks later, serious riots to support its allies. ter armed than the enemy, were no began in Huewhich introduced the match for the VC. Criticisms of chain ofevents that culminated in 7. Winning the hearts and minds of ARVN shortcomings were especially the self-immolation ofBuddhist theVietnamese is a tough task. Most offlimits, lest there be an implication monks and the murder ofPresident Vietnamese simplywant to be left that US militaryadvisers were not Diem. alone, and most do not identifywith 89 VIetnam (cid:147) Perhaps the most potent hurdle for intelligence... the fact that the was Saigon. And manyare either too decisions on what to do in 10. Caught up by their commit attracted to the VC or too afraid to ments and operational enthusiasm, volunteer much information about Vietnam were not taking most senior policymakers did not the VC presence in their midst. place within but want to hear doubts from below. avacuum They tended to ignore such views, in a highly charged especially those ofmorejunior What CIAAnalyses Were Up political experts unknown to them. Witness arena. Against McNamara(cid:146)s subsequently telling us (cid:145)9 that there were no experts on Viet nam)6 And Gen. William E. DePuy For years, CIA(cid:146)s messages did not find ready downtown (1988): (cid:147)We did intervene on behalf response because theywere up against fearful ofa veryweak and dubious regime, albeit better than Communism, but oadndds.juOdugtmweenitgshwienrgeimntaenllyigveinecwes,fafctasc hofadounrots.upWeeriowroufilrdepsouwcecre.ed because wveeriyghdtubainodusmeianntienrgm.sBouftpoIlditoinc(cid:146)tal tors, and forces which for years remember anybody saying that. Do obtained widely among the best and the brightest of decisionmakers: 6. Top officials believed that sus you? Nobody. Not even the experts, our tained US bombing programs will not even the scholastics and academ disrupt North Vietnam(cid:146)s supply ics said that.(cid:148)(cid:146)7 Or, at times, 1. World Communism is essentially mpMaoornstolcoioftwhaiwacon,rdaldnBedicjotinhnsegp.Viiraectynarmunwfarroims srHouaucnthoesiintdtooustbthraeicakVlCod,fefvafenolrdofpwemoareunlotdfalcsoasuiitsnehgas pofoourlti(cid:147)ndcooytumbatkbeeerrissn,gdaosennPortuehsneicdteeednatmd(cid:148);iJsoshoennrtsfeorrnosze achieved. did with the dissenting DCI McCone; or sent doubters to new, 2. Khrushchev and the Russians are Siberia-type assignments, as State did testing us: ifthe United States does 7. Many senior decisionmakers were with SoutheastAsia expert Paul not fulfill its stated commitments in confident thatVietnam(cid:146)s enormous Kattenburg. Vietnam, our credibility among our complications could be reduced to allies elsewhere in the world will suf systems analysis and statistical mea 11. Intelligence was only one ofthe fer seriously. sures such as body counts(cid:151)attitudes many forces that crowded in upon epitomized by Secretary ofDefense policymakers. In addition, those deci 3. Vietnam is the first domino. Ifit McNamara(cid:146)s oft-cited assurance sionmakers were aware of goes, the rest ofSoutheastAsia, as (1962) that (cid:147)every quantitative mea dimensions ofwhich intelligence well asAmerica(cid:146)s strategic position in sure we have shows we(cid:146)re winning officers were not. The record shows the far Pacific, will crumble. this war.(cid:148) clearly that their chief concern was the US position in the world, not 4. Top policymakers were receptive 8. Senior policymakØrs were too Vietnam per Se, and that in their to theviews ofprogress given them harassed and bogged down in their viewVietnam was so vital to broad for years by senior military and Mis day-to-day tactical responsibili US interests that we hadto make a many sion officers, views that in many ties to give intelligence or the longer strong stand there. csaisoensswoefrmeodriestcoarnteddi,doapptpirmaiisstailcsver rinanVgieectonnasmeqtuheenccaersefouflUatSteinntiitoiantives 12. Perhaps the most potent hurdle initially registered bymore-junior for intelligence, however, the officers in the field who were closer those matters deserved. fact that the decisions on wwhaast to do to the scene. in Vietnam were not taking place 9. There existed among senior policy- within a vacuum but in a highly 5. There was a profound hubris makers what a US Army(cid:151)sponsored charged political arena. For some among top policymakers. They history has since called (cid:147)a massive years, the Democratic Party had believed their made-in-America and all-encompassing(cid:148) American been vulnerable for having (cid:147)lost(cid:148) schemes would work in Vietnam, ignorance ofVietnamese history and China and having been (cid:147)soft(cid:148) in where similar schemes by the French society.(cid:145)~(cid:145) Korea. Presidents Kennedy and 90 Vietnam Johnson repeatedly stated that they policymakers. Vietnam analysts dealingwith Vietnam. In (cid:149) .. . were not going to be the US Presi sometimes got locked into mindsets. addition to estimates, ONE pro dents who (cid:147)lost(cid:148) Vietnam and This contributed to their being duced 51 Memorandums for the SoutheastAsia. wrong on occasion. Sometimes very DCI concerningVietnam over wrong(cid:151)especially in not sounding the same period. Indeed, ONE clear alerts that the enemywas about published more on Vietnam than ClassicAnalytic Hazards to launch an unprecedented Tet any other single subject.2(cid:146) offensive in early 1968, and in later In short, the often pessimistic intelli underestimating the amount of NIE 35/1, 1952]: Through mid- gencejudgments that CIA and other North Vietnamese military support 1952, the probable outlook in analysts gave ourVietnam decision- being funneled to the VC through Indochina is one ofgradual deteriora makers over the years did not have Cambodia. tion ofthe Franco-Vietnamese much impact, except on those militaryposition... The longer occasions where senior consumers Not least, at all times analysts had a term outlook is for co.ntinued - could use intelligence to buttress much easier time ofit than did har improvement in the combat effective their own arguments, orwhere they ried decisionmakers: analysts operated ness ofthe Viet Minh and an had come to question the more opti in a protected, quiet atmosphere, increasedViet Minh pressure against niistic reports theyhad been receiving whereas policymakerswere beset by a the Franco-Viethamese defenses. from other sources, orwhere they weakVietnamese ally, a toughViet Unless present trends are reversed, had begun to doubt their own earlier namese enemy, and aUS public that this growing pressure, coupled with enthusiasms. There has indeed sel could not stay the distance inwhat the difficulties which France may dom been a better example than came to be regarded, correctlyor not, continue to face in supporting major Vietnam ofthe eternal occupational as an unwinnablewar. military efforts in both Europe and hazards intelligence analysts face: that Indochina, may lead to an eventual thejudgments they deliver do not French withdrawal from Indochina.22 necessarily enjoy careful, rational study, but disappear into a highly politicized, sometimes chaotic process Illustrative Quotations cNoIntEin9u1e,t1h9r5o3u]g:hIfmpirde-s1e9n5t4t,retnhdes where forces other than intelligence French Union political and military judgments often the day. carry CIA Intelligence Memorandum, position may subsequently deterio This is what CIA and other analysts 1950]: The Vietnamese insurgents rate very rapidly.23 predominantly nationalists rather experienced during the longyears of are than Communists, but Communist the war in Vietnam, breaking their (Senator) John F. Kennedy, 1954]: lances in trying to penetrate policy- leadership ofthe movement is firmly I am frankly ofthe beliefthat no established. These insurgents makers(cid:146) consciousness that the actual . . . amount ofAmerican military assis facts oflife were more grim than have long controlled most ofthe inte tance in Indochina can conquer an rior ofVietnam. Before 1954, they those senior consumers gen~rally enemywhich is everywhere and at will probably have gained control of appreciated. Even so, those analysts the same time nowhere, (cid:147)an enemy if all, ofIndochina.(cid:148) performed well in trying to produce most, not ofthe people(cid:148) which has the sympa candid appraisals(cid:151)inasmuch as the thy and covert support ofthe people. principal calling for intelligence ana General Bruce Palmer,Jr.]: The first In November of 1951, I reported lysts at any one time is to try to tell it national estimate on Indochina, NIE upon my return from the Far East as like it is, to remain a unique calling 5, 29 December 1950, (cid:147)Indochina: follows: (cid:147)In Indochinawe have allied within a policymaking process over CurrentSituation andProbably Devel ourselves to the desperate effort ofa burdened with prior commitments, opments,(cid:148) ... was averypessimistic French regime to hang on to the rem emotion, special pleading, and estimate. 20 nants ofempire. There is no broad, hubris.18 general support ofthe native General Palmer]: During the period Vietnam Government among the Yet analysts have to keep in mind 1950(cid:151)October 1964, ONE pro people ofthat area To try to . . . . that hubris is not a monopoly of duced forty-eight (NIEs and SNIEs) win militaryvictory] apart from and 91 Vietnam in defiance ofinnately nationalistic seldom equaled the motivation ofthe be won only by the will, energy, and aims spells foredoomed failure.(cid:148)24 VC and the NVA North Vietnam political acumen ofthe resisting ese]. theARVN was losing the war governments themselves. US power . . Former CIA officerJoseph Burkhal just the way the French had lost the can supplement and enlarge their ter Smith]: I was stationed in war, and for many ofthe same power, but it cannot be substituted. Singapore then 19541, and British reasons.28 Even ifthe US could defeat the Com intelligence officers told me that they munists militarily by a massive thought the United Stateswas mad Former Director ofthe CORDS injection ofits own forces, the odds to prop up South Vietnam.25 program in South Vietnam, Amb. are that what itwouldwin would be, Robert W. Komer]: In the first anal not a politicalvictorywhich created Gen. Bruce Palmer]: Overall, the sit ysis, the US effort in Vietnam failed a stable and independent govern uation in Vietnam inherited by the largely because it could not suffi ment, but an uneasy and costly United States from France in 1955 ciently revamp or adequately colony.3~ was disadvantageous, ifnot hopeless. substitute for a South Vietnamese It is difficult to escape the conclusion leadership, administration, and Judgment by the intelligence panel that the United States in deliberately armed forces inadequate to the task. ofan NSC interagency working pushing the French out ofthe way As George Ball put it in his well- group, March 1964]: It is not likely and replacing them in Vietnam acted known 1964 memorandum on (cid:147)Cut that North Vietnam would (ifit unwisely.26 ting Our Losses in South Vietnam,(cid:148) could) call offthewar in the South (cid:147)Hanoi has a government and a pur even though US actions systemati ONE Memorandum, 1960]: The pose and a discipline. The cally bombing North Vietnam] catalog ofpublic discontent in (cid:145)government(cid:146) in Saigon is a travesty. would in time have serious economic South Vietnam] includes awide In avery teal sense, South Vietnam and political impact. Overt action spread dislike and distrust ofNgo is a countrywith an army and no against North Vietnam would be family rule Diem(cid:146)s tightly central government.(cid:148)29 unlikely to produce reduction in . . . ized control and his unwillingness to VC activity sufficiently to make vic delegate authority. the growing The authors of ThePentagon tory on the ground possible in South . . evidence ofcorruption in high Papers]: In this instance, and as we Vietnam unless accompanied by new places; the harsh manner in which will see, later, the Intelligence Com US bolstering actions in South Viet many persons, particularly the peas munity(cid:146)s estimates ofthe likely nam and considerable improvement ants, have been forced to contribute results ofUS moves are conspicu in the government there.32 their labor to government programs ously more pessimistic (and more and the government(cid:146)s increasing realistic) than the other staffpapers NSCAction Memorandum 288, 17 (cid:149) (cid:149) (cid:149) resort to harsh measures as a means presented to the President. This March 1964]: We seek an indepen ofstifling criticism.27 SNIE October 1961] was based on dent non-Communist South the assumption that the SEATO Vietnam. Unless we can achieve . . . Gen. William E. DePuy]: Well, force would total about 25,000 men. this objective in South Vietnam, there wasn(cid:146)t a Vietnamese govern It is hard to imagine a more sharp almost all SoutheastAsia will proba ment as such. There was a military contrast between this paper, which bly fall under Communist junta that ran the country. Most of foresees rio serious impact on the dominance. accommodate to . . the senior Vietnamese officers, as VC] insurgency from proposed Communism so as to remove you know, had served in the French intervention, and Supplemental effective US and anti-Communist Army. A lot ofthem had been ser Note 2, to be quoted next the influence. or fall under the domi . . geants. Politically, theywere inept. JCS estimate that 40,000 US forces nation offorces not now explicitly The various efforts at pacification will be needed to clean up the Viet Communist but likely then to required a cohesive, efficient govern Cong threat.(cid:148)3(cid:176) become so. Even the Philippines . . . mentwhich simply did not exist. would become shaky, and the threat Furthermore, corruption was ram ONE Memorandum, 1962]: The to India on the west, Australia and pant. There was coup after coup, and teal threat, and the heart ofthe bat New Zealand to the south, and Tai militarily, defeat after defeat. tle, is in thevillages andjungles of wan, Korea, andJapan to the north The basic motivation oftheARVN Vietnam and Laos. That battle can and eastwould be greatly increased.33 92 Vietnam ONE Memorandum for the Direc there is enough military-political about our high terms. The chances tor, June 1964]: We do not believe potential in South Vietnam to make are considerably better than even that the loss ofSouth Vietnam and thewholeVietnam effortworthwhile. that the United States will in the end Laos would be followed by the rapid, Otherwise, the United States would have to disengage in Vietnam, and successive communization ofthe only be exercising its great, but irrele do so considerably short ofour other states ofthe Far East. With vant, armed strength.35 present objectives37 . . . the possible exception ofCambodia, it is likely that no nation in the area The authors of ThePentagon Gen. Bruce Palmer]: In late 1965] would quickly succumb to Commu Papers]: However, the intelligence W. W. Rostow requested an analysis nism as a result ofthe fall ofLaos panel ofan NSC interagencywork ofthe probable political and social and South Vietnam. Furthermore, a inggroup, November 1964] did not effect ofa postulated escalation ofthe continuation ofthe spread ofCom concede very strong chances for US air offensive. CIA(cid:146)s somber reply munism in the areawould not be breaking the will ofHanoi by insti was that even an escalation against all inexorable, and any spread which did tuting a program ofsustained US majoreconomic targets in North occurwould take time(cid:151)time in bombing ofNorth Vietnam]. They Vietnam would not substantially which the total situation might thought it quite likely that the DRV affect Hanoi(cid:146)s ability to supply its change in any ofa number ofways was willing to suffer damage (cid:147)in the forces in South Vietnam, nor would unfavorable to the Communist course ofa test ofwills with the it be likely to persuade the Hanoi cause. . . . Moreover] the extent to United States over the course of regime to negotiate. Similarjudg which individual countries would events in South Vietnam. The ments were to be repeated move away from the US towards the panel also viewed Hanoi as estimat consistently by CIAfor the next sev Communists would be significantly ing that the United States(cid:146) will to eral years.38 affected by the substance and manner maintain resistance in SoutheastAsia ofUS policy in the area following could in time be eroded(cid:151)that the General Palmer]: With respect to the loss ofLaos and South Vietnam.34 recent US election would provide the Vietnam, the head ofthe CIAwas Johnson administration with (cid:147)greater up against a formidable array of CIA officers(cid:146) comment onJCS war- policy flexibility(cid:148) than it previously senior policymakers . . . all strong game, April 1964]: Widespread at the felt it had.36 personalities who knew how to exer war games were facile assumptions cise the clout oftheir respective that attacks against the Northwould ONE officer memorandum ofApril offices But] McNamara was not . . . . weaken DRV capability to support 1965, written shortly after President entirely satisfied with his intelligence the war in SouthVietnam, and that Johnson(cid:146)s decision to begin bombing from the Defense Department and such attacks would cause the DRV North Vietnam and committing US beginning in late 1965, relied more leadership to call offthe VC. Both troops to combat in the South]: This and more on the CIA for what he assumptions are highly dubious, troubled essay proceeds from a deep believed were more objective and given the nature ofthe VC war. concern thatwe are becoming pro accurate intelligencejudgments.39 The impact ofUS public and Con gressivelydivorced from reality in gressional and world] opinion was Vietnam, that we are proceeding Former NSC staffofficer Chester L. seriously underestimated. There with far more courage than wis Cooper]: It is revealing that Presi . . . would bewidespread concern that dom(cid:151)toward unknown ends. dentJohnson(cid:146)s memoirs, which are the US was risking majorwar, in There seems to be a congenitalAmer replete with references to and long behalfofa society that did not seem ican disposition to underestimate quotations from documents which anxious to save itself, and by means Asian enemies. We are doing so now. influenced his thinking and decisions not at all certain to effect their We cannot afford so precious a lux on Vietnam, contain not a single ref desired ends in the South. In sum, we ury. Earlier, dispassionate estimates, erence to a National Intelligence feel that US thinking should grind in war games, and the like told us that Estimate or, indeed, to any other more careful consideration than has the DRV/VC would persist in the intelligence analysis. Except for Secre taken place to date. This does not face ofsuch pressures as we are now tary McNamara, who became a mean that the United States should exerting on them. Yet we now seem frequent requester and an avid reader not move against the DRy, but that to expect them to come running to ofEstimates dealingwith Soviet mili we do so only ifit looks as if the conference table, ready to talk tary capabilities and with the 93

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