Page iii Drama in the People's Republic of China edited by Constantine Tung and Colin Mackerras STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK PRESS Page iv Published by State University of New York Press, Albany 1987 State University of New York All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. For information, address State University of New York Press, State University Plaza, Albany, N.Y., 12246 Library of Congress CataloginginPublication Data Drama in the People's Republic of China. Selected papers presented at the International Colloquium on Contemporary Chinese Drama and Theater, held at the State University of New York at Buffalo, Oct. 1519, 1984. Includes index.1. Theater—China—History—20th century— Congresses. 2. Chinese drama—20th century—History and criticism—Congresses. 3. Theater—Political aspects—China—Congresses. 4. Theater and society— China—Congresses. I. Tung, Constantine, 1933 II. Mackerras, Colin. III. International Colloquium on Contemporary Chinese Drama and Theater (1984: State University of New York at Buffalo PN2874.D7 865932 ISBN 0887063896 ISBN 088706390X (pbk.) 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Page v TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface and Acknowledgments vii Introduction: Tradition and Experience of the Drama of the People's 1 Republic of China Constantine Tung Part One Drama on Historical Themes 29 Chapter 1. Hai Rui Dismissed From Office and China's Opposition Movement, 19581959 Lin Chen 30 Chapter 2. Images of Women in the Dramas of Guo Moruo: The Case of Empress Wu Bruce Gordon Doar 54 Part Two Drama, Ideal and Theory 93 Chapter 3. Prescriptive Dramatic Theory of the Cultural Revolution Ellen R. Judd 94 Chapter 4. Model Drama as Myth: A Semiotic Analysis of Taking Tiger Mountain by Strategy Kirk A. Denton 119 Chapter 5. Mei Lanfang, Stanislavsky and Brecht on China's Stage and Their Aesthetic Significance William Huizhu Sun 137 Page vi Chapter 6. Huang Zuoling's Ideal of Drama and Bertolt Brecht 151 Adrian Hsia Part Three Post 1976 Theater and Drama 163 Chapter 7. Theater Activities in PostCultural Revolution China 164 Daniel S. P. Yang Chapter 8. Modernization and Contemporary Chinese Theater: 181 Commercialization and Professionalization Colin Mackerras Chapter 9. The Darkened Vision: If I Were For Real and the Movie 213 Gilbert C. F. Fong Chapter 10. Tensions of Reconciliation: Individualistic Rebels and Social 233 Harmony in Bai Fengxi's Plays Constantine Tung Chapter 11. The Drama Tragic Song of Our Time (Shidai de beige): Functions 254 of Literature in the Eighties and Its SocioPolitical Limitations Helmut Martin Part Four Foreign Theaters in China: Two Case Studies 283 Chapter 12. Austrian Musical Theater and Music in China 284 Gerd KaminskI And Else Unterrieder Chapter 13. Performances of Ibsen in China after 1949 306 Elisabeth Eide Chapter 14. Conclusion Colin Mackerras 326 Notes on Contributors 335 Index 339 Page vii PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS During the week of October 1519, 1984, a conference, the International Colloquium on Contemporary Chinese Drama and Theater, was held at the State University of New York at Buffalo (UB). The Colloquium was the first of its kind ever to be held in the West or in China, and it resulted from our realization that drama, a dynamic but frequently ideologically and politically controversial art form in China, had not been given deserved critical attention. In October 1985, a year after the Colloquium at UB, a conference on modern Chinese dramatic literature was held in Beijing and hailed in the Chinese press as the first in China since the birth of modern Chinese drama in the 1910s. The International Colloquium at UB was attended by scholars and specialists from Australia, Austria, Brazil, Canada, China, England, the Federal Republic of Germany, Norway and the United States. This volume of collected essays is a direct result of the weeklong gathering. Unfortunately we were unable to include all the papers presented at the Colloquium in this volume as the limited space available inevitably narrowed the scope of choice. Bernd Eberstein, Barbara Kaulbach, Kenneth Rea, Chungwen Shih, Tian Fen, Rudolf Wagner, Elizabeth Wichmann, Norman Wilkinson, and Terezinha N. M. Zaratin all made significant contributions to the success of the Colloquium with their stimulating and insightful papers. Roger DesForges, Anna K. France, Esther Harriet, C. T. Hsia, Genevieve James, Krystyna Madajewicz, Robert Newman, David Richards, and Yan Haiping chaired panels, served as discussants, and/or took part in discussions. Their participation enhanced the liveliness of the Colloquium and furthered our understanding of contemporary Chinese drama. Furthermore, Chen Gang, Gao Xingjian and Su Shuyang, our colleagues from China, who were unable to attend, also sent their papers. We missed their presence but deeply appreciated their support and contributions. Page viii Our sincere thanks go first to Michael Metzger, then chairman of UB's Department of Modern Languages and Literatures, who, from the very first hour of planning, gave us his unreserved support, without which the conference could never have gotten off the ground. Robert Fitzpatrick and Shirley Stout of UB's Research Administration, Susan B. Burger, Cele Cook, Saul Elkin, Richard Loew, Manuel Lopez, Nina Luban, Arlene Murawski, Gerald O'Grady, Laurence Schneider, Phyllis Sigel and Marilyn Thompson lent their time and their expertise, which assured a smooth progression from the planning stages to the final arrangements. We acknowledge with gratitude a grant to the Colloquium from the National Endowment for the Humanities, a federal agency which supports the study of such fields as literature, languages, history and philosophy, whose support also made the publication of this volume possible. The Chancellor's Office of International Programs of the State University of New York in Albany, UB's Office of Research and Graduate Studies, and the Speakers Bureau of UB's Student Association all provided financial support to this unprecedented undertaking. The appearance of this volume is to be credited also to William D. Eastman, director of the State University of New York Press, for his interest in, support of and patience with this undertaking. Page 1 INTRODUCTION TRADITION AND EXPERIENCE OF THE DRAMA OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA Constantine Tung No country believes more deeply in the power of drama or takes greater pains about what is in a play than does the People's Republic of China, and no drama in any country and in history has been so frequently and so directly involved and used in ideological feuds, political purges, mass campaigns and highlevel power struggles as has that of the People's Republic of China. Martin Esslin states that "all drama is . . . a political event; it either asserts or undermines the code of conduct of a given society." 1 He further explains that "there are always social implications in any dramatic situation and in the solution of any dramatic conflict simply because all human situations, all human behavior patterns, have social—and therefore also political—implications."2 But did Mr. Esslin ever encounter such direct ties between drama and politics as are found in China today? The traditions of contemporary Chinese drama is deeply rooted in the history of the Chinese Communist Revolution in which drama activities were intimately integrated with political and military action. In the summer of 1930, when the Political Department (Zhengzhi bu) was established in the Red Army and an Art Bureau (Yishi gu) was attached to it in order to strengthen propaganda activities in the Jiangxi Soviet, theater, as a most important subgroup in the Art Bureau, was for the first time formally recognized to be a useful tool to advance the communist revolutionary cause. When the Red Army Military Academy (Gongnong hongjun xuexiao) was founded in the winter of the same year, drama had its own department within the Academy. Such high ranking leaders as Wu Xiuquan, Cai Chang, He Shuheng and Xu Teli had participated in acting on stage, and prominent military leaders such as Lo Ruiqing, Liu Bocheng and Huang Zhen, not only took part in performances but also wrote plays.3 Page 2 After Mao Zedong's famous "Talks at the Yan'an Forum on Literature and Art" in May 1942, the Communist Party's literary policy became definite, and drama was entrusted with vital roles in the war. In the "Resolution on the Execution of the Party's Literary and Art Policies," issued by the Propaganda Department of the Chinese Communist Party Central on November 7, 1949, the Party directed that among all literary and art forms, drama and news communications were to be developed first. The Party recognized that spoken drama and songplays (geju), if they were appropriate in form, easy to stage, and if they reflected the people's will and sentiments, were the most effective weapons to mobilize and educate the masses to fight persistently in the war and to increase productivity. Therefore, the Communist Party's Propaganda Department directed that drama activities should be universally promoted in the army units and in all regions under their control. 4 At the same time the Propaganda Department criticized the practice at many revolutionary bases of staging fulllength spoken dramas that were irrelevant to the war and traditional plays that advocated feudal orders. Thus the Propaganda Department demanded that these performances should either be halted or the contents of the plays ought to be revised.5 The 1943 Resolution's critical attitude toward fulllength spoken drama which was unrelated to war foreshadowed the lasting conflict between the utilitarian stand of the Party on arts and the aesthetic and professional views held by the playwrights and performers in the subsequent decades. One veteran writer admitted that in drama the period between 1940 and 1941 was a time in which artistic quality was stressed. In the Lu Xun Art Institute (Lu Xun yishu xueyuan), members were convinced that raising artistic quality and popularization were incompatible, and they considered that their "foremost and the only mission" was to improve the artistic quality of a work of art. In the Institute's Drama Department, faculty and students alike placed more emphasis on theatrical techniques and were interested in staging fulllength and foreign plays. Following the lead of the Lu Xun Art Institute, many district drama troupes also began to stage "big plays." There were individual theater companies which adhered to the massline, but they were unable to reverse the situation.6 Consequently, the Party Central decided to intervene, and decreed that the main responsibility of the drama workers was to direct mass theaters and mass drama activities in the army units and local districts.7 In spite of problems and difficulties, drama activities spread throughout the communist controlled areas. In the border region of HebeiShanxi alone, by the end of 1943, there were 1381 village drama groups, and over 1,000 in the central Hebei Province.8 To develop such a widely spread theatrical network, the Party paid special attention to the Page 3 development of amateur drama activities because theatrical activities of this kind were suitable to the rural condition of China, which was at this time in a prolonged and largescale war with Japan. Drama activities in villages were scheduled to coordinate with changes of the farming seasons. A village theater group performed mainly for the audiences from the village and its expenses were taken care of by the villagers, based on the values of their farm products. The Party knew well that the level of expenses of a village drama group could often affect the attitude of villagers toward drama activities. In playwriting, short pieces were encouraged and popular, 9 and contemporary themes were emphasized for obvious reasons. According to a survey of 56 yangge plays performed during the time of the Chinese lunar New Year, 1944, there were 26 plays on farm productivity, 17 on armypeople relationships, 10 on selfdefense against the enemy and on sabotageprevention, 2 on fighting behind enemy lines, and only one on rent and interest reduction.10 These statistics reveal the directness of the relationship of this drama to the political and military actions of the Communist Revolution during the SinoJapanese war. The war against Japan ended with the beginning of the civil war between the Communists and the KMT. As the war went on drama troupes became more directly involved in the war. In the Communist First Field Army, for instance, its Fighting Drama Society (zhandou jushe) was divided into small groups of six which went down to various army units to give simple performances. In the areas where land reforms were going on, the performers were all sent down to assist land reforms. The Literary and Art Work Group (Wenyi gongzuotuan) of the Second Field Army, of which Deng Xiaoping was the political commissar, was directed to send its members to be directors or political agitators of the battle units of the Second Field Army. When the Second Field Army entered the Dabie Mountains in central China in 1947, these drama performers were dispersed to take part in land reform campaigns. In 194748, as the war with the KMT reached a critical point, all members of the performing arts groups were armed to join in the battle and at the same time gave performances to the soldiers and guerrilla fighters "with guns lying beside them." Many of them were killed in action.11 The direct and very personal experiences of the drama workers in using drama as a revolutionary weapon closely integrated with political and military action strengthened their utilitarian concept of drama. A drama born and nurtured in revolution and wars fostered an almost unshakable belief in the power and effectiveness of drama in propaganda, agitation and ideological indoctrination. Ironically, the other side of the belief in the power of the drama is an excessive sensitivity to and suspicion of even