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Double Objects Again
SIGRID BECK
UNIVERSITYOF CONNECTICUT ATSTORRS
KYLEJOHNSON
UNIVERSITYOF MASSACHUSETTS ATAMHERST
AUGUST2002
1 Thedoubleobjectand NP+PPframes
In (1a) is a sentence that illustrates what we’ll call the double object frame; and in
(1b)isillustrated whatwe’ll calltheNP+PPframe.
(1) a. Satoshisent Thilothe Schwa¨bischeWo¨rterbuch.
b. Satoshisent theSchwa¨bischeWo¨rterbuchto Thilo.
Many have entertained the notion that there is a rule that relates sentences such as
these. This is suggested by the fact that it is possible to learn that a newly coined
verblicensesoneofthemandautomaticallyknowthatitlicensestheother. Marantz
(1984) argues for the existence of such a rule in this way, noting that once one has
learnedofthe newverbshinby exposureto (2a),the grammaticalityof(2b)is also
learned.
(2) a. Thiloshinnedtheball toSatoshi.
b. ThiloshinnedSatoshithe ball.
Thisisexplainedifthereisarulethattiesthedoubleobjectframetogetherwiththe
NP+PPframe,makingitsufficienttoknowthataverblicensesoneifitlicensesthe
other.
Frequently, the rule involved has been taken to be syntactic in nature. See,
among many others, Fillmore (1965), Oehrle (1976), Baker (1988), and Larson
(1988). Theleadingideaunderthisviewisthatthetwoframesaresimplydifferent
surface manifestations of the same underlying structure. Typically, this approach
posits that the NP+PP frame represents that underlying structure from which the
doubleobjectframe istransformationallyderived.
There is evidence, however, that the two frames instead have different un-
derlying structures, and are not related by transformation. This evidence, then,
∗OurthankstoThiloGoetzandSatoshiTomiokafortheexamples.
1
2 DOUBLE OBJECTS AGAIN
suggeststhattherulerelating(1a)and(1b)mustbefoundsomewhereelse,alikely
candidate being the lexicon. We report here an argument from Kayne (1984b) to
thisendthatisbasedon Nominalizations.
With certain restrictions, deverbal nominalizations allow the object of the
verbto surfaceaseitherthe genitiveofthe resultingNP,orinsideanof-phrase.
(3) examinethe problem→
(4) a. the examinationoftheproblem
b. the problem’sexamination
But this is only possible if the “object” of the verb is its logical object, i.e., its
argument.1 Itisnotpossibleifitisinsteadthesubjectofasmallclause,forexample:
(5) believeThilohandsome→
(6) a. *the beliefofThilohandsome
b. *Thilo’sbeliefhandsome
In this way, then, Nominalizations can be used to determine whether the NPs that
follow a verb are that verb’s argument or not. On this basis, Kayne argued that
the first NP followinga verbin the doubleobject frame is not that verb’s argument
becausein Nominalizationsitbehaveslikebelieveandnot likeexamine:
(7) presentSatoshiaball →
(8) a. *the presentationofSatoshi aball
b. *Satoshi’spresentationaball
IntheNP+PPframe,bycontrast,thefirstNPdoesbehaveliketheverb’sargument:
(9) presentthe balltoSatoshi →
(10) a. the presentationofthe ballto Satoshi
b. the ball’spresentationto Satoshi
He proposes that the two NPs following a verb in the double object frame are em-
bedded in a small clause in much the same way that the two phrases following
believein (5)are. JustasThilo in(5)isthesubjectofasmallclause,then, Kayne’s
proposalisthat Satoshiisthe subjectofasmallclausein(7).
If we adopt a Larsonian,2 binary-branching, representation of VPs, we can
express the differentstructures that Kayne’s proposal would giveto the double ob-
jectandNP+PPframesasfollows. TheNP+PPframewouldplacethetwocomple-
ments in the Specifier and Complement positions of a phrase headed by the verb,
1TheparadigmsupportingthisgeneralizationoriginateswithRoss(1974).
2SeeLarson(1988)andLarson(1990).
SIGRID BECK & KYLE JOHNSON 3
and this VP will be embedded in another phrase (“vP”) whose head has no phono-
logicalreflex.3 Thereiscontroversyaboutwhichargumentgoesintowhichposition
inside VP — let’s take the position that the NP occupies the Specifier position, as
in(11).4
(11) vP
v VP
NP V(cid:48)
the ball V PP
present to Satoshi
From this underlying representation, the surface form is produced by moving the
verbthroughthepositionoccupiedby“v”andintoahigherI0 position. Inaddition,
the “object” NP is moved into a position that determines its Case — a position
located between the surface position of the verb and vP. There are presently many
differing proposals about how to operationalize this system; any of them will do
for our purposes. For concreteness, we will let the object NP adjoin to vP, as in
Chomsky(1995),andsimplycall the positionin which the verbsurfaces: I0. From
(11),then,the surfacerepresentationoftheNP+PPframe willbe(12).
(12) IP
I vP
present NP vP
1 2
the ball NP v(cid:48)
t v VP
subject
(cid:48)
t NP V
1
t V PP
2
t toSatoshi
1
3FortheexistenceandnatureofvP,seeHaleandKeyser(1993,1997)Kratzer(1994)andmuch
subsequentwork.
4ThisishowLarson(1988)woulddoit;forargumentstothecontrary,seeTakano(1996).Either
viewisconsonantwithourconclusions.
4 DOUBLE OBJECTS AGAIN
This is a standard way of representing two-object verbs, and the NP+PP frame is
simplyoneofthese.
By contrast, under Kayne’s proposal the double object frame has a small
clausehiddeninit, whichgivesitanunderlyingrepresentationlike(13).
(13) vP
v VP
V XP
present NP X(cid:48)
Satoshi X NP
theball
“X” is the silent head of the small clause. From the underlying (13), the surface
representation is produced from the same verb movement + object movement that
operatestoform (12):
(14) IP
I vP
present NP v(cid:48)
1 2
Satoshi v VP
t V XP
1
(cid:48)
t NP X
1
t X NP
2
theball
Acompletetheorywouldlinkthemanyotheruniquepropertiesofthedoubleobject
frameto theexistenceofthissmallclause.5 Butthat’snotwhat wewilldohere.
5The most famous of which are: the scope rigidity of the two objects (see Barss and Lasnik
(1986), Richards (1997) and Bruening (2001)); its behavior in particle constructions (see Kayne
(1984a),Dikken(1992)andJohnson(1991));theinabilityofthefirstobjecttoHeavyNPShift(see
Pesetsky(1982)andLarson(1988));andthepatternsofCasemarkingallowed(seeZaenen,Maling,
andThra´insson(1985),CollinsandThra´insson(1993)).
SIGRID BECK & KYLE JOHNSON 5
Inadditiontosyntacticcontrastssuchasthese,therearesemanticreasonsfor
believing that the double object frame and the NP+PP frame are not mere surface
variants of the same sentence. There are sometimes truth conditional differences
between a double object frame sentence and the corresponding NP+PP frame sen-
tence. Green (1974) argued that these differences form a pattern, moreover, which
we suggest gives a clue as to the identity of “X” heading the small clause in the
doubleobjectframe.
Green observes several differences between these frames.6 She argues that
thedoubleobjectframealwayshasacomponenttoitsmeaningthatisnotnecessar-
ily found in the NP+PP frame. She argues that every double object frame includes
a possession,orHAVE, componentto itsmeaning.7 Veryroughly,the meaningsof
(1a)and(2a)might beexpressedwith(15).
(15) a. Satoshi’ssending[theWo¨rterbuch]CAUSE[BECOME[ThiloHAVE
the Wo¨rterbuch]]
b. Thilo’s shinning [the ball] CAUSE [BECOME[Satoshi HAVE the
ball]]
By contrast, the NP+PP frame does not necessarily have the HAVE component in
its meaning. The meanings of (1b) and (2b), for instance, might be expressed with
(16).8
(16) a. Satoshi’ssending[theWo¨rterbuch]CAUSE[BECOME[theWo¨rter-
buchisAT Thilo]]
b. Thilo’sshinning[theball] CAUSE[BECOME[theballisAT
Satoshi]]
Green’s conclusion is built on the claim that the meaning of every double
object frame has properties that derive from the presence of HAVE, and that these
6It is notour purposehereto examineall of these differences. Among those we will ignore is
the issueof telicity, whichis what we believeis behind the oft-noteddifferencein teach someone
something, which entails that someone learnt something, and teach something to someone, which
doesn’t.(SeeOehrle(1976)).
7Wemustworryaboutsuchcasesasdenyandspare. Asentencelike(1)canbeshovedintothis
patternonlybyallowingNOT-HAVE,asin(2),tobepartofthegeneralization.
(1) ThilodeniedSatoshithevictory.
(2) Thilo’sdenyingCAUSE[BECOME[SatoshiNOT-HAVEthevictory]]
Or, preferably,we can fold these cases into oneof the other classes ofverbsthat license two NPs
intheirVPbutwhichareplausiblynotmembersofthedoubleobjectframe(e.g.,“Satoshielected
Thiloclasspresident,”or“ThebookcostThilo60euro.”)
8Weexpressherethelocativemeaningtohasinthiscontextwith(is)AT.
6 DOUBLE OBJECTS AGAIN
propertiesarenotalwayspresentinthemeaningsoftheNP+PPframe. Thecontrast
in(17)is onesuch difference.
(17) a. Satoshisent theSchwa¨bischeWo¨rterbuchto Tu¨bingen.
b. #Satoshisent Tu¨bingenthe Schwa¨bischeWo¨rterbuch.
Because the indirect object (i.e., the PP) in the NP+PP frame denotes a location,
it is free to refer to inanimate places as well as to animate ones. But because the
doubleobjectframemakestheindirectobject(i.e.,firstNP)thesubjectofaHAVE
relation,itisconfinedtoreferringtoobjectsthatcanbepossessors. Theoddnessof
(17b) derives from imputing Tu¨bingen with this ability. All motion verbs with the
doubleobjectandNP+PPframesshowthiskindofcontrast.9
Another contrastpointingin thesamedirectioncanbeseenin(18).
(18) a. Thilocookedspa¨tzle10 forSatoshi.
b. ThilocookedSatoshi spa¨tzle.
The indirect object in (18a) has a significantly wider range of roles than does the
indirect object in (18b). It’s possible to understand (18a) to describe a situation in
which Thilo cooked spa¨tzle in place of Satoshi — perhaps Satoshi doesn’t know
the recipe,11 for example, but is supposed to bring some to the potluck. But that
meaning is absent in (18b), which can only mean that Thilo cooked spa¨tzle for
Satoshi to have. This follows if the meaning of cook in the double object frame is
asin(19a),whereas itissomethinglike(19b)wheninthe NP+PPframe.
(19) a. Thilo’scookingspa¨tzleCAUSE[BECOME[SatoshiHAVEspa¨tzle]]
b. Thilo’s cooking spa¨tzle CAUSE [BECOME [EXIST(spa¨tzle)]] for
the benefitofSatoshi
Notethatin(19b),forSatoshiisakindofmodifier,andthereforehasaconsiderably
different status than does the argument Satoshi in (19a). This difference in the
double object and the NP+PP frame is reproduced in every benefactive verb that
hasboththeseframes.12
These two sources of evidence can be tied together if “X” is the source of
the constant HAVE part to the meanings we have seen in the double object frame.
Thus,the doubleobjectframeforsend andcook wouldbeasin(20).
9Motionverbsofthissortincludekick,throw,mail,ship,hurl,push,roll,toss,kick,drag,....
10ThepastaindigenoustosouthernGermany.
11Beat250grammsofflour,2eggs,4ouncesofwaterandsomesalttoasmoothdough. Spread
a portiononto a wet boardandscrapethin slices offintoa pot ofboiling water with a long knife.
Spa¨tzle are done when they rise to the surface. Take out immediately and put on a warm platter.
Repeatuntilallthedoughisused.Serves4.
12Alistthatincludesbake,boil,fry,knit,sew,cut,make,build,fashion,....
SIGRID BECK & KYLE JOHNSON 7
(20) vP
v VP
V HAVEP
send NP HAVE(cid:48)
cook
Thilo HAVE NP
Satoshi
theWo¨rterbuch
spa¨tzle
By contrast, the underlying representation for the NP+PP frames for these verbs
wouldbeasin(21).
(21) a. vP
v VP
NP V(cid:48)
theWo¨rterbuch V PP
send to Thilo
b. vP
vP PP
v VP forSatoshi
V NP
cook the spa¨tzle
In(21b)wehaveadjoinedthemodifierforSatoshitovP.(Wereturntothe position
ofthe for-phrasein section3.)13
In this paper, we will produce new evidence that largely confirms this pic-
ture of the difference between the double object and NP+PP frames. The evidence
comes from the behaviour of the adverb again. Section 2 sketches an analysis of
again from von Stechow (1995, 1996), which is applied to the double object and
13Theliteratureisrifewithalternatives,butalmostallofthemsharewith(21)whatiscrucialfor
us: thatverbanditsargumentsformaconstituentunderlyinglythatdoesnotincludethemodifier.
(Interestingly,Larson(1988)isoneoftherarecounterexamplestothis.)
8 DOUBLE OBJECTS AGAIN
NP+PP frames in section 3. While the results confirm that the double object frame
hasasmallclauseinitheadedbyHAVEthatisabsentfromtheNP+PPframe,they
will driveus to a morecomplexrepresentationthan (20). Furthermore, wewill see
thattheNP+PPframealsosometimesholdsahiddensmallclauseinit. Thismeans
that the central difference in these frames devolves to what kind of small clause
theycanhouse: onlythe doubleobjectframe hasHAVE.
2 Astructuraltheory ofagain
Inthissection,weintroduceourproposedtestfortheinternalmake-upofthepred-
icatesin section 1: the adverbagain. Thetheory we discussis von Stechow(1995,
1996),whichshowsthatthedifferentreadingsofagainareaprobeintothesyntac-
tic andsemanticcompositionofpredicates.
2.1 A basiccase: open
Thebasicfacttobecapturedbyatheoryofagainistheambiguityofdatalike(22),
whosetwo possiblereadingsareparaphrasedin (23).
(22) Sallyopenedthedoor again.
(23) a. Sallyopenedthe door,andshehaddonethat before.
(repetitive)
b. Sallyopenedthe door,andthe doorhadbeenopenbefore.
(restitutive)
Onbothinterpretations,whatmakesthesentencein(22)appropriateissomeprevi-
ous eventuality. On the repetitive reading, that event has to be a previous opening
ofthe door by Sally. On the restitutivereading, by contrast, thatevent is the door’s
beingopen.
The repetitive reading in (22a) is the straightforward one. For this read-
ing, we assume an interpretation of again as given in (24) (compare e.g. Stechow
(1996),Fabricius-Hansen(2001)forrecentdiscussionandreferences). Againoper-
atesonapropertyofevents,andindicatesrepetitionofeventscharacterizedbythat
property. More precisely, again expresses a relation between a property of events
and an event. It presupposes that there was a previous event that has the property,
andassertsthat thepropertyistrueoftheevent.14
14Like Stechow, we assume a standard framework of compositional translation into a formal
language. The logic we use makes use of event variables (cf. Davidson (1967)). The semantic
typeofeventsis<i>.
SIGRID BECK & KYLE JOHNSON 9
(24)
1 iff P(e) & ∃e(cid:48)[e(cid:48)<e & P(e(cid:48))]
[[again]](P )(e) =  0 iff ¬P(e) & ∃e(cid:48)[e(cid:48)<e & P(e(cid:48))]
<i,t> 
undefined otherwise

The input to again on the repetitive reading is the predicate of events given (ap-
proximately) by (25): openings of the door by Sally. This can be derived from the
sentencein(22)straightforwardly,aswewillseein detailbelow.
(25) λe.Sally opened the door(e)
More challenging is the restitutive reading. Under a structural theory of
again, it is assumed that again always has the meaning in (24), i.e. indicates repe-
tition. Thedifferencebetweenthetworeadingsisinwhateventisrepeated. Onthe
restitutivereading, only the result state of the opening of the door is repeated; thus
againoperatesonthe predicateofeventsin (26).
(26) λe.open (the door)
e
The problem is to derive the property of events in (26) from the syntactic struc-
ture of (22). Stechow (following earlier suggestions e.g. by McCawley (1968))
proposes a decomposition analysis of the verb open, which is reflected in the syn-
tactic structure. Thus, the sentence in (27a) has the underlying structure in (27b),
where open is decomposed into the adjective open, and a phonologically empty
verb (=V*) which contributes a CAUSE BECOME component to the meaning of
thesentence(cf. (28)). Thesurfacestructureisgivenin(27c).15 Thesentenceisin-
terpretedcompositionallytoderivethepredicateofeventsin(29a),whichcaptures
the intuitivetruthconditionsof(27a);(29b)is aparaphrase.16
(27) a. Sallyopenedthe door.
b. vP
NP v(cid:48)
Sally v VP
V* AP
A NP
open the door
15Inthisrespect,hisproposalmirrorsHaleandKeyser(1993,1997).
16WeassumestandardinterpretationsoftheexpressionsCAUSEandBECOMEintheseformulas
—compareLewis(1973),Dowty(1979)andvonStechow(1996).
10 DOUBLE OBJECTS AGAIN
c. vP
NP v(cid:48)
Sally v VP
V* AP
V*+open A NP
1
t thedoor
1
(28) [[V*]] =λp λx λe∃P[Pe(x)&∃e(cid:48)[BECOMEe(cid:48)(p)&CAUSE(e(cid:48))(e) ]
(29) a. λe∃P[Pe(Sally)& ∃e(cid:48)[BECOMEe(cid:48)(λe(cid:48)(cid:48).opene(cid:48)(cid:48)(the door))&
CAUSE(e(cid:48))(e)]]
b. TherewasanactionofSally’sthat causedthedoor tobecomeopen.
Theassumptionthatwehavethestructurein(27)fortheverbopengivesus
astraightforwardwayofderivingtheambiguity. Againhastwodifferentadjunction
sites,andconsequentlytwodifferentconstituentsitcanmodify. Thetwostructures
for the ambiguous example (22) are given in (30). (30a) can straightforwardly be
interpreted as in (31) — the desired restitutive reading. (30b) is interpreted as in
(32),amorecompletederivationofthe repetitivereading.
(30) a. vP
NP v(cid:48)
Sally v VP
V* AP
AP AdvP
A NP again
open the door