Doctor of Philosophy In History

272 Pages·2012·2.7 MB·English

COMMUNAL STRIFE IN BIHAR
1946-1992

ABSTRACT

SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF

Doctor of Philosophy
In
History

BY
GHAUSIA PARVEEN

UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF
DR. MOHAMMAD SAJJAD
(ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR)

CENTER OF ADVANCED STUDY
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY
ALIGARH, INDIA (202002)
2015
Abstract

Communal Strife in Bihar 1946-1992

The occurrences of communal riots went side by side with the Indian National
Movement and frequently occurred even after independence. Communalism and
communal riots in India is essentially a modern phenomenon which was fomented by
the British through their “divide and rule” policy. Communal riots in large measure
sprang from elite conflicts over jobs, business, political powers etc.
In Bihar communal riots frequently occurred even long before the
independence i.e. communal disturbances reached their climax in Bihar between the
1888 and the 1893, the districts worst affected being Arrah, Saran, Gaya and Patna.
By 1880s and 1890s there were two major issues, over which communal riots
were erupted, were the cow-protection movements and Devnagari-Urdu (Hindi-Urdu)
controversy. On the one hand Hindu activists not only speak of the protection of cow
even the Gau Rakshini Sabha courts punished sale of cow to butchers by imposing
fine or social boycott. On the other hand the Muslim revivalists insisting on the
necessity of cow-slaughter on Bakr-Eid which resulted in large scale riots between
June to July, 1893 in Saran, Gaya and Patna.
The 1920s made for a new conjuncture in the world of Indian politics. The
masses entered the organized national movement on an unprecedented scale. At the
same time, however the Khilafat and Non-Cooperation movements acted as a catalyst
in certain other ways to participate those compounds in Indian politics that had
handed down to us as nationalism and communalism.
A national leadership that might already had been perturbed by the devastating
Hindu attacks on the Muslims of Shahabad and Katarpur on the Bakr-Eid of 1917 and
1918 respectively, but had brushed them aside as being of little consequence in the
context of the immediate political agenda and the emerging unity among the Hindu
and Muslim nationalist politicians was thrown into consternation by some of the event
of the next few years. Muslim communalism flourished in the 1920s in colonial India
on the basis of “Islam in danger”. The Muslim massive agitation and political issue
during 1920s were the issue of fate of the khalifa, the Mopillah rising in Malabar.
The Hindu-Muslim movements like shuddhi and sangathan and tabligh and
tanzim, and the spate of Hindu-Muslim riots from 1923 onwards. As we have been
observed, Hindu and Muslim political mobilization had been seen in the past as
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necessary even inevitable at least in the early stages of the building of an Indian
nationalism. Such communitarian mobilization now came to be regarded by more and
more nationalist observers as a distorted and distorting tendency. Hindu and Muslim
politics with all their divergent aspect became from the 1920s the chief flogging horse
of Indian nationalism divisive primitive and in a far more general nationalist
judgment.
All the main controversies, which first embittered the Hindu-Muslim relation
and later divided the two communities (Hindu and Muslim), were the cow question,
Ramlila and Moharram processions and on other religious occasions, music before
mosque and also the question of representation in services, in municipalities and
councils, joint and separate electorates, safeguards and redistribution of provinces and
federal, as opposed to a unitary basis of the constitution.
By 1930s and 1940s, the importance of enlightened leadership was thus being
stressed on all sides as the critical ingredient that was required in the bid to advance
the backward peoples of India. It had taken great leaders like Chandragupta Maurya,
Ashoka, Akbar to actualize the dream of Indian unity in the past, and they had done so
in the great states and empire that they established. It would take great leaders like
Nehru and Patel to realize the newly desired unity of India.
All these circumstances encouraged the identity based political mobilization to
determine the extent of exclusion and inclusion of the community in license permit
raj. Any application for license-permit to start an industry in any state or region
accompanied hectic political lobbying and the politicians in turn introduced religious
or caste symbols to mobilize the community and stake their claims for share in power.
In fact urban middle classes were the torch bearer of communal consciousness in the
both communities which further polarized Hindu-Muslim relations.
The Hindu-Muslim religious conflicts worsened by 1946 i.e. the recurrence of
frequent communal riots at village Pauthoo (Gaya district) and at Benibad in
Muzaffarpur district started on 27th September, 1946.
This work consists of four major chapters including “Introduction”. The
introductory chapter deals with the gradual intrusion of communalism in all walks of
social, political, economic and cultural life, formation of communal organizations and
communal movements, i.e. cow-protection movement, Hindi-Urdu controversy which
erupted to accumulate politico-economic power and grab government job
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opportunities and transformed into the conflicts between the Hindus and the Muslims.
The anti-cow-slaughter movement peaked up in 1893, when in Basantpur in Saran
district, one of the most furious and well organized riots of late 19th century broke out
and Hindus attacked the Muslim villages assaulting butchers as well as low-status
Hindus viewed as complicit in marketing beef. Cow-slaughter movement was
employed by the agitators both as local trade networks and powerful religious
symbols to divide Hindus from Muslims as well as the British. Anand Yang Anand in
his paper “Sacred Symbols and Sacred Space Rural India: Community Mobilization
in the “Anti-Cow Killing” Riot of 1893” (1980) argued that the patterned behavior of
the crowd show that mobilization of large numbers of people at Basantpur was
achieved through the networks of hats (local marketing systems). In another village
Hindu crowds attempted to kill Muslims and to rob their homes but were forced to
withdraw when met by gunfire from posted military police. Rioting, looting, and
murder were widespread in the districts of Shahabad, Gaya and Patna during Bakar-Id
in September 1917. The September 1917, in Shahabad riot was one of the ferocious
incidents of communal riots that ignited over the issue of cow-slaughter. In Shahabad
district in October 1917, for instance, the immediate issue was cow-protection. Crowds
of up to 50,000 Hindu peasants attacked Muslim villages.
Second chapter, “Communal Riots in Bihar: 1946-47”, deals with the riots
between 1946 and 1949. It explores the communal polarization of politics during
1938 to 1946. Though this process of communal schism finally resulted in partition of
India, but communal carnages continued in India still today. These riots were and are
the outcome elite manipulation of the masses to attain economic accumulation and
accumulation of political power. Though these elitist classes emerged as the champion
of their respective community but factually they are only loyal to them. With Jinaah’s
call for “Direct Action Day” on 16th August, 1946 as reaction the Great Calcutta
(Kolkata) Killings took place which unleashed the ferocious communal riots in Bihar.
There was already communally ripe situation in Bihar and riots were going on and the
places like Patna, Gaya, Monghyr and Palamau districts were engulfed in the
communal riots in March, 1946. A serious communal riot took place in Patna on 18th
may, 1946, in Benibad the tensed situation was at its verge and riots were ignited. On
25th October, 1946 complete hartal at Chapra was observed and on 26th October,
1946, some Muslim shops were attacked by the Hindus form the villages north of
Chapra. Riots spread to, Jehanabad, Khodaibagh, Jalalpur, Nabazar, in fact, almost all
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over Bihar. These riots were ceased only when Jawaharlal Nehru responded these
riots with the weapon of secularism and threatened the communally mad masses to
machine-gunning, aerial attacks and bombing and surprisingly the situation was under
control. Gandhi also threatened to go on fast if the riots would not be stopped. There
had been no serious occurred except on 19th November, 1946 in Monghyr. In 1946,
October-November, in which 30,000-50,000 Muslims were killed according to the
Muslim Leagues estimate, except some places police remain as silent spectators. In
1947, March onwards riots again reared its head. Warisalganj (Gaya), Kutubpur
(Poonpoon, Police Station), Behrawan (Poonpoon, Police Station), etc. were the scene
of communal riots. By June people were fed up with communal riots. They supposed
that Pakistan scheme should be either dropped or immediately granted. In Bhabhuna
town communal incidents took place in July, 1947, where RSS members were
responsible for igniting the riots, as they wanted to drive Muslims out. On 22nd
August, 1947, communal riot took place over the issue of bringing down the flag of
India. On 25th October, 1947, riots took place in Tirhut division, Sitamarhi sub-
division, Singhachauri, village Mehsaul, Police Station Runisyedpur, over the issue of
cow-sacrifice on Bakra-Eid.
Third chapter, “Communal Riots in Post-Independence Bihar till 1967”,
focuses on the role of administration, intelligentsia, press and the major riots till 1967.
This chapter explores Government handling of riots and role of police and armed
forces as well as how they use communal issues to attain their power. Communalism
became active in the 1960s, gaining in strength as seen in rising communalization of
Indian society. In 1950s itself, there was a series of communal riots. Seven communal
incidents takes place in 1954, nine in 1955, eight in 1956, six in 1957, eight in 1958,
twelve in 1959, eight in 1960, twenty two in 1961, five in 1962 and ten in 1963, but
these were not of serious in nature. In April, 1959 riot broke out in Sitamarhi over the
cow-slaughter, 7 Muslims were killed and 657 Muslims were injured. A number of
Hindus were also injured. In March, 1964 riots broke out in the Tribal belt. Which
mainly comprise to tribal belt comprising the district of Ranchi and Singhbhum. In
these riots, 409 Muslims, 16 Hindus and 3 unidentified were killed and 262 Muslims,
27 Hindus and 9 unidentified were injured. In August 22-29, 1967, at Ranchi-Hatia
riots were ignited over the language controversy when an anti-Urdu procession was
allegedly stoned near a cinema hall and riot were continued over nearly a week and
took a heavy toll of life. Considerable damage to private property was also caused
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although a detailed assessment has not so far been made. On 13th October, 1967, riots
broke out in Sursand, when Durga procession was brick-batted while it was passing
through Muslim locality. About 20 persons were killed on 13th October, 1967; riots
were ignited over false rumour of gun injury of Hindu during Mahabiri Jhanda
procession. 35 Muslim houses and 2 Hindu houses were burnt. 47 Muslims and 2
Hindu families were affected. 144 Cr, P. C. was implemented to the affected areas.
The communal tension generated by the clash between the Hindus and Muslims at
Sursand, turned out to be explosive on October 15, 1967 when some Muslims set fire
to a few Hindu houses. On 13th December, 1967 riots occurred at Bhagalpur.
By mid 1960s there was chaotic situation in political arena of India in general
and Bihar in particular. There was transfer of power from the Congress to other new
emerging parties, comprising upper Other Backward Castes and other lower section of
the society and other emerging parties. This was done because the lower castes like
koeries, Kurmis, Yadava etc. among the Hindu community and ajlaf, ashraf and arzal
among the Muslims, stated asserting their share in power and politics. The new
emerging parties used the sensitive issues as elevator to rise to the power. In all these,
anti-social elements played very crucial role in engineering and escalating the
disturbances. Anti-social elements were patronized by the politicians and capitalists
(trading communities) of the society. Thus for the first time in the year 1967 a large
number of members of non-Congress were installed in the Bihar legislature.
Moreover, during this period increasingly, communal violence has been pre-
planned and well organized and of longer duration some of the communal riots have
had lasted for weeks and even for months. Rioters were also provided with ample
funds, firearms and other destructive materials. During the period of the Janata
government, there was an increase in communal violence because of the strong
influence of the RSS and Jan Sangh in Janata Party and the Government. It is
evidence that in Bihar incidents Jan Sangh was the main player. They instigated the
working and laborers class to indulge in hooliganism for this they had assured them of
financial backing. The CPI, the CPM and the SSP have all assured Jan Sangh of being
responsible for the incidents.
Fourth chapter “Major Riots in Bihar: 1968-1992”, deals with the major riots
during this period. By mid 1960 there were major changes took place during this
period. Bharatiya Janata Party was born in 1977. Many, including Jayprakash
Narayan genuinely believed that the members of the Jan Sangh, after merging with
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the Janata Party, had shed their communalism totally. In 1980, neither Janata rhetoric
nor Gandhian Socialism came to the rescue of the anti-politicians and goonda
elements. It was in the political vacuum of this decade that the ideology of
communalism spread. During 1971-1981, political parties searching for new strategies
to dethrone the ruling Congress party. Thus caste and religion based politics started
surfacing. Populist slogans and religious considerations became common to woo the
minorities. Muslim Law Board was formed to protect the personal law based on
Shariat. Hindus started demanding the Uniform Civil Code. After 1977 Shah Bano
case, Meenakshipuram conversions, opening of Babri Masjid for Hindus etc. all these
issues communally charged the atmosphere of whole India. On 15th April, 1970, riots
broke out in Chaibasa when a bomb was hurled on Ramnavami procession, while it
was passing through Bari Bazar. 23 Muslim and a tribal were killed. 42 Hindus and
14 Muslims were injured. On 17th April, 1970, riot spread to Cakradharpur. The
Jamshedpur riots of April 1979 arose over the route for taking out Ramnavami
procession. The city has experienced communal conflicts since 1964. Communal
organizations have been active, especially with the Akharas. In April, 1981
Biharsharif, riots occurred over a quarrel in a toddy shop owned by a Harijan. The
trouble erupted in the Gagandiwan village having a majority Muslim population.
There was also traditional rivalry between the Hindus and Muslims over a piece of
cemetery land which both claimed as their own. Intelligence machinery was failed
and the District Administration misleading the higher authorities by not providing a
correct assessment. The police did not take effective action to control the clash, which
ended in rioting. The spread of false rumors affected the other villages in Biharsharif.
The hold of the RSS and the Jammat-e-Islami in these areas further increased the
violence. The Bhagalpur riots of 1989 refer to the violence between the Hindus and
the Muslims in the Bhagalpur district of Bihar, India. The riots started on 24 October
1989, and the violent incidents continued to happen for 2 months. The violence
affected the Bhagalpur city and 250 villages around it. Over 1,000 people (around 900
of which were Muslims were killed, and another 50,000 were displaced as a result of
the violence. It was the worst Hindu-Muslim violence in independent India. Satyendra
Narain Sinha, the then Chief Minister of Bihar, accused Congress of having “fanned”
communal riots in Bhagalpur in 1989 which left over 1000 people, mostly Muslims,
dead. Ghazala Jamil’s illustration of Muzaffarnagar Riot (2013) in her recent paper,
“Internally Displaced Muslims of the Western Uttar Pradesh” had many similarities
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with the Bhagalpur riots of 1989. Like Bhagalpur riots in Muzaffarnagar too atrocities
done to the Muslims, huge losses fall upon the Muslims. There was displacement of
the entire Muslim population even in the villages (of Muzaffarnagar) which were not
affected by communal violence since people fled out of fear. The same thing had
happened during the Bhagalpur riot (1989), in that was graver in nature. That 116
people were butchered in Logain Village (Bhagalpur) and buried in a field and
cauliflowers were planted to hide the evidences and in that rioters were accompanied
by the police officials. During October, 2-9, 1992, Communal riots broke out in
Sitamarhi particularly in the town of Sitamarhi and in the village of Riga. Clashes
started on October 2 when a Durga Puja procession shouting slogans such as Jai Shri
Ram near a mosque was stopped by some Muslim youths. Brick-batting took place.
On October 4, the Puja Samiti decided that the Durga idol was to be immersed in a
by-pass pool after passing through a Muslim-dominated area. On October 8, the
Durga procession commenced. Members from several akharas (traditional physical
training centers) present in the procession shouted anti-Muslim slogans. Violence
started between armed marchers and Muslim youths. The police fired, killing one
Hindu and one Muslim. The media reported 50 deaths. Official sources put the death
toll at 48, which included 41 Muslims, three Hindus, and four unidentified persons.
But unofficially the actual death figure might amount to 65, of whom 58 were
Muslims and seven, Hindus. Riots also took place in the village of Riga after a rumor
spread that a ten-year-old Hindu girl had been brutally attacked and killed by Muslims
in Sitamarhi.
Moreover in post-independence India the rioters had focused their communal
attacks on the economic life of the Muslims as they had been able to establish
themselves in traditional crafts. The rapacious commercialization created such an
atmosphere in which communal riots had uprooted a large number of Muslims from
even the marginalized livelihood that sustains them. Thus, the flourished power-loom
sector of Muslims were severely undermined in Bhiwandi riots (1970), in Jabalpur
their bidi industry was destroyed, in Moradabad riots (1980) undermined their brass-
based crafts, in the Aligarh riot (1978) Muslim importance in the lock-making
industry was badly affected, in the Meerut riot (1987) Muslim’s livelihood from
weaving and brassware were destroyed and Muslim weavers were affected in the
Bhagalpur riots (1989). Even Airban Mitra and Debraj (2014) also suggested that all
around the world there is an economic component to Hindu-Muslim riots. They also
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asserted that the Hindu group have largely been the aggressors in Hindu-Muslim
violence sans also that the Hindu-Muslim violence driven by instrumental,
specifically economic considerations.
This study throw light on the riots of Bihar, 1946-92 and social, economic and
political processes in Colonial period and after independence in Bihar, as well as
focuses on how economically backward Muslims began to rise in power politics. This
study also focuses on the role of the Administration before and during, and after the
riots. Most often riots occurred before and immediately after the elections which
made it clear that the most of the riots were the result of elites’ and politicians’
manipulations that left the victims in misery with horrific results. It argues that
specific concepts of what constituted loyal citizens, Partition violence and legitimate
victim-hood critically influenced the establishment of post-Partition Bihar. Through
the study of border politics, violence and refugee rehabilitation, this work explores the
official and unofficial processes, which sought to produce national identities of
Hindus and Muslims as Indians and Pakistanis. These conflicting attempts to
homogenize national identities in religious terms were contested in the post partition
period, as identities based on region, language and culture competed for primacy
which resulted in horrific riots.
Moreover, in case of failure in handling the riots firmly, no commissions were
instituted to inquire into their role during the riots in handling the riots. If the
commissions were made, there were no evidences that any official was penalized.
Rehabilitation and relief works were often carried by the non-governmental
communal organizations to assert their strong base among their respective
communities.
This study also revealed that the in pre-independent India though there was
involvement of criminal elements in the riots but we could not find any evidence of
their political patronage. While in post-independent India criminal elements were
thoroughly patronized by the politicians who were engaged in igniting the riots, what
we see in Bhagalpur riots (1989) that the two criminal groups- Sallan group and
Ansari group- were patronised by Bhagwat Jha Azad and Shiv Chandra Jha, both
were former chief ministers of Bihar of two factions of the ruling Congress.
This study also reveals that no administrator has been penalized for failure in
handling or for having played partisan roles. Rioters have largely been left
unpunished. Criminals got active political patronage. In the Sitamarhi-Riga riots of
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1992, the state demonstrated and testified that if there is a political will for firm
handling of riots then control and prevention was possible. Even though, the very
same regime (willfully?) miserably failed in maintaining a general law and order in
Bihar.
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