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Dispatches from the Arab Spring: Understanding the New Middle East PDF

406 Pages·2013·2.988 MB·English
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PAUL AMAR VIJAY PRASHAD editors D I S PAT C H E S F R O M T H E A R A B S P R I N G Understanding the New Middle East dispatches from the arab spring This content downloaded from 58.246.118.137 on Sun, 11 Sep 2016 11:48:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms This page intentionally left blank This content downloaded from 58.246.118.137 on Sun, 11 Sep 2016 11:48:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Paul Amar and Vijay Prashad Editors Dispatches from the Arab Spring Understanding the New Middle East University of Minnesota Press Minneapolis London This content downloaded from 58.246.118.137 on Sun, 11 Sep 2016 11:48:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Copyright 2013 LeftWord Books First published in the United States in 2013 by the University of Minnesota Press All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. Published by the University of Minnesota Press 111 Third Avenue South, Suite 290 Minneapolis, MN 55401-2520 http://www.upress.umn.edu Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Dispatches from the Arab spring : understanding the new Middle East / Paul Amar and Vijay Prashad, Editors. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 978-0-8166-8998-9 (hc) isbn 978-0-8166-9012-1 (pb) 1. Arab Spring, 2010– 2. Arab countries—Politics and government—21st century. 3. Middle East—Politics and government—21st century. I. Amar, Paul (Paul Edouard), 1968– II. Prashad, Vijay. JQ1850.A91D58 2013 909'.097492708312—dc23 2013018884 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper The University of Minnesota is an equal-opportunity educator and employer. 20 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 This content downloaded from 58.246.118.137 on Sun, 11 Sep 2016 11:48:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Contents Introduction Revolutionizing the Middle East Paul Amar and Vijay Prashad vii Tunisia Nouri Gana 1 Egypt Paul Amar 24 Bahrain Adam Hanieh 63 Saudi Arabia Toby C. Jones 89 Yemen Sheila Carapico 101 Algeria Susan Slyomovics 122 Morocco Merouan Mekouar 135 Libya Anjali Kamat and Ahmad Shokr 157 Syria Paulo Gabriel Hilu Pinto 204 Jordan Jillian Schwedler 243 Lebanon Maya Mikdashi 266 Palestine Toufic Haddad 282 Iraq Haifa Zangana 308 Sudan Khalid Mustafa Medani 325 Acknowledgments 355 Contributors 357 Index 363 This content downloaded from 58.246.118.137 on Sun, 11 Sep 2016 11:48:43 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms This page intentionally left blank This content downloaded from 58.246.118.137 on Sun, 11 Sep 2016 11:48:43 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Introduction Revolutionizing the Middle East paul amar and vijay prashad Imperious despot, insolent in strife, Lover of ruin, enemy of life! You mock the anguish of an impotent land Whose people’s blood has stained your tyrant hand, And desecrate the magic of this earth, Sowing your thorns, to bring despair to birth. —Abul-Qasim al-Shabbi, Ila Tughat al-Alam it is time to rethink how we all apprehend the Arab world. The myriad revolts and revolutions of the so-called Arab Spring unleashed forces of emancipation and spirits of social justice that swept across the region with unprecedented speed, ferocity, and joy. As these epochal movements faced violent devolutions and frustrating detours, horizons of transformation remained in question. But there is no doubt that the ways we in the region and around the world learn about, report on, and appreciate Arab peoples and politics were definitively revolution- ized. In this light, this volume reintroduces global publics to the Arab world and dispenses with old paradigms of understanding. We set aside “authoritarianism studies” that depicted governments as impermeable monoliths. We dispose of the “political sociology of the Arab Street” vii This content downloaded from 58.246.118.137 on Sun, 11 Sep 2016 11:48:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms that represented popular movements as mindless, reactive mobs. And we dismiss the “Arab exceptionalism” that for decades conceived of the region as culturally unfit for the cultivation of democratic politics or social justice claims. Like the dictators of so many Arab countries, these regimes of perception have been toppled, and in their places we offer fresh starts. We offer modes of engagement and analysis inspired by the methodology of revolt, and our chapters are authored by activist scholars whose writings pulse with the rhythms of revolt. We provide a comprehensive reintroduction to the entire region, not just those countries and spectacles that most captivated the media. Our aim is to weave comprehension of new forms of domination and resistance into the whole cloth of social history, political geography, cultural creativity, global political economy, and power politics. We insist that the study of the Arab world is no longer limited to grasping the intractability of imperial or colonial or bellicose pasts: it is turning to recognize the exciting imminence of global futures. After the match of revolt was first lit in Tunisia in December 2010, flames moved rapidly across North Africa to the Gulf states and onward into West Asia. Urban centers and rural enclaves of Egypt, Bahrain, Yemen, Libya, and Syria filled with everyday people who were willing to sacrifice their lives for a new dispensation. The guns of the regimes came out rapidly, unwilling to let go of the way things were and, to their minds, should always be. Every ruling elite believes itself eternal and, even if secular, in its place by divine right. Every ruling elite believes, as well, that those who rise up are either deluded or drugged, proxies for some global chess game that they do not understand. But the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi set the dial to Courage, and, despite the gunfire and the tear gas, the crowds paralyzed their rulers and opened a new historical time for the region. This remarkable set of events has been called the Arab Spring, in honor of the annual rebirth of nature after the winter thaw. But there is nothing cyclical about these protests, nor is there anything natural. These are the products of a set of unique events, based on local politi- cal grievances and global structural forces, and they are the products of human bravery and ingenuity. Our book recognizes the currency of the expression Arab Spring but styles these transformations more in terms of a new Arab Revolt, al-Thawra al-Arabiyya, a nod certainly to viii introduction This content downloaded from 58.246.118.137 on Sun, 11 Sep 2016 11:48:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms the great uprisings of 1916–18 and 1936–39, and in terms of a new Arab Revolution, as it is referred to by peoples and parties within the region today. This term hearkens back to the Nasserite phase of 1952–67, but it also reflects the fact that various mobilizations in the Arab world today are referencing, in contentious and contradictory ways, the Ira- nian Revolution of 1979, Eastern Europe’s civic revolutions of 1989–92, South America’s antimilitary uprisings of the 1980s, “Pink Tide” new left populisms of the 1990s, and Bolivarian revolutions of the 2000s. Each term—spring, revolt, revolution—has its advocates and its detractors. The term Arab also has its limitations, particularly when the Revolt settled into Libya and across the Maghreb. There non-Arab Imazighen/Amazigh people (known derogatorily as the Berber) forced a crucial part of the uprising, and one of their grievances is that they were discriminated against by the Arabs. Arab Spring, nonetheless, has become a shorthand term for the exhil- arating show of force of suppressed social classes against the despotic regimes that governed from the Maghreb to the Mashriq, from one end of the geography that holds Arabic-speaking peoples to the other. But what is it that galvanized them, and why did their revolt happen as if in a tidal wave? How do we understand the initial moment of 2010–11, and the time that follows? How do we grasp the local dynamics, the hasty removal of such long-standing leaders (Qaddafi, forty-two years; Mubarak, thirty years; Ben Ali, twenty-three years), their security states willing to dispense with them when confronted by largely nonviolent protesters? How do we make sense of the imperial retreat in the face of these protests, an imperial power bloc from the Atlantic world and its Gulf Arab emirs, whose tentacles suffocated the dreams of the Arabs with maniacal intensity? How do we make sense of the restoration of the older imperial power bloc, the Atlantic world with its Gulf Arab clients and Israel, using the Trojan horses of the International Monetary Fund and humanitarian intervention to make inroads into North Africa and West Asia? The retreat came momentarily in the early part of 2011, and then counterrevolution found ways to reassert itself (only provisionally, we sense) in the Arabian Peninsula and then in Libya and Syria. In Egypt and across the region, newly legitimated Islamist leaders surprised many observers by tucking themselves in swiftly and comfortably with introduction ix This content downloaded from 58.246.118.137 on Sun, 11 Sep 2016 11:48:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

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