Democratic Left - Volume 025 Number 05

12 Pages·1997·3.8 MB·English

VOLUME XXV NUMBER 5
$ l .50 •.:.; .., ,
DEMOCRATIC
PUBLISHED BY THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISTS OF AMERICA
Present Progressive:
AS THE WORLD TURNS
• • •
ALAN
BY CHARNEY
Eal l started with the mass strikes in France during Decem reshape the EEC illto an "alternative model" of economic
ber, 1995. Over one million workers went on strike against growth, as French Prime Minister Jospm hopes?
he Juppe plan - the conservatives' attempt to scale back As the Old World turns toward the left again, the New
the French welfare state. The mass actions were successful in World is also beginning to reshape tts political terrain. Just this
blocking the right's program as public opinion rurned in favor April in El Salvador, the FMLN, in only its second election as
of the stttk.mg workers. The left in France heralded this resis a legal party, drew even in popular support with ARENA, the
tance as the first European victory against "neo-libcralism," main nght-wmg party, and elected the mayor of San Salvador.
or, as they accurately put it, "the American model" of ram The F~fL"'l's program was based on opposition to the right's
pant globalization, declining living standards and government neo-liberal agenda, such as higher consumption taxes and
retrenchment. It was also a public outcry against the austerity privatization, and a defense of workers and farmers' rights. If
budgets required by the Maastricht treaty for a European cur the FMLN continues on this trajectory, it will soon be the
rency. largest party in El Salvador and be positioned to win the next
Only 18 months later, there is a government of the left Presidential election.
in France - a coalioon of Socialists, Communists aml Greens Although this is written before the July elections tn Mexico,
- elected on a program of economic justice for working the PRD (Party of the Democratic Revolution) ts poised to
people. These parties have pledged to create 700,000 jobs, make maior gains, picking up governorships in more states,
reduce the work week from 39 to 35 hours, raise the mim
Continued on page 3
mwn wage and push for changes in the Maastricht treaty.
France is just the most spectacular case of a global ~hift
that is taking place, as working people worldwide are mcreas
ingly expressing their opposition to right-wing govc:rnments and
their free market dogmas. In Britain, the Conservative Party
was swept out of office in a dramatic public repudiation of
Thatcherism. \Xlhatever one may think about the cauuous and
moderate policies of Tony Blair's "new" Labor Party, this turn
around has changed the British political landscape and defi
rutely gave the firench left a boost. Now c:veryone is looking
toward Germany, the mainstay of the buropean Economic
Community (EEq, and its 1998 elections. Will a "red-green"
coalitions of Social Democrats and Greens come to power?
Then, every nation in the EEC, except Spain, will have a left
or center-left government. At that point, will it be possible to
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po g e 2 • Democratic left • Issue #5 1997
Present Progressive/continued from page 1 home to me one strong reason for our backwardness. It's so simple, it's
transparent. And, it's something we can act on now. We don't have a
and a larger Congressional delegation. There is even national political organization of the broad left that can even speak for
speculation that the PRI - the permanent party the 20 percent of Americans with whom our ideas now resonate, that
of the Mexican elites - may lose majority control can coalesce their discontent and express their aspirations. There's no
of Congress. Most importantly, Cuauhtemoc getting around this gaping hole in the American body politic.
Cardenas, the PRD's Presidential candidate in 1988 Such a progressive political organization is not the same thing
and 1994, is way ahead in the race for mayor of as an electoral party. It is everywhere else in the world, but 1t can't be
Mexico City. Jf elected, he will be in an ideal posi in the United States. Call it American exceptionalism tf you will, but
tion to win the Presidency 10 2000. Finally, in the our institutional history of party politics has proven tl1at every time
recent Canadian elections, the New Democratic we make electoral politics the fulcrum of a consolidation strategy, it
Party (NDP) mcreased its scats m Parliament from leads to a political impasse. Think about all the failed and thwarted
9 to 22 on the basis of it economic justice message, efforts we have made to strengthen the left wing of the Democratic
particularly around JOb creation. It was the only Party-to unite the consutuencies, such as labor, feminists, environ
party which consistently upheld the virtues of the mentalists, people of color, and gays, which constitute its progressive
Canadian welfare state. base. Ponder all the efforts we ha,·e undertaken to form a party to
All these changes in the Old \'\'arid and the the left of the Democrats - efforts that have always ended in mere
New are matched by two unprecedented events in margrnality. The conclusion I have reached is that we can't use elec
Asia and Africa. The first were the mass strikes of tions or electoral parties as the prime arena to consolidate and expand
1996 in South Korea; the second was the popularly our base. There are essential steps that must be taken first, and that
supported armed insurrection against Mobutu and must provide the ideological and organizational grounding, for a ma
his government 10 newly-named Democratic Re jor left electoral advance. Maybe the result will be a revitalized, pro
public of the Congo. Both of these were large gressive-led, Democratic Party. Maybe it wtli be a new progressive
scale mobilizations against neo-liberal regimes and party that emerges after a broad realignment. There may even be
have set the stage for left advances in future elec other electoral alternatives. But now, let's concentrate on taking those
tions. ideological and organizational steps that will build a firm foundation
From the perspective of these recent events, for next left in the United States. Because one thing is certain: a stra
globalization no longer appears that inevitable, and tegic and one-sided focus on electoral activity and "party-building,"
resistance that futile. The left may still lack an al inside or outside the Democratic Party, will condemn the left to the
ternative vision and program, but, increasingly, margins of American politics.
working people know what they don't want and arc One crucial step is to recognize the de facto programmatic agree
willing to turn toward the left. At least the left is on ment that exists among the leaders and activists of issue and constitu
their side, and is willing to intervene in the economy
ency-based groups. The remarkable truth is that the progressive "move
in ways which defend the living standards of the ment" has become operationally social-democratic in its outlook: the
maioriry, preserve social programs, and expand defense and expansion of the welfare state; the pursuit of more cor
democratic participation. porate regulation and less corporate welfare; the protection and ex
So, why hasn't this happened in America? tension of civil, social and labor rights; and even an openness toward
After all, the impact of our version of neo-liberal more social control over investment and more democr'\tic planrung.
ism - Reaganism - has been more devastating Right now, this is an unconsolidated consensus, but, ideologically, there
on Amencan workers, relatively speaking, than any is no barrier to la)~ng out an immediate program for economic and
where in the West. Globalization and the free-mar social justice around which a broad coalition could be built. And,
ket model have meant the destruction of the high organizationally, there is now a decisive institution - the AfL-CIO
wage, mass prosperity economy of the 1950s and - that has set this as a goal. "We will build a strong political voice for
1960s, an astonishing increase in disparities of in workers in our nation .... We will build a broad progressive coalition
come and wealth, a wholesale assault on the wel that speaks out for social and economic justice." With the AFL-CIO
fare state and market regulation, etc. By all accounts, providing the ballast, such a coalition, which brings together key
a political tilt to the left here should be greater than women's, gay, environmental, people of color, church and other issue
in France, and more widespread than in Britain. groups, and which "blocs" with the Congressional Progressive Cau
What are the typical explanations we cus, is on the immediate agenda.
progressives have for our political backwardness? At the same time, we must consolidate those progressive politi
W/e engage in endless and unproductive arguments cal organizations and activists who are concerned with the long-term
about the relauve merits of econolTilc versus so strategic direction and deeper ideological coherence of a revitalized
cial issues, of class poliucs versus identity politics, progressive movement - a next left as Michael Harringron called it.
of unions versus social movements, of grassroots This "uniteJ left" would be the driving force within the broader coa
mobilization versus national campa.1gns. Or else, we lition and be the arena in which the long-range questions - the role
bemoan the non-political nature of the majority, of government, electoral politics, international solidarity, the intersec
and curse the inordinate power of the corpora tion of class, race and gender, faith-based values, sustainable growth,
tions and the media to set national priorities in fa and socialist ideas and vision - are discussed, resolved and woven
vor of the nght's agenda.
Continued on page 6
The events of the last months have brought
Issue #5 1997 • Dem o c r a Ii c Left • page 3
On Becoming a
Stadium Slayer
BY M IKE H EFFRON
So, what to do when corporate forces want to ies suffer. Yee these issues are easily drowned out by stadium hoopla
build a pri\"ate nrena \\~th pubhc funds in your when ballot initiatives askmg for increased taxes are put forward.
city? Take lessons from ~fidwest DSi\: as part In Columbus, DSA's participation in Voters Against Stadium
of a coalition outspent 300 to 1, and opposed by Taxes (VAS1) was an attempt to stem that attack. Pro-stadium tax
e\·ery Democratic and Republican city official and forces sponsored a ballot initiath·e that would raise the sales tax for
businessperson, we still made Columbus the city three years by .5 percent, from 5.75 percent to 6.25 percent, to help
that broke the national streak of mne straight \'ic raise capital co build an indoor hockey arena and an outdoor soccer
cories for pro·stadium tax corporate forces. stadium in the downtown area. The rest of the funding for the project
would come from corporations and srate funding (read: state tax
Columbus VAST vs. revenue)
the Ravenous Corporate Dragon VAST was a rag-tag coalition made up of anti-ta.x Republicans,
Libertanans, Greens, and Democrats, as well as DSJ\. Without a
\\'hen you enter the dragon's l:tir of corporate fundraising base, our anti-stadium tax coalition was unable to hire the
America, determined to rescue the chalice of pub essential member of any election campaign: a manager. This made
lic money from being used to subsidize prh·ate busi the \'\ST coalition seem like it was heading in three directions at
ness, you must be able to use your strategy and onceo With no central office or overly coordinated central planning,
rhetoric like a knight uses a lance. Armed with the the medfa response to many issues was determined based on a
facts and intelligent arguments, you might just make spokesperson's own reasons for participating in the camprugn. Yet,
it out ahve, with the chalice to boot. this became an unexpected advantage for VAST: instead of facmg
Camp\ D11n.~eom & Dn~go11.r metaphors aside, one narrowly targeted message, our Pro-Issue One (as the stadium
slaying the corporatl dragon on the issue of pub tax ballot irutiative came to be known) opponents were forced LO
licly-financed stadium pro1ects is one necessary part defend their proposal from ten to twenty thfferent sides.
of beating back attacks on declining public funding Through print, radio, and television, DSA attacked the pro
of the social safety net. 'auonwidc, there is a con posal as disproportionately affecting the poor and elderly. While the
tinuing trend of private interests profiting from Republicans criticized the proposal for raismg taxes, the Democrats
publicly-funded stadium projects: Cleveland :ind San criticized it as misplaced tax expenditure. 'Ibe Greens characterized
Francisco arc only thr.: two latest examples. it as wreakmg envuonmental destruct.ion on a potential park site, and
Sports teams hold cities hostage, either by the Libertarians as a perfect example of corporate welfare.
threatening to leave if new stadiums are not built, This flexibility paid off. Despite rrusmg a mere S5,000 to the
or by threatening never to expand if a city docs not pro-stadium tax forces' $1.5 million, VAST won a dec1s1ve victory,
ha\'C a new facility. In the case of the former, city defeating the ballot initiative 56 percent to 44 plrcent. A second
governments, feeling beholden en the~c ego-giants victory came in the epilogue, when weeks later a private arena pro
of industry, promise to "sa\'C our city" br paying posal, to be paid for with pri\"ate funds, was put forth. The private
for new stadiums with capit.tl raised from increased proposal provided progressives with the extra victory, for it allowed
ta.xcs. In the case of the latter, city officials justify for school tax-abated money to be reimbursed through ticket sur
publicly-financed srndiums with promise!' of new charges. All this, after pro-stadium tax forces had insisted throughout
jobs and a place in the ranks of "America's Top their campaibrn that a private plan was not possible.
Cities."
There is a dark side to the utopia promised Honing your weapons and finding the dragon's soft, slimy
by stadium supporters. It is these same cities that underbelly
arc cutting financial support for public education,
social service caseworkers, and city infrastructure. \\'hen the campaign against the stadium tax began months out from
Cuts in federal ai<l are making metro areas more the clectJon, VAST carefully examined studies that the city had com
reliant on loc.-il tax levies to support urban necessi missioned to gauge the affect a stadium/arena would have upon the
ties such as public transportation. The scarcity of Columbus area. Examples included the stadium/arena's impact on
re\"enue is compounded by downtown de,·clopment local business, its likely cost, and possible ways to pay for it.
that JS always tax-abated. \\'here schools suffer, cit- Pro-stadium ad\'ocates took their proposal from those studies,
page 4 • De mo c r a Ii c Left • Issue #5 1997
but there were many recommendations they con into ciuesuon revenue figures requires some hefty number crunching,
\"eniently ignored. These ignored recommendations but it is important to look at how your opponents arrived at their
became VAST's ammunition for our initial salvos numbers. There are many ways to interpret numbers, and they will
against the projecr. have picked figures that show the proposal in the most favorable
Studies, such as the one for Columbus, are light (and ignored the ones that don't; but that doesn't mean they arc
often public record and contain the first weapon impossible to find) ..\ s stadmm/a rena supporters lobby the public to
on which ro build your case. Much of the informa favor the project, it is likely that they will not want to count, in their
tion which follows is what VAST used to explain final projected cost, the almost certain construction overruns that are
why publicl})inanced arenas are, in the words of normal for a project of such proportions. Downplaying the antici
VAST co-chair Heather Loughly, "losing proposi pated cost overruns is an attempt to suppress the possibilit} that an
tions for t·1Xpayers." They may not all apply to your additional revenue source may be necessary to avoid a scenario of a
particular city's proposal, as the information was half-completed arena. Exploit this as much as you can; nobody likes
gleaned from specific Columbus studies, but they to be duped. Finally, in the event that the private interests offer to
are a good start. Here are some of the better argu cover cost overruns "out of their own pockets," make sure yuu fol
ments that we put forward in our winning cam lm\ the money. In Columbus, millionaire team owner Lamar Hunt
paign against the cor made a similar "generous'"
porate dragon. proposal to allay fears of
cost overruns. Turns out,
1) Sales Taxes: Ques
the money was not a be
tion the appropriate
nevolent donation by the
ness of a public!}
private owner, but mstead
funded stadium/
a public relations ploy
arena first. "When
where a ticket-surcharge
ever government pro
financed a cost overrun.
vides entertainment
Once again, nobody likes
services, they are al
to be duped.
ways funded by user
fees," stated VAST. ~ 4) Lease Guarantees, such as
Stress that stadiums ~ they are in business, are
should be no excep .~Cl only as good as the signa-
tion. Using public ."" rure on the dotted lme.
"E
money to subsidize E With public funding pro-
emenainmenc com ~ posals, tt is imperative to
plexes undermines stress that voters need to
other, more essential, tax-funded projects such as have as much information as possible; without detailed leases, nego
infrastructure improvement and public transporta tiated before the election, voters can't be sure what they are approv
tion. Likewise, you should emphasize how the re ing. Emphasize the need for answers to questions like: What happens
gressive nature of sales taxes disproportionately if there are operating deficits? W'hat happens when there are con
affects the poor and the elderly. struction deficits, and whc1 picks up the tab? Does the City get anr
unbudgetcd revenue? J\ vote before the negot1arion of leases gives
2) Transfer Det11and: Where there are already existing
business the upper hand in negotiating. With the approval of the
public arena/stadium facilities in an area targeted
proposal, sports team owners are able to negotiate with the advantage
for new ones, there 1s the negative effect of "trans
of knowmg the city will cave in to their demands 1f they threaten to
fer demand." Transfer demand is the effect a new
leave. No city wants an empty arena (ask the people of St. Peters
private entertrunment facility has on another, exist
burg).
ing public facility. l\1oney spent at an older venue
disappears when the team moves, or concerts nre 5) Job Creation: One of the mosl openly Oouted promises of any
booked, into a larger venue. The result ts a nega stadium campaign is the promise of new jobs. In Columbus, as in
tive budgerary effect on existing public sports fa Cle,·eland and manr other metro-areas before it, pro-stadium-tax forces
cilities where revenue ceases, with revenues now touted the JOb creation potential of an arena as if it were a project
going to a private interest. Thus the public loses a the magnitude of the Tennessee Valley Aurhomy. Un fortunately, claims
public revenue source, while concurrently paying of full-employrnem-through-arena construction are greatly exagger
out and tax-abating a venue that will generate ated. When the Heartland Institute studied thirty-six cities with com
money mostly for a few pri\'ate inrerc.:sts. plc.:ted arena projects, they found no discernibly positive economic
effect for the ciues in question. Factor in ta.x abatements and tax
3) Construction Overruns: To sell a sales tax increase,
subsides that are :tlmost always given to sta<lium projects and, pre
such as the one proposed in Columbus, there is
dictably, the results show a negative communiry impact.
often a promise to limit the amount of time the tax
is in place. Projecting revenue from sales taxes is 6) Democratic Accotmtability: \'V'hen city officials want somethmg, rarely
risky, since the consumption of consumer goods do they let little problems such as city residents get in the way. Down-
fluctuates with the health. of the economy. Cllling
Continued on page 6
Issue #5 1997 • De m o c r o I i c L e f I • p o g e 5
Present Progressive/continued from page 3 Stadium Slayer/continued from page 5
into the progressive movement. In a word, we town arenas/stadiums require parking, traffic rerouting, and the general
must put an end to left-v.ing encrepreneunsm, unpleasantness of noise and massh·e lighting on game nights Gust ask the
by which any small group of individuals with a residents of Wrigleyville in Chicago.) These residents are powerful allies
good idea finds some foundation or institutional because they voice their concerns with a passion, inducing well-deserved
support and creates yet another progressive or headaches in city officials who must usually attend public meetings of
ganization with a political perspective almost the angry and ignored lumpen city folk. Upset residents also buy time by
identical to every other oq:amzation. 111c dif incom·eniencing city planners, who would just as soon pa\·e over the
ferences among DSA, the New Party, Neigh pesky neighborhoods and solve the downtown parking problem once
bor to Neighbor, .\mencans for Democratic and for all.
Action, the Committees of Correspondence,
This last point of dtmocratic accountability is vital for us; it is why
Jobs with Justice, and many Citizen J\crion state
we are willing to defy conventional wisdom and stick with the underdog
organizations - just to name a few groups -
label of socialists. When \ ·e speak out against corporate "wealthfare," we
arc minuscuk: compared to their programmatic,
must constantly pound away with the idea that there would be no public
and even ideological, agreement. Not only is a
subsidies nf private business if city government and private business
"united left" on the agenda, it is a necessity for
were kept in check by economic controls restricting the use of public
making a broad progressive coalition ·work and
funds to projects that are used by all, rather than those that can only be
for shaping a left ideological presence that fills
afforded by some. Columbus proves that these corporate dragons can
the gaping hole in the .American body politic.
be defeated. DSA's work with other organizations and people in Colum
lbese advances can be made starting to
bus proves that it is possible to play the role of the stadium slayer with
day. \Y/e should take hope from the advances
positive.: effects for the community and our organization. Nouj go find
that the left is making around the world, and
yourself a lance; consider yourself knighted.
embark on our own ",\merican model" of left
wing renaissance. Who knows, this may be the
(Special thanks to Richard Schier. M:irk Higdon, Heather Loughly, Dennis Kneply,
"American model" that really takes hold around
and every other non socialist who taughr me how to slay corpor:ue d111gons. [nfor
the world. mation in this article was mostly taken from the Vmers Against Stadium Taxes
Response: w C'..olumhus Cay Council President 1\lichael Coleman. Mnrch I 7, 1997.)
Mike Heffron is the Midwest Organizer ofD SA and Homer
Simpson's biggest fan.
IRIUllll WITH TIE RlllT
AID WlllllB
Center For Deniocratic Values
National Conference November 6-7 Columbus, OH
r---------------1
I am interested in attending the first national
We have been losing the battle of ideas raging in
CDV conference!
the United States over the past 20 years. This con Name:
ference will develop understanding and skills for Address:
entering mainstream debate. It will bring together
academics and activists to provide training for Left City:_
State: ___ _ Zip: ______
ists who want to fight back.
phone:_ ____________
email:
The Conference, preceding the DSA National Con
vention, will f ea tu re a public debate between promi send to: Center For Democratic Values
clo DSA, 180 Varick St. 12th floor
nent intellectuals of the Left and Right, sponsored
New York, NY 10014
by Capital University.
[email protected]
L---------------~
po g e 6 • Demo c rot i c Le f I • Issue #5 1997
DSA Launches Adion
Network
BY CHRIS RrDDIOUGH
D S. \ has just launched the DSA Action Net Amendment, rarely, if ever, rcOect any discussion of the role of
work. Approved by the National Poliucal government in investing in the country and its people. Debate is fo
Commmee in ;\lay, the network has already cused narrowly on the national debt and the deficit and little credence
he!,>un recruiting members. The idea behind it is is given to proposals that suggest that an important role of govern
very simple. Everyone who becomes an activist in ment is investment
the DSA Action Network agrees, over the course Gender, Race and Economir 1Jq11ity: Policies designed to promote
of a year, to get involved at least once in our Cam economic equity for women and people of color have come under
paign for Economic Justice. increasing attack. From The Bell Cun•t to Pat Buchanan's xenophobic
Each Action Network member can decide attacks on immigrants to the anu-affirmattve action referendum in
which action to undertake. It might be contacting a California, debate on the issue of equity has focused on perceived
Congress membc.r regarding a s"pecific vote or to harm done to whites, men and American citizens. Alternatives to those
cosponsor a parucular hill, or writing a letter to the perspectives are marginalized.
eduor on a specitic issue. Those with more time Sustainable C/qbal Economy: Increasingly corporations are
might call other DS1\ members in their community transnational in character. Policies of international financial institu
to get them im•oh·ecl, circulate a petition support tions, trade agreements and investment agreements all are established
ing the L~'1ng \'\'age, Johs For All t\ct or become a with little accountability or democratic control. Nor do they take into
Congressional District coordinacor for the network. account interests other than those of the corporate world.
Since its inception in 1996, the Campaign Thus 111 each of these areas the truncated public debate has and
for Economic Justice has resulted in action to pro will lead to mcreasing the power and wealth held by a few people,
mote a more economically sound and just budget, decreasing democracy in this country and limiting the options people
opposition to Republican proposals to c.:liminaLC the in general perceive. Moreover, it is generally assumed that only 'ex
minimum '\vage for welfare workers and support perts' have any standing in discussions of these issues. Opiruons from
for living wage lcgislauon. We have participated in economists and other academics, financiers and corporate executives
successful coalmon effons to stop the balanced are viewed as authoritative, while those of ordinary people - factory
budget amendment and we are working with labor workers, secretaries, teachers, and the like - are dismissed.
and social justice groups to support progressive The DSA Action Network will advance efforts for economic
candidates in 1998. justice by providing ways for more DSA members and friends to be
Yet, debate in the United Scates on economic involved and to counter the btas among policy makers and the media.
policy is confined to a narrow range of opinion. We will keep DSA Action Network members informed through ac
This is true for discussion in the media, among tion alerts sent on a regular basis, by mail or e-mail. In return, mem
policy makers and with the public at large. Policy bers pledge to carry out at least one action a year and tnform DSA of
initiatives that promote economic iustice, gender the results. DSA staff will monitor the media and policymaking are
and racial equity and a sustainable economy are nas on the issues of economic democracy, gender and racial equity
not taken seriously hy most policy makers and are and a sustainable global economy and broadcast electronic alerts.
generally either invisible or subject to dismissal in Activists participating in the DSA Action Network will receive poltcy
the media. Economic democracy and social invest reports, political information, and guidance on momtoring the media
ment are seen as contr:try to common sense in a and meeting with policy makers.
global economy dominated by corporate interests. To JOlll the DSA Action Network contact Chris Riddiough,
Fcqnomic Devmmuy: From the foederal Reserve DSA Political Director, at 409 Butternut St. NW, Washington, DC
Hoard role to the Multi-lateral Agreement on In 20012, 202-726-0745 or [email protected]. Send us your name,
\'CStment, from the World Trade Organization to address, phone and, if you have one, your email address.
transnational corporations, entities that control eco
nomic decision making are neither subject to dcmo
CGltic control nor expected to be.
Social lnves1111enl: Budget proposals in Con
gress, including debate on the Balanced Bu<lget
Issue #5 1997 • D e m o c r o ti c Le ft • p o g e 7
March in Watsonville
BY D UANE CAMPBELL
I n an ~pressive display of organizational skill,
the Uruted Farmworkers Union, with the sup
port and participation of the AFL-CIO, mobi
lized over 30,000 farmworkers and supporters in
the Strawberry Capitol of the World: Watsonville,
California.
Union members and human rights activists
came to Watsonville from Canada Colorado and
the Western States. Unions repres~nting tea~hers,
carpenters, ironworkers, the needle trades, and the
Service Employees Int., the autoworkers, and ev
ery worker existing in the West were represented.
Watsonville was selected for this mobilization
smce it sits at the heart of the rich coastal straw
berry growing region. Tens of thousands of farm
laborers, mostly Mexican immigrants, harvest the
crops for less than the minimum wage.
The march was lead by UFW leaders, Jesse
berry costs tl1at would bring iustice and dignity to our work."
Jackson, John Sweeney, Ron Carey of the Team
John Sweeney and Richard Trumpka addressed the crowd with
sters Union, Martin Sheen, and a host of dignitar
translation provided by Louis Valdez and others. DSA contm'gents
ies. It was so large that it brought the town to a
came from Sacramento, Los Angeles, and San Diego as well as the
stop. The contingent from UNITE was load and
Latino Commission.
boisterous. Students from colleges and universities
participated. A particularly strong contingent came
Duane Campbell is a leader ofS acramento DSA and chair of
from the UCLA MeCha which mobilized close to
the DSA Anti-Racism Commission.
100 Chicano students.
Dolores Huerta, UFW vice president, an Hon
orary Chair of DSA , and a supporter of the DSA
Latino Commission, welcomed the marchers who
Bay Area DSA Hosts Forum on Full
had overwhelmed the small city with their num
bers. Dolores read the long roster of unions and
organizations in the march and who had assisted in Employment in an Age of Globalization
the march, reaching over 20 major international
unions. She predicted, "Today will be for the straw
berry workers what Selma was for the Civil Rights
0 ver 50 Bay Area DSA members and friends
Movement ... we will succeed because you have
met on Sunday, June 8 to engage in a panel discussion on Full
come to support us. I hope that the crowds show
Employment in an Age of Globalization. Focusing on Representative
the growers how much support there is for the
(and DS1\ Vice Chair) Ron Dcllums' Living Wage, Jobs for All bill,
union, then maybe we won't have to relive the dif
HR 1050, the panel included David Bacon, labor reporter, John Katz
ficult struggles of the past."
of DSA, Ying Lee, legislative assistant to Congressmember Dellums
Arturo Rodriguez, the new President of the
and Barbara Arms of the Full Employment Coalition.
United Farmworkers and heir to the tradition of
Not surprisingly, the discussion touched on a wide range of
Cesar Chavez, delivered his speech in English and
issues and concerns. These included global labor solidarity,.reople-to
in Spanish saying, "We cannot permit Monsanto
people exchanges, Mexico and NAFfA, the lnternational Monetary
and Driscol and other strawberry companies to har
Fund and the World Bank, labor in the information age, community
vest all of the profits of this 600 million dollar
control over investment, women m the workforce, education, and
industry, while its workers are crowded and living
corporate "wealth-fare."
in poverty. I ask everyone here to pledge them
The discussion also considered prospects for the future. Recent
selves to defend the rights of farmworkers. I ask
election results in Europe, and the resurgence of the U.S. labor move-
you to go to the supermarkets and tell them that
you support the 5 cents a box increase in straw- Continued on page 12
p a g e 8 • D e m o c r a t i c L e f I • Issue #5 1997
A Modest Proposal to Break the Cycle
of Dependency of the Very Rich
.
BY RON BAIMAN
Why are comervatives spending so much offering serious solutions.
time and energy Lrying to reduce unearned The politics of scapegoaung leave no room for appeals to rea
income for the pooresl and mosl vulner son and compassion. Evidence showing that the.: supposed "welfare
able people in our society? The gutting of welfare reforms" will only increase pervasive homelessness, despair, and pr1\'
wiU effect less than 1 percent of rhe federal budget erty for poor children (22 percent of all kids in the C.S. and half of
and a somewhat larger but still quite small share of black kids) and their parents, and increase Third World conditions in
state and local budgets (about 10 percent tn 1994), our major cities, doesn't seem to work. Rational dcmonstrat1ons that
and will therefore nor ha\'c a big impacr on go\'em increased long-tc.:rm costs for pohce, prisons, anti·drug enforcement,
mem spending. and child abuse prc\·cntion, caused by current "reforms", will prob-
In fact, if conscr\'atlvcs were serious about
Continued on page 12
their supposed priority of reducmg dependency and
fostering the work ethic, government would ha,•e
to spend a lot more money maktng paid employ PLEA S E POST AND DISTRIBUTE
mem a dable option for the poor hy offering free
day care, health care, and transportauon, by signifi • JOB OPENING •
cantly raising the minimw11 wage and by increasing
public sector employment to increase job availabil Development Coordinator
ity. An alternative program for serious "socializa
Democratic Socialists of America
tion" of welfare through a n:uional service pro
gram which would involve present and potential
welfare recipients as welfare providers and admin Responsibilities:
istrators, and require the likes of future ~ewt Coordinate membership fundraising program for a na
Gingrichs and Rush Limbaughs to have some di tional multi-issue political non-profit working for social
rect experience with poverty, has been proposed by and economic justice. Work with Director to develop
Princeton Advanced Institute fellow Michael Walzer bequest & major donor programs, supervise two mem
in Diiunl. But Walzer's proposal would again re bership services and financial staff and help coordi
quire greatc.:r public expenditures. In part this is nate national board and committee meetings.
because free market capitalism requires a high level
of unemployment to m:untain price stability by Qualifications:
constraining wage growth - J\farx's "reserve army" Management and fundraising experience, strong com
argument as articulatc.:d by Federal Resen·e Bank puter proficiency, good organizational and communi
spokespersons and mainstream economists. Mas cation skills, ability to work independently, commitment
sive public. efforts to cn.' . :lte Jobs would be espe so social and economic justice.
cially necessary in the local pockets of extremely
high unemploymenr where many of the poor live. Salary & Benefits:
We all know, however, that reducing depen $25-28,000 with health care & generous vacation pack
dency is not the real goal, nor is it going to be the age.
real outcome, of the attack on welfare. The real
political impcrus has more to do with targeting a To Apply:
weak and vulnerable class (and implicitly race) of Send or fax cover letter and resume by July 31, 1997
scapegoats for the real problems of rhe middle class. to Alan Charney, Democratic Socialists of America, 180
These include increasmg employment and income Varick St. 12th Floor, New York, NY 10014 fax: (212)
insecurity, and increases 1n health care, education, 727-8616
and pension costs to workers, along with a pro
longed regressive shift of tax burden away from The Democratic Socialists of America is an Equal Opportunity!
corporaaons and the rich to the middle class. Wel Affirmative Action employer. Women, gays and lesbians,
fare moms and immigrants have become targets people of color and persons with disabilities are encouraged
for righc-wingers seeking a convenient way to stir to apply.
up resentment and avoid addressing real issues and
Issue #5 1997 • D e m o c r o I i c le f t • p a g e 9
Economic Literacy 101
Rossi
BY MICHELE
Even if you've been dwelling in a cave for measure of inflation; many costs and payments are linked to it. (Re
the past few ycars, you haven't escape<l the call the fuss about recalculating the CPI as a hackdoor way of cutting
gleeful proclamations about the strength of Social Security?)
the U.S. economy splashed across the fin:incial pages
Consumer Confidence. Index of consumer fcelmgs about current
and drummed into the public consciousness. Not
and anticipated economic cone.lit.ions. It mdicates when consumers
surprisingly, these proclamations rarely offer a more
are more likely to spend or not spend.
subtle. analysis of what counts as "growth," let alone
what economic benefits are going to whom, and in Retail Sales. Change in sales at retail outlets, measured monthly and
what proportions. Nevertheless, for those of you often sharply revised. Retail sales represent about half of all con
who skipped, slept through, or otherwise avoided sumer spending and indicates the strength of the economy.
mainstream Economics 101, here's a quick guide
Industrial Production. Output of mines, factories, and utilities, mea
to what's making the rul
sured monthly. It is used
ing classes chuckle, fuss,
as another indication of
and fret.
the economy's strength.
Gross Domestic Prod
Capacity Utilization.
uct. Change in total
Share of industrial pro
value of goods and ser
duction capacity actually
vices produced in the
in use; measured
United States; measured
monthly. It shows
quarterly. lt is the stan
whether the industrial sec
dard measure of eco
tor is straining to meet
nomic growth. \\r hen demand and therefore
GDP grows faster than whether pnces are likdy
the economy's ability to to rise.
John Jonik
produce, unemploy-
Vendor Deliveries. In
ment falls.
dex showing changes in time between receipt and delivery of manu
Unemployment Rate. Share of the work force.: facturing orders; measured monthly. It is considered another indica
seeking but unable to find a job; measured monthly. tion of strain in the industrial sector, with a number above 50 show
It indicates how much "slack" (as opposed to how ing lengthening delays.
many an mvoluntary slacker?) exists in the economy.
Trade Balance. Net of all imports and exports of goods and ser
The official unemployment rate significantly under
vices; measured monthly. \V'hcn the trade deficit rises, it means less
states the unemployment problem because anyone
demand for t.;.S. products and therefore less economic growth.
who works at all - e\•en a few hours per week-is
counted as employed. (For more insight into em Corporate Profits. Total profits from current production for all U.S.
ployment issues, get the new DSA/CDV pamphlet companies (adjusted for inventories and c:ipital consumption); mea
by Kathy Quinn - for more information call us at sured guarterly. It is the basis for the strength of the stock market,
212-727 8610.) where prices have soared as profits, considered as a share of GDP,
have hit their highest level$ in nearly 30 years. (An increase in the
Payroll Employment. Change in the number of
capital gains tax, anyone?)
production and non-supervisory workers on public
and private payrolls; measured monthly. lt shows Federal Funds Target Rate. Interest rate charged on overnight
how fast the demand for workers is rising. bank loans. It can be changed at any time by the Federal Reserve
Employment Cost Index. Change in cost of work Board. It is the rate the Pe<l uses as a guide to a<ld o~ subtract cash
from the hanking system as it seeks to keep inflation (and employ
ers' pay and benefits; measured quarterly. It is con
ment) under control.
sidered a key guide to labor costs and inflationary
pressures.
Sources: L'lbor Department, Commc:rce Department, Fc<lcral Reserve, National
Consumer Price Index. Change in consumer 1\ssociation of PurchasinR Management, Conference Board, The \'VashinRton
prices; measured monthly. It is the most widely used Post.
p o g e 10 • D e m o c r o I i c L e f I • Issue #5 1997