Democratic Governance and Non-State Actors

197 Pages·2011·3.45 MB·English

by  Anne-Marie Gardner (auth.)

Democratic Governance and Non-State Actors
Democratic Governance
and Non-State Actors
ANNE-MARIE GARDNER
Palgrave
macmillan
DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE AND NON-STATE ACTORS
Copyright © Anne-Marie Gardner, 2011.
Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2011 978-0-230-10874-5
All rights reserved.
First published in 2011 by
PALGRAVE MACMILLAN®
in the United States—a division of St. Martin’s Press LLC,
175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010.
Where this book is distributed in the UK, Europe and the rest of the world,
this is by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited,
registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills,
Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS.
Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies
and has companies and representatives throughout the world.
Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States,
the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries.
ISBN 978-1-349-29153-3 ISBN 978-0-230-11760-0 (eBook)
DOI 10.1057/978-0230117600
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Gardner, Anne-Marie.
Democratic governance and non-state actors / Anne-Marie Gardner.
p. cm.
1. Non-state actors (International relations) 2. Non-state actors
(International relations)—Case studies. 3. Minorities—Political activity.
4. Minorities—Political activity—Case studies. 5. Autonomy—Case
studies. 6. Democracy—Case studies. 7. Self-determination,
National—Case studies. I. Title.
JZ4059.G37 2010
321.8—dc22 2010028508
A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library.
Design by Newgen Imaging Systems (P) Ltd., Chennai, India.
First edition: February 2011
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Transferred to Digital Printing in 2014
For Elise and Tom
My favorite Mouse and Monkey
Contents
List of Figures and Tables ix
Acknowledgments xi
1 Setting Standards in the Modern World 1
2 Democratic Governance and Self-Determination 21
3 Kosovo: “Standards Before Status” and Beyond 45
4 Nagorno-Karabakh: Balancing Standards? 71
5 Western Sahara: Deserted Standards? 105
6 Conclusion 135
Notes 143
Bibliography 175
Index 189
Figures and Tables
Figures
1.1 Democratic Capacity and International Empowerment 7
2.1 Assessing Self- Determination Claims: Myriad Factors 23
2.2 Democratic Capacity and International Empowerment 39
3.1 Democratic Capacity and International Empowerment:
Kosovo 69
4.1 Democratic Capacity and International Empowerment:
Nagorno- Karabakh 103
5.1 Democratic Capacity and International Empowerment:
Western Sahara 134
Tables
1.1 Overview of Case Studies 15
2.1 International Empowerment 28
2.2 Democratic Capacity 29
Acknowledgments
A book project of this nature begins with a simple, yet inherently
daunting, goal: to make an original contribution to the field of politi-
cal science. I hope this book indeed makes a small contribution, but
I acknowledge that it would not have been possible without help
t hroughout the endeavor. The project would likely not have become
a book w ithout the intellectual friendship and encouragement of
Beth and Beth. I am grateful to Beth Bloodgood, who read and dis-
cussed more versions of the project in its early phases than she cares
to remember. To Beth English, who gave sage advice on everything
from the book’s content to the publishing process, I am also deeply
indebted. I extend thanks to Michael Doyle, who never hesitated to
read and provide comments on chapters and articles; the project is far
better for his wise counsel. Thanks also go to Kate McNamara and
Joanne Gowa, who offered direction and suggestions along the way.
Most importantly, nothing in my life has been possible without family
who provide everything from astute guidance to welcome diversions
from research and writing. I cannot thank my parents, Ann and Leon
Clodfelder, enough for their unflagging support and encouragement.
Most of all, my h usband Bill and my children, Elise and Tom, have
bestowed immeasurable love and motivation throughout the life of
the project, which makes it all w orthwhile.
From the early stages of the project, I received financial and intellec-
tual support from various foundations and organizations. I gratefully
acknowledge the assistance of the Eisenhower Institute of World Affairs,
the OSCE Researcher in Residence Program, the P.E.O. Sisterhood,
the Princeton Society of Woodrow Wilson Fellows, and the Center
for International Studies at Princeton University. In addition, some of
this material is based upon work supported under a National Science
Foundation Graduate Fellowship. I also wish to express gratitude to the
XII ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
numerous diplomats and others at the United Nations, the Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the European Union, the
Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization, and other organiza-
tions who allowed me to interview them, sharing their knowledge and
insights. I also owe a debt of appreciation to Chris Cecot for preparing
the book’s excellent index. Finally, the Taylor and Francis Group and
Cambridge University Press granted p ermission to reprint p ortions
of my previously published articles in International Peacekeeping and
Review of International Studies.
Chapter 1
Setting Standards in the
Modern World
State construction has been booming around the globe since the end
of the Cold War. From the birth of multidimensional p eacekeeping
operations in the 1990s to ongoing democracy promotion in the
Middle East and beyond, state building has become a growth indus-
try. But not just any type of state will suffice. The ostensibly neutral
term “state building” belies the implicit underlying project of fashion-
ing liberal democratic states. International organizations and influen-
tial states have increasingly sought to hold both existing and emerging
states accountable for their treatment of constituents using standards
of governance defined in terms of human rights and democracy. States
not adhering to these standards may be on the receiving end of verbal
or monetary sanction by global bodies, conditionality on loans from
international donors, loss of membership in multilateral institutions,
and even intervention. Similar standards have also become the blue-
print for nascent states emerging from the devastation of civil war or
state collapse. But are substate actors measured by the same ideals of
democratic governance? In other words, have these standards become a
precondition for statehood as well as a measuring stick for existing and
reemerging states? These questions, important in their own right, build
on a robust tradition in the literature exploring the connections among
democratic governance, peace, and international behavior—extending
the analysis of institution promotion from domestic state institutions to
substate actors. The answer also lays the groundwork to pose even more