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i DEMOCRATIC DIALOGUE AND THE CONSTITUTION 320 iii Democratic Dialogue and the Constitution ALISON L YOUNG 1 iv 1 Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP, United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries © Alison L Young 2017 The moral rights of the author have been asserted First Edition published in 2017 Impression: 1 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer Crown copyright material is reproduced under Class Licence Number C01P0000148 with the permission of OPSI and the Queen’s Printer for Scotland Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Control Number: 2016953194 ISBN 978– 0– 19– 878374– 9 Printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials contained in any third party website referenced in this work. v For Mycroft, Muse, and Mornington Crescent vi vii Acknowledgements The research for this book was most generously funded by The Leverhulme Trust, to whom I owe my largest debt of gratitude. Without their Research Fellowship award, this book may never have come to fruition. I was able to use their funding to teach part- time for two years from 2013 to 2015, which enabled me to complete a first draft of the book. The fact that it took me a further year to finalize this draft, whilst teaching full- time, provides a clear exemplification of how this book would have taken consid- erably longer to complete without their generosity. Being able to take part-t ime leave would also not have been possible without the support of my colleagues at Hertford College. I owe particular thanks to Stephen Dimelow, who tirelessly took over my undergraduate tutorial teaching in both constitutional and administrative law for two years. I also owe special thanks to my esteemed colleague Alan Bogg for his unceasing support, especially in the second year of my part- time leave. He was, is, and I’m sure will ever remain the epitome of civic virtues. I have been extremely fortunate to benefit from a supportive academic community, who have listened to my vague ramblings, encouraged my search for new ideas, and read many a badly written draft. Foremost in this regard, I owe an extremely large debt of gratitude to Paul Craig. Space really does preclude a proportionate expression of my thanks, so I’m afraid that Paul will have to make do, for now, with words that barely scrape through an application of the Wednesbury unreasonableness standard of scrutiny. I will limit myself to two points. Not only did he read the entire book in draft form, graciously pointing out errors and hostages to fortune, but also he has been a constant source of support and encouragement. I am also grateful to Graham Gee, Hayley Hooper, and Menelaos Markakis for their comments on earlier drafts. It is always problematic to provide a list of all who have listened to arguments or acted as a sounding board for my, often strange, ideas on public law which then somehow made their way into this book, or were rightly rejected. I can only endeavour to try my best (and hope anyone I miss off the list realizes that this is due to exhaustion and my own forgetfulness). With that note of disclaimer, I would like to thank: Farrah Ahmed, Trevor Allan, Merris Amos, Nicholas Bamforth, Nick Barber, Sophie Boyron, Paul Craig, Richard Danbury, Stephen Dimelow, Mark Elliott, Carolyn Evans, Liz Fisher, Stephen Gardbaum, Andrew Geddis, Graham Gee, Les Green, Carol Harlow, Janet Hiebert, Hayley Hooper, Grant Huscroft, Aileen Kavanagh, Tarunabh Khaitan, Jeff King, Roger Masterman, Danny Nicol, Jane Norton, Sebastian Payne, Adam Perry, Gavin Phillipson, Rick Rawlings, Kent Roach, Ewan Smith, Adrienne Stone, Stephen Tierney, and Grégoire Webber. I am also fortunate to benefit from working with extremely bright and enthusiastic students, many of whom have suffered these ideas sneaking into tutorials and BCL seminars. To that extent, I would like simultaneously to thank, and apologize to, the undergraduate law students at Hertford, Merton, Balliol, and Keble, in addition to anyone attending the comparative public law seminars. Whenever I mentioned ‘it’s all about the dialogue …’, or muttered darkly about being a ‘dialogue theorist’, this is what I meant. There are also those who have supplied tea, coffee, and a friendly face to help me through what have been some dark and difficult times whilst writing this book. Without their support, I’d not have made it to the end of the book. My thanks go to Alan Bogg, Oliver Butler, Richard Danbury, Stephen Dimelow, Hayley Hooper, Jieun viii viii Acknowledgements Kiaer, James Lazarus, Graham May, Dana Mills, Rebecca Sitsapesan, and Felix Wardle. I would also like to thank ‘the mothership’— Grace, Jill, Laura, Shelly, and Tina— Hannah, and the rest of my Springboard group. I also need to thank my family— Duncan, Imogen, Bagheera, and Roo. Alison L Young Oxford July 2016 ix Table of Contents Table of Authorities  xiii Introduction 1 I. A Brief Introduction to Democratic Dialogue: Panacea or Placebo?  2 II. Prisoner Voting: A Franchise too Far?  11 III. Defining Dialogue— A Distinct Constitutional Model?  16 IV. Inevitable Collapse?  22 A. Unstable democratic dialogue  23 B. Unstable legal and political constitutionalism  27 V. Outline of the Argument  30 1. The Problem with Control 37 I. Parliament or the Courts?  41 II. No Middle Ground?  44 A. Practical impossibility  44 B. Normative impossibility  48 III. Overlap  51 A. Core cases for and against strong judicial protections of human rights  52 B. Legal constitutionalism, political constitutionalism, and control of the executive  56 IV. Conclusion  66 2. Democratic Dialogue and the Dynamic Approach 69 I. Democratic Dialogue is Dynamic  70 II. Dynamic Legal Constitutionalism  74 III. Dynamic Political Constitutionalism  80 IV. Conclusion  82 3. Re- defining Democratic Dialogue 83 I. Constitutional Foundational Assumptions  85 II. Does Democratic Dialogue Rest on a Different Constitutional Foundational Assumption?  90 A. Re- evaluating the difference between legal and political constitutionalism  92 B. Democratic dialogue: occupying the middle ground?  94 III. Re- visiting Inter- institutional Interactions  100 A. Dynamic legal and political constitutionalism re- visited  101 B. Dialogue and the culture of justification: a stable middle ground?  104 C. Is democratic dialogue defunct?  110 IV. Conclusion  115

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