Daniel Defoe and Diplomacy

65 Pages·1986·6.046 MB·English

by  William Roosen

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"Foreign Affairs as Concern Us in this Island''
Early modern Europe was not democratic, but by 1700 governments were
beginning to recognize the desirability of getting public support for their
';)d iplomatic policies. :puring and after the Thirty Years War, German govern
ments published Flugschriftent hat appealed to and shaped European public
i
opinion. Dutch pamphlets often came from private pens that might or might
''' not reflect official policy.1 Even the arch~absolutist Louis XIV appealed to
his subjects in the later years of his reign. The best-known' inhance was in
17 09 when he called on them to support his rejection of Allied demands that
he himself force his grandson to-give up the Spanish crown.2 .
During the seventeenth century, English monarchs were pressured to sub
mit an ever-greater proportion of their foreign affairs to the scrutiny of Parlia
ment. This occurred despite general agreement that international relations
were part of the royal prerogative, an area where the monarch could theoreti
cally do as he pleased. William III was secretive at first, but, as the War of
the Spanish Succession approached, he reversed tactics and began to publish
his messages to Parliament. In these he publicly explained his actions, mo
tives, and intentions. Marlborough and Robert Harley certainly attempted
to influence public opinion on foreign affairs, and the Whigs who took power
after the accession of George I learned from Harley's example how to use
writers like Defoe to try to control public opinion through the press.3
Public Opinion '
Use of the term public opinionr aises these questions. What was it? Who had·
opinions? ,
Even today, scholars do not agree on what public opinion is-although
many techniques have been developed by social scientists to measure and
record it. How can one hope to know anything concrete about such a nebu
lous thing in the days before Gallup and Roper polls even existed?4 The best
way is to use the concept of"image" rather than "opinion." An "opinion" is
15
11
16 DANIEL DEFOE AND DIPLOMACY I "ForeignA ffairs as ConcernU s" 17
a narrow, issue-oriented expression ofa viewpoint, while "images" are more ble to draw inferences from contemporary newspapers. This is especially true
unconscious, broader, and often nonverbalized, "Image" can be described as on questions of foreign affairs. Because the images of foreign countries de
a person's "'subjective knowledge of the world,' which includes all his 'be veloped by relatively uninformed publics are usually vague and inconsistent,
liefs, attitudes, information, preferences,' or 'pictures in the head.' ... images they tend to be easily influenced by the specific arguments in printed mate
are simpler than reality, often contradictory, difficult to change, and most rials. ''The more uninformed a person is about foreign policy and the more
important, images of foreigners are usually negative to some degree." 5 Even his images are unrelated to Weltpolitik,t he more susceptible he is to 'author
if definite, measurable opinions once existed, they cannot be recaptured, but itative' newspaper ... features." 12 Since most individuals in Defoe's time
the hodgepodge of contradictory and confusing assumptions and observa were relatively uninformed, it is not surprising that his self-assured writings
tions suggested by image can be rediscovered. 6 It is in the sense ofiinage that had a substantial impact on the public. 13
the term public opinioni s used here. Anyone who reads Defoe's works immediately recognizes that a major pur
Who had images of diplomatic topics? In the late 1600s, the phenomenon pose of his writing was to persuade readers to accept his interpretation of
of a public in the modern sense of the term was just coming into being in events.14 It is impossible to know the extent to which he succeeded.15 He and
London. "In a society rapidly growing mor.e bourgeois, journalism and the his ideas were often subjected to scurrilous attacks from many sides, much
theatre provided everyqne with the same new topics of conversation, the more so than many of his fellow writers in this period when such barrages
coffee-houses provided the setting, and a flood of play texts and pamphlets ~were stock in trade for all those who wished to sell their written words.
assisted the bulk of the new public to arrive at their opinions second-hand." 7 Perhaps the large number of attacks is an indication that he was so successful
Although the reading public was never homogeneous, its taste was much in persuading people to accept his point of view that his opponents were
more unified than that of readers today. obliged to challenge him as forcefully as they could.16
Publics concerned with foreign affairs existed in every early modern Euro
pean country. They ranged in size from a small number of officials and mili
tary leaders in states like Peter the Great's Russia to the much larger ones in Pamphlets and Periodicals
western Europe. Those in the Netherlands and England were undoubtedly I
to
the most important, both for their size and for their influence on the course of What were the instruments Defoe used to try influence his readers' im
events. ages of diplomacy? The answer is simple-pamphlets and periodicals. Years
The views of a spokesman and persuader like Daniel Defoe are thus !) ago, historians and literary scholars ignored the periodicals published during
unusually valuable. He certainly hoped to mold public opinion throughout the reign of Queen Anne with the exception of the Tat/era nd Spectator1: 7I t was
Britain, but in practice most of his readers lived in or near London.8 Al sometimes not even remembered that the expiration of the Licensing Act in
though many cultivated readers affected to despise Defoe, his audience was 1695 led to an outpouring of publications of all kinds, more than at any time
not insignificant. They were the commercial middle class that, along with until a century or more later.18R ecently, as interest in the role and influence
the country squiredom, had become one of the major foci of political power of printing has greatly increased, pamphlets, periodicals, newsletters, and
in Queen Anne's England, 9 other tracts are being examined by numerous scholars.19
Were Defoe's images of foreign affairs identical with those of his readers? Two questions raised are: how widely were these materials circulated and
Of course not. No such identity could possibly have existed. Nevertheless, he how many people read them? It would be a boon if subscription lists, print
shared the prejudices, tastes, and expectations of a wide segment of British ers' records of numbers of copies printed, and the like still existed.20 If there
society.10 As he had few truly original ideas, he drew on the very consider ever .were such records, they are unfortunately no longer available. Instead
able pool of ideas already in existence to create an eclectic mixture of his scholars are forced to rely on estimates like the one an anonymous writer
own. I I In this Defoe was similar to other members of the political public who produced for the Treasury some time in I 704 or early 1705; he estimated .the
derived their images of foreign countries and foreign affairs from many differ current circulation of nine different newspapers. The numbers ranged from a
ent sources, only some of which are still available. But no one has left more high of six thousand copies of the London Gazettet o lows of four hundred for
evidence than Defoe about what ideas were "in the air" of late Stuart and the English Post, the Flying P~st, and Defoe's Review.21 Modern scholarship
early Georgian Britain. cannot improve on these figures. There is no way of knowing whether the
One should never assume that the images that are presented in extant anonymous author had some reason for falsifying his report or even whether
sources tell the complete story of what the public thought, but it is still possi- he had any better basis for it than rumor or guess.
18 DANIEL DEFOE AND DIPLOMACY
''ForeignA ffairs as ConcernU s" 19
Although the use of specific numbers often gives an impression of acc~racy
internal English matters. By l. 6. 97 a rethinking of the concepts of England's
to an estimate, it is unlikely that these figures for the Treasury are reliable.
foreign affairs. had taken place. Again and again William's supporters. pre
The number of copies of a newspaper actually printed and sold varied greatly
sented notions such as insular freedom, national interest, umpirage, ,and
from day to day depending on whether current news was such that a brisk
equilibrium in many different contexts. The principles "that the preservation
sale occurred. 22 There is no way of knowing if the relative number of copies
of English liberty and prosperity required a tender regard for the liberties of
stayed the same over the years either. One wonders whether D~f~e's Review
Europe, and that the balance of power entailed fidelity to the strategic re
would have continued publication for nearly another decade 1f 1t had re
quirements of a Grand Alliance became" some of the ideas which were "in
mained one of the smallest in London. On the other hand, its circulation and the air. "30
influence may have been at their height around 1705-6.23 In any case,
Such a change does not necessarily mean that the relative importance of
many more than four hundred people were exposed to the Review. Each copy
international affairs for the English political public had increased. Even to
of a newspaper was read by many individuals, perhaps as many as twenty
day, readers in most. countries have less interest in foreign than domestic
(the number Addison gave when estimating the influence of the Spectator).
affairs.31 This may have been .the case in England during Queen Anne's
Many people also listened to papers read aloud in places such as coffee
reign. The attempt by William and his supporters to educate the English
houses.24
,;about contemporary European realities. may not have been successful· in
Authors like Defoe were anxious to distribute their publications as widely
overcoming the long tradition of ignorance and prejudice about foreign
as possible. In 1705 he called on anyone who was "Zealous for the Corn~on affairs. 32
Good" to arrange for the Review to be sent "into every Corner of the Nat10n,
The evidence is not conclusive, however. There are i17-dicationst hat Wil
so that not One Member [o f Parliament or the electors], for whose Use it is
liam's campaign met with some posthumous success. The official London
wrote should fail to see it." To achieve this, his plan called for the printer to
Gazette "was read primarily for foreign news .... "33 The popular newsletter
give a' reasonable number of free copies to any known person who was willing
distributed by John Dyer contained reports about Parliament, domestic
lo distribute the papers but could not afford the expense of buying them.25
affairs, and political gossip, but "the larger part of his letters were filled with
No one knows whether this attempt to increase circulation was successful.
foreign information." 34 One modern scholar goes so far as to claim that
The best that can be said about circulation is a simple, nonquantitative
statement. Much contemporary evidence indicates that the Review, the
in the eighteenth century foreign policy was almost always the most impor
ttpproximately twenty-six other periodicals in which Defoe had a hand, and
tant matter before the political nation .... Thus the pride of place given to
his numerous pamphlets, all "had a wide and continuous impact" on his foreign affairs in the press was an authentic tribute to the interest attached
contemporaries.26 "Whatever Defoe wrote ~s journalist _or famphl~:eer by the public to them. News from abroad was usually the most important
counted, hurt, raised hackles." It is appropnate to call him the political category of information purveyed and clearly took precedence over all but
writer" of Queen Anne's reign. 27 the more sensational news at home. No doubt this was true in most coun
tries, but what was striking in Britain was the degree of importance
attached to popular interest in these matters. 35
Importance of Foreign Affairs
Blood and sex were very important in provincial papers at the time, but
"Foreign Advices" were almost always more important. Especially after
How important were diplomacy and foreign affairs in comparison with
1715, when the Church was no longer in danger, the Protestant succession
topics like internal English political affairs, n~ligious matter~, a?d
seemed reasonably secure, and .Britain was not at war, life in the countryside
cconomics?28 In the mid-seventeenth century, Englishmen were pnmanly
was rather dull. Foreign news like the exploits of Charles XII of Sweden
concerned with internal affairs. As late as the 1670s, "virtually the whole
provided excitement and novelty' that could not be found at home. As a re-.
English political nation was insular, ignorant of European affairs and
suit, provincial newspapers faithfully reported on foreign wars. and whatever
absorbed in domestic politics." 29 diplomatic negotiations couH be discovered. 36
After the Glorious Revolution William III and his supporters wished to
Despite this testimony by modern scholars, the only completely satisfac
increase Englishmen's knowledge about and concern for foreign alfairs. This
tory method of discovering the relative importance of foreign affairs in the
is unclcrstanclable, for at least at first, William himself was more concerned
English press in the early eighteenth century would be to make a quantitative
with bringing England into the alliance against Louis XIV than he was with analysis of the period's publications. 37 Such an undertaking is beyond the
20 DANIEL DEFOE AND DIPLOMACY "ForeignA ffairs as ConcernU s" 21
scope of this study. The most that can be done here is an examination of the MercuriusP oliticusr anged from a low of 630 during its first year to a high
Defoe's own publications. of 906. This chart shows what proportion was devoted to foreign affairs dur
If a restricted definition is used, Defoe appears not to have been very in ing a time when Britain was involved in no major wars.
terested in foreign affairs. Because he gained much of his information from
reading, it is valuable to examine the list of about twenty-two hundred books 1716-18% (113pagesoutof630)
1717-23% (212 pages out of906)
that he may have owned. The index of the catalog of his library only classifies
1718-49% (387 pages out of 788)
eleven books under the heading of diplomacy and ambassadors' reports; only
1719-39% (322 pages out of816)
thirteen are listed under international law. Moore's Checklisto f Defoe's own
publications has about five hundred and fifty titles, of which only a tenth are Not all of these pages were in the "Foreign Affairs this Month" section be
obviously devoted to international relations and diplomacy. 38 These figures cause, as Defoe pointed out on a number of occasions, "our home Affairs are
are misleading, however. Many volumes in Defoe's library were concerned ... so blended with the Affairs of other Nations, that we shall have very little
with foreign countries and foreign affairs, but they are classified under such to add under the Head of foreign news .... "43 The same situation occurred in
headings as travel, the names of countries, and foreign princes. As for his another of his periodicals, ,the MercuriusB ritannicus,i n which he noted that as
own publications, in addition to the pamphlets, poems, and books that are 'I 1;;;ar esult of current negotiations, "the Foreign and Domestick Affairs of the
, I
specifically about foreign affairs, many others contain passages on diplomatic present Times seem to be so blended together ... that it is scarce possible to
topics.39 speak of them apart." 44 Finally, it may be noted, that it was as "a Translator
Large portions ofDef~e's periodicals were devoted to news or commentary of the Foreign News" that Defoe was able to insinuate himself into Nathaniel
on foreign affairs. This emphasis is shown by the title that he first assigned to Mist's Weeklyj ournal and eventually take control of its content.45
his most famous newspaper: A Review of the Affairs of France.F or the second On occasion Defoe complained that many writers hurried quickly over
volume (1705), a subtitle was added to show that it was also concerned With foreign news because the taste of their readers was so much concerned with
Observationos n Transactionsa t Home. The main title of volume 3 was changed to domestic matters that they "neither value, or understand the Intelligence
reflect a stronger emphasis on domestic affairs: A Review of the State of the Abroad, and therefore are never satisfied but with Home News, how trifling
English Nation.40 Most of the issues in 1704 were devoted to international soever it be."46 This may have been the plaint of a man who regretted that
affairs, but in 1705 and 1710 there is almost nothing. The period of the nego others did not.share his concerns as much as he thought they should. It may
tiations leading to the Peace of Utrecht saw a resurgence of interest in foreign also have reflected the fact that his later periodicals did not succeed as well as
a[airs. 41 the Review.47
After the end of the W ~r of the Spanish Succession. and the demise of Defoe became less and less convinced of the ability or interest of his audi
the Review, Defoe started another newspaper, the Mercurius Politicus, that ence to take important subjects seriously. "He that talks of Vanity, talks to
included a section titled "Foreign Affairs this Month." He explained his all Mankind .... if a Man talks like a Fool, all the World will listen to him;
purpose in the first issue: . whereas ifhe pretends to be Grave and Wise, talk soberly and substantially,
he shall talk away all his Hearers, write away all his Readers, and turn his
It is also necessary to our Design, and we hope shall make these Collec Volumes into Pound-Paper for the Pastry-Cooks and Retailers." 48 Since this
tions more useful as well as more agreeable to the Impartial Readers, to
bitter complaint was written about the same time as he was publishing Robin
take a short view every Month of Foreign Affairs, how they stand at the End
son Crusoea nd some of his other fictional works, it is obvious that he found it
of every Month, and what Remarkable has happened among them, espe
cially of such Foreign Affairs as have any Concern with us in this Island, or necessary 'to change his format if not his style of writing. In any case, it
are influenced from hence.42 should be clear that Defoe was greatly concerned with diplomatic and inter
national topics in one way or another throughout his career.
This section remained a regular feature of the newspaper.
The MercuriusP oliticus contained copies of supposedly official letters and
reports, letters purportedly sent by correspondents abroad, treaties, reports
of battles, and analyses of diplomatic events. It is impossible to determine
exactly how much of this material is genuine, but it does show the impor
tance of foreign a[airs for Defoe. The total number of'pm.gesi n each volume of
"The Ambition of Human Nature" 23
reason, the theory's conclusions must follow logically from its premises.5 De
foe believed so strongly in the importance of reason for understanding and
regulating human affairs that he could have. written these lines himself.6
2 Reasonableness is characteristic of his writing in general but especially of the
many political pamphlets he wrote in the early eighteenth century. As one
biographer notes, his "political and other pamphlets are certainly saturated
"'TheA mbition of Human Nature.,.,
with thought; he is eminently reasonable, and he has always an argument
which he develops clearly and persuasively." 7
One example is found in The Two Great Questions Consider'd. Defoe pointed
out that after the death of Carlos II, the claim of Louis XIV's son, the
dauphin, to the Spanish throne depended on the belief "that the Renuncia
tion made by his Father and Mother at the Pyrenaean Treaty cannot bind
Although Defoe did not create a fully developed formal theory of interna
the Children so as to deprive them of their Right, which is the great Argu
tional relations, his eclectic collection of assumptions and ideas do form a
ment now used to defend their Title. Now if their Right be good, the Crown
comprehensible whole. The easily understandable language he ~sed both , Ii
\i[of Spain]. is the Dauphin's, and after him the Duke of Burgundy's and his
reflected his contemporaries' views :i,nd provided them with a way of think i I Heirs."8 Defoe went on to argue that for the same reason, the dauphin and
ing about diplomacy and foreign affairs.1 Even a casual reading of his works
the duke of Burgundy (the dauphin's eldest son) could not give up their
dealing with the topic shows that he was writing from a specific point of view.
descendants' claims to the duke of Anjou (the dauphin's second son_:_the
Defoe was a realist. This statement is not surprising in as much as he has
future Philip V). In any case, trying to do so would lead to war between the
already been called an economic realist, a literary realist, an artistic realist,
dauphin's grandsons. The argument is so typically reasonable and logical
and simply a realist.2 But today the word realist has a very specific meaning that it ·scarcely matters that ,Defoe was wrong.9 Although he admitted that
for students of international politics and diplomacy. It refers to ideas like
his observations about diplomatic developments could be in error, he always
"reason of state" and the view that effectiveness is important in politics while
t~ied to insure that his thinking· was. rational.
morality is not.3 Although such ideas have existed atleast since the time of
Machiavelli, they are now part of a recognized "school" of twentieth-century
political thought. . Pragmatism and Prudence
The surprise is that even though Defoe wrote almost three centuries ago,
he was a political realist in exactly today's sense of the term. There is an A second characteristic of realistic theory is that it is pragmatic and empir
astonishing congruity between his ideas and the principles that twentieth ical, not a priori and abstract.10 Defoe's practicality is obvious from even a
century realists believe govern international behavior. This can be shown by
casual. re.:tding of his works. I I His pragmatism showed in several differen~
comparing Defoe's fundamental principles with the, characteristic ideas of aspects of international politics. He argued, for instance, that things must be
modern political realism as explained in Politics Among Nations by Hans taken as they are-not as they were or as they might be some time 'in the
J.
Morgenthau, a well-known twentieth-century realist.4 It is easy to bring
future. He expressed the general principle in 1712:
Defoe's ideas together in an organized way because he reiterated the same
ones so often over the years. Although he himself never arranged his thoughts
Time ha~ taught ~s to see that neither the Opinion. of P~inces or Parlia
in this manner, he would probably not ·have objected to this arrangement ments are so infallible as not to be Subject to the Mutat10ns and Altera
because he constantly called for clarity. tions which the Accid~nts of Government and the Revolutions of Nations
bring upon them; and that which may toda:y be esteemed dangerous an~
impracticable, tomorrow becomes not only safe but nec.essary; so tha~ 1t
ceases to be an Argument against a Thing to say that sµch was the Opm
Rationality and Logic
ion of such or such, at such or such a Time; for as Circumst~nces alter, the
J udgments of Men will and ought to be altered. 12
First, according to Morgenthau, a realist view is rational and logical. Be
cause a realistic theory ascertains facts and gives them meaning through A specific example was the argument that the Scots should not reject the Act
22
II
!
,!
24 DANIEL DEFOE AND DIPLOMACY
"The Ambition of Human Nature" 25
of Union in the expectation that France would protect them against the
English attack that would surely follow a rejection. The Scots would not re
ceive French aid even though they had received it before, Defoe claimed. "It's
but very ill and uncertain reasoning to say, because we have done so and
so, therefore we are still able [ to do so and so]." I 3
Defoe's pragmatism also showed in his exhortation that it is more impor
tant to know what actions a state possibly can take than what actions its
leaders might like to take. This concern was one of his constant themes. In
1701 he derided fear of a war with Spain on the grounds of "a known Truth,
that none of the Dominions of Spain are able of themselves to maintain
Forces enough to defend them[selves]," much less threaten others. 14 Yet in
1711, Defoe saw the difficulty that resulted from the Allies' inability to defeat i
Spain militarily. He posed the problem to those people who wanted to turn : : ,1
Spain over to "Charles III": how were they going to force Philip V to give up
his kingdom "by a Treaty, while they do not first tell us how we shall get it
out of his hand by a War." 15A fter the Peace of Utrecht, Defoe scoffed at the
possibility that Louis XIV would interfere with Queen Anne's quiet posses
sion of her throne on the ground that the kingdom of France was exhausted
by the preceding war. Because any interference would immediately bring a
new alliance into existence against Louis, "no one can reasonably suppose
the French king will run the hazard ofit." 16
As late as 1727, Defoe was still calling on his countrymen to be realistic
Fi~ .. l. At Utre~ht, the ?iplomatic representatives of Louis XIV of France and
about the likelihood that certain countries could act effectively in a war.
Philip V of Spam met_ with th~ representatives of the Grand Alliance (except the
He particularly ridiculed the idea th~t the Poles could threaten the king of
empero~ a~d the Empire) to sign the treaties that ended the War of the Spanish
Prussia when they had no money in their exchequer. Spanish talk of equip Success10n m 1713. (Reproducedfr y courtesyo f the Trusteeso f the British Museum.)
ping fifty warships when they did not even .have three thousand seamen,
or of giving the emperor a subsidy when they could not even bring home
their plate fleet was foolish, "fit for little else ... but to be laughed at." The
for something stronger. But, as Defoe argued, there really was nothing better
report that the czaritsa had ordered her ships to be ready to sail early in the
or st.ronger that could be demanded than verbal assurances.19 The same was
spring although the ice would keep them in port until the English fleet could .
true of France's recognition of the Protestant succession. Even if all the sto
arrive was ridiculous. "The,, Muscovites can no more come out into the Ocean
ries about Louis XIV's perfidy and insincerity were true, "the Nature of the
without our Leave, or without fighting our Fleet, and beating it too, than
their ships can fly over the Mountains." 17B e practical! Thing" was such that nothing more could be asked than that his "Verbal
Assu_ran~es be full and compleat .... It may be said of all Treaties [that]
Another aspect of Defoe's pragmatism was his understanding that "nei
nothmg 1s to be Depended on but what either you have Power to Enforce or
ther side could expect to get everything it wanted" in international politics. IS
the othe~ ~ives sufficient Security_ to Perform. "20 Defoe clinched his arguru'ent
He realized that because of the very nature of the issues, it is sometimes
by adm1ttmg that the French kmg could indeed go back on the faith and
impossible to have perfect solutions to diplomatic problems. He pointed this
honor of himself and of the throne of France. But such a possibility could not
out in response to criticism of the Peace of Utrecht, especially the claim that
be avoided. Defoe did "not see what farther could be done; what more could
there were insufficient guarantees given that the French would not disturb
have been asked of the King of France; or what more he could have granted,
the Protestant succession in England and that Philip V would never succeed
to have made us more safe."21T hat is the essence of pragmatism-accepting
to the French throne. Both issues were major problems that the Allies faced
what is and what cannot be changed.
at the encl of the War of the Spanish Succession. Since Philip's possession of
Spain graphically showed the weakness of renunciations, the Allies wished
26 DANIEL DEFOE AND DIPLOMACY "The Ambition ofHuman Nature" 27
Power least one occasion he generalized it to other countries. "The. Interest of Trade
is the Interest of Nations: Peace is the end of War, or at least ought to be so:
The third important characteristic of political realism is its concern with Trade is the end of Peace, and Gain is the end of Trade." 30 In any case, he
I
22
power in the sense of"control over the minds and actions of other men." It understood that interests could be of long duration: ..
"was Machiavelli's thesis that the decisive factor in politics was power, not Defoe also recognized that a country's interests could change when cir
justice. "23 cumstances changed. He frequently noted, for example, that the French used
Making allowances for the different terminology used in the early modern thejacobites according to their owr{ changing interests. 31N owhere, however,.
period, it quickly becomes apparent that Defoe recognized the significance of is this idea better illustrated than in the question of what prince should
power. He certainly would have agreed with both Machiavelli and modern acquire the Spanish Empire after die death of Carlos 11.32
realists that the desire for power was universal. "We are very well aware," he Defoe's realism was also evident when he recognized that, in practice, new
wrote, "that Princes, like other Men, never think they have too much; never rulers almost invariably took up and supported the interests of their new
give up any thing they can lay hold on; or part with any thing they can i country no matter what their previous allegiance had been. This is why so
keep."24 In equally broad terms he indicated in l 700: "I question whether it many early modern princes were disappointed when they married tl}eir rela
be in the Humane Nature to set Bounds to its own Ambition, and whether tives to foreign r~lers in the hope of tying. the foreign country to themselves.
the best Man on Earth would not be King o~er all the rest ifhe could. Every ~hether the new arrival came as a result of rnaniage or, inheritance, he or
25 I
King in the World would be the Universal Monarch ifhe might." Despite she either took up ~he adopted country's interes'ts or was isolated and ineffec
r I
these beliefs, power was not as central to Defoe's theory of international I' tive. A case in point was Philip V. Defoe argued on numerous occasions that
politics as it is for political realists today. France would gain little by Philip's becoming king of Spain because "In
terest of State always prevails above Interest of Blood, and Brothers will no
Interests longer agree, than their Governments agree. "33 If Philip were to be allowed
to remain in Madrid, Defoe said, he "will in a few Y e3:rs be as much in the
Closely connected with power is a fourth characteristic ·o f political Interest of the Kingdom or'Spain, which is always distinct from that of
realism-concern for the interests of states. Political realism's key idea today France, as ever his Predecessors of Spain used to be."34 T.hat Defoe was right
26
is the "concept of interest defined in terms of power." Like many of his is shown by the fact that France and Philip V's Spain were at war within a
contemporaries, including the philosophes,D efoe often used the word interests few years after the death of Louis XIV.
when discussing international relations. 27 ije even titled one of his pam This example suggests another principle that is connected with modern
phlets The Interestso f the SeveralP rincesa nd States of Eu,ropeC onsider'd,w ith r_espect political realism's concern for the interest of states. In a given international
to the Successiono f the Crown of Spain. In this he argued forcefully about the situation, common interests, or at least lack of conflicting interests, are the
importance of interests in international politics: "Princes may take this or best and perhaps the only basis for cooperation among states; conflicting
that Party with respect to Wars foreign to their own Dominions; but in their interests by definition lead to problems. As Defoe put it,
own particular Cases they are always governed by their Interests," 28 He
thought it was even more general: the interest of all men "governs their Joining Interests is joyning Nations. Affinities, Leagues, and Treaties are
principle."29 It is not likely, however, that Defoe thought of interest purely in trifles; where. ,has there been m?re .Intermarriages than between the two
Northern Crowns [Denmark and Sweden]? And yet never moreJeaiousies,
terms of power. ·
nor difference of Interest. Where has there been more Antipathies, more
Political realists do not believe that interests are permanently fixed.
contrariety in Temper and Religion than between the Dutch and Span
Although the interests of a state may remain constant for long periods of time iards? And yet their Interest has overcome all Animosities and made them
(even if the individual leaders or the form of government change), it is quite strict Confederates. 35
possible for that state's interests to change if new circumstances arise. Defoe
heartily agreed. As is well known, he believed that because Britain was a He clearly recognized that treaties and other agreements are only valuable
trading nation, whatever benefitted her trade was in her interest. This is an when they express the true int~rests of countries.
excellent example ofa continuing interest-whether the throne was held by a On the other hand, Defoe saw that a state's interest would force it to act in
Stuart or a Hanoverian and whether the government was led by Tories or a certain way even if it had no formal obligation to do so. For example, the , I
Whigs. Defoe was so concerned with England's interest in trade that on at Dutch had to support the Protestant succession in England. It made no dif-
28 DANIEL DE:FOE AND DIPLOMACY ~ "The Ambition of Human Nature" 29
wrote.41 The country was almost constantly at war during his early years,
ference whether or not the Dutch agreed to do so in a treaty because "that
and during wartime, few nationalists are willing to accept either explicit or
Sovereign Law of their own Preservation will always put them under a Ne I'
I implicit criticism of their country. Yet it was apparently the way in which The
cessity of doing it, the contrary being most sure to be a great Step in their 1
Injury, if not their evident Destruction." 36 Similarly, in 1717, Defoe claimed 'I! True Bom Englishmana ttacked the false pride of his fellow countrymen that so
enamored Defoe that in later years he frequently referred to himself as the
that all European states should intervene to stop Spain from seizing the
"Author of The True Bom Englishman." Among all the patriotic verses cele
Hapsburg possessions in Italy. They should do this not on behalf of the
brating the victory over France at the Battle of Blenheim, only Defoe's drew
emperor but for their own sakes because "it is the common Interest of
attention to the fact that almost five-sixths of the Allied armies were non
Europe, the same which so many Years War was carried on for, and the same
British troops.42 At a time when English chauvinists were cursing their ene
which the Peace [of Utrecht] was, or ought to have been made for."37 In
mies, Defoe on various occasions published well-balanced views of France,
terest was important for Defoe, not the formal terms of treaties or other docu
its people, and its king, eve.n in the midst of a hard-fought war.43 Daniel
ments.
Defoe was not a perfect political realist for he did not completely judge his
A final advantage of viewing international politics in terms of interest is
own country according to the standards he used for other countries, but he
that the observer is able to judge all states, including his own, by the same
undoubtedly came as close or closer to it than many realists today.
standards-as political entities pursuing their respective interests. This is
possible because "political realism refused to identify the moral aspirations I:,
of a particular nation with the moral laws that govern the universe. "38 Defoe,
Autonomy of Diplomacr,
however, did not carry out this principle perfectly. When he explained in his
The True Bom Englishmanw hy princes make war, the king of England, William
A fifth important characteristic of poljtical realism is the principle that
III, was said to be different from other princes:
international politics is "an autonomous sphere of action and understanding
By different steps, the high ascent he gains; apart from other spheres, such as economics ... , ethics, aesthetics, or
And differently that high ascent maintains. religion. "44 The Machiavellian notion of reason of state of course "implied
Princes for Pride and Lust of Rule make war, that the relationship among states had its own rules, different from those
And struggle for the name of Conqueror.
determining human behavior in other spheres oflife.'l~)
Some fight for Fame, and some for Victory;
Like many people and maybe more than most, Defoe maintained separate
He fights to save, and conquers to set free.39
sets of ideas on different topics at the same time. His tendency to separate his
Nearly thirty years later Defoe wrote in a similar vein about the motives of thinking about business and economics from other spheres was noticed a
his country and king in an expected war: third of a century ago: "Defoe regarded business as an independent self
contained sphere ofinquiry, to the terms of which he could restrict his discus
Great Britain is Rich, and Strong, and opulent enough in her own Wealth, sion._B usiness was an independent compartment with rules of its own.'(~He
Power, and Commerce. She seeks no more but a peaceable Possessing her thought it very strange that the Spanish hurt themselves by refusing to trade
just Rights .... As is the Nation, so is the Prince that governs them; Sat
with the Moors in Africa. After all, "Trade knows no Religions, no Sects, no
isfied in his own Greatness, King George fights for the Peace and Good of
Parties, no Divisions."t?:)He made a similar distinction between international
his own People and of all Mankind. His Majesty enters upon this War on
the most honourable and most justifiable Grounds in the World, namely, politics and other areas"of activity, exactly the realist approach.
to Establish the World upon the immovable Basis of Peace; that every It was quite possible, in Defoe's opinion, for countries to be political and
Nation, and every Prince, and every Power, restrained only by Just and military allies at the same time as they were bitter rivals in trade. He wrote in
Capitulated Limitations, may with Safety enjoy their Own and mutually
the Review:
Guarrantee the Property of all their Subjects.40 ~i.,~
The Dutch are our Frieni:ls in the War, but I never heard anybody say the
This is nationalistic nonsense. In these cases, Defoe's patriotism was too
Dutch are our Friends in Trade, no, nor we theirs. We will Fight hand in
strong for him actually to judge his own country by the same standards as he hand, and back to back, against France, against Tyranny, against Popery;
did others. but we fight Hand to Hand, and Face to Face in our Trade, in all Parts of
Defoe was usually much more objective about England's role in interna the World where our Trading Interests Clash; nor is it any Breach of our
Alliance in other Things.48
tional politics, especially considering the tenor of the times in which he.
30 DANIEL DEFOE AND DIPLOMACY "The Ambition. ofHuman Nature" 31
Clearly, Defoe saw international politics and trade as separate spheres of I That this was Defoe's personal opinion is suggested by a private letter he
,1
action, and the rules that applied in one did not necessarily apply in the other.
wrote about the same time to Robert Harley arguing essentially the same
This does not mean that Defoe thought there wer;e no connections between way.58 In any case, whatever his thought about the appropriateness of the
the two spheres. One of his most frequently repeated axioms was that it is
situation, he was realistic in recognizing that in the early 1700s religion and
"not the longest Sword, but the longest Purse that conquers." 49 Economics
international relations were Separate spheres of interest, at least so far as
and international relations were not unrelated; they were simply to be judged
most rulers were concerned.
according to different criteria.
While, many people may be willing to recognize the separation of interna
'j
Machiavelli seems to have believed that "Christian ethics were irrelevant
tional politics from aesthetics or economics,. they are often unable to. divorce
in public affairs," and realists, agree.50 Early modern diplomats, rulers, and
it from morality and law. Just as Machiavelli 'was and still is. often con
writers, however, often used the language of religion to express their
demned by those who do not understand that he was describing the world as
thoughts, even when the substance of their ideas was quite secular.!Oi.Defoe
he thought it was, not as he wanted it to be, so are modern realists often
recognized this: "Religion is certainly the usefullest thing in the World,
condemned as immoral. Some ofDefoe's contemporaries thought that he was
whether Honestly or Politickly considered; no Engine, no Artifice comes up
evil and malicious too. ~9
to the Turns and Tricks of those that make use of it to carry on their
On occasion Defoe resolved the issue in his own mind in the same way that
Arguments."'l\2 Despite this outburst, the theme that political actions should
lhe resolved other situations in wµich morality presented difficulties. He
be undertaken for religious reasons appeared frequently in Defoe's works, simply excluded questions of right and wrong from his frame of reference, 60
and he often gives the impression 9( being a "true, orthodox Presbyterian"
Two examples will illustrate this. In. 1715 when there was-a question about
who hated and feared Catholicism.~;'!.)
whether the British ought to have supported the Catalans "against the
Yet one often senses that Defoe used pro-Protestant and anti-Catholic
Cruelty and Tyranny of Philip V of Spain," Defoe simply stated, "I take no
arguments for nonreligious ends because he knew these kinds of arguments
Notice of the Arguments on either Side, nor enquire whether Great Britain
would appeal to his audience. As one biographer noted in a discussion of the
was in Honour engaged to have supported the People of Barcelona, or
pamphlet The Dangero f theProtestantR eligion Consider'd,i t seems that the pam
not?"l.X>T;.w1;o,, years later, when discussing a conflict between Emperor
phlet "was written as a piece of deliberate war propaganda for King WiHiam,
Charles VI, Philip V, and the king of Sicily, Defoe argued that politicians
and not primarily to express the apprehensions of a deeply religious man is
must consider "not what is right or what \\l,rong, but what is fittest to be
n
anxious to safeguard his faith."54 is·difficult to disagree with thisjudgment
done, respecting die Interest qf the Party."!>2'
when the pamphlet contains such phrases as "Whoever gives themselves
leave to examine, will plainly see · 'tis Interest, not Religion, governs
Princes." 55 Moral Relativism
Despite his protestations, religious belief was not very relevant to inost
aspects of Defoe's life.56 It was therefore easy for him to claim that religion pespite what has been said above, as· a man of his time, as a formal reli
was not a significant issue in diplomacy. Kings very rarely trouble their
gious believer, and as a publicist who did not wish to shock his readers un
heads about religion, he wrote, ·
necessarily, Defoe often raised the issue of morality in international affairs.
This was not out of character.ft.ealists today re~ognize that p?lit~cal action
unless it be to help destroy and suppress it ~n the World ....
'Tis true, Religion is made the mos.t specious Pretence on all hands .. ·: can have moral significance. :But realists aJso believe that we hve m a world
As to the pretence of Religion 'tis confessed all ~ides m~ke use ?f it, of opposing interests wherein "moral principles can never be fully rea_lized,
Kings to Oppress their Subjects, Pe_oplet o Rebell agamst ~heir So~ere1gns; but must at best be approximated through the ever temporary balancmg of
Kings to obtain new Crowns, Subjects to Transpose _their Allegia?~e;.:. interests and the ever precarious settlement of conflicts." 63 Political realism
Thus God Almighty is jested with an1 bantered of all sides, an~ Re~1gion~ s
neither requires nor condones "indifference -to political ideals and moral
made the Foot-ball of Princes, to be kicked about the World as it smts their
occasions .... principles, but it requires indeed a sharp distinction .between the ~esirable
Interest is the Apollo of Princes,. and indeed all the Prin~es and States C?f and the possible-between what is desirable everywhere and at all times and
Christendom are now Embarked m a War for Interest; Liberty and Reli what is possi.b le under.the concrete ci.r cumstances o f .t i.m e an·d p la ce. "64 C on-
gion is the Aim ofa fow. ... This is no Religious War, both s.iclesD eclare it,
57 cern for the possible characterized much of Defoe's thought. Thus, even
and it has been in vain that some have pretended to make 1t so.
when he used terminology that appears to be moralistic, his "explanations"