Table Of Content

Culture, Community, Cosmos: TwoTemple Orchestras ofTamil Nadu' AMRITSRINIVASAN I nthispaper', I shall attempt tosuggestthat classicalmusicanddancetraditionsare, inaveryrealsense.social traditions.Thisisclearlyseenintheculturalmonopolies operatingalonglinesofclass,sex.andcasteinthepracticeofparticularartisticskills. The technical use of specific instruments in sanctioned contexts cannot be easily dissociated from general social privileges and taboos, even though the link between technology and society is more difficult to establish in the realm of art because of its perceived purely creative and representational character. Of course, the 'freedom' permittedtoan is only a function of its market significance today,bothas apublicand privategood,butithasserved,verysuccessfully,inobscuringfromustheintricatenature ofthelinkagebetween 'making' and 'doing'orartisticandethicalactivityinhumanlife. Like language, an both expresses and enables society-this very basic premise has become clouded in our perceptions because the pedagogic function of pleasure (embodied. even today, inacquirednotions of 'distinction', 'taste" 'style'.etc.)haslost out toits productfunction-an itemto be 'consumed' bytheindividual orthe mass,In theprocess,ithasbecomeincreasinglydifficult(0establishtherootednessoftheworkof art inanentire life-world and notjust a technical practice(Forsyth. 1966:Levi-Strauss, 1979; Bourdieu, 1996). While the truth of this is easily recognized in our everyday experience-thedifficultyfeltforinstanceinrecognizing,letaloneappreciating,thework ofartfroman'other'classorculture-itsdemonstrationprovesmoreviableinthecontext oflocalvariations withinashared culturaltradition. . With this in mind the paper will focuson two relatedtemple-orchestrasystems- the periamelam(lit.'bigdrums' inTamil)andthechinnamelam (IiI.'smalldrums'inTamil)', which were traditionally the hereditary specializations of the Isai Vellala', a politically POwerful community of Tamil Nadu. The periamelam which was constituted of the Nagaswaram (a kind of oboe), the Tavil or 'big' outdoor drum. the Ottu (drone) and Cymbals,wasorganizedaroundthemaleNagaswaram virtuoso.TheChinnamelamwhich wasconstitutedoftheMukha-vina(adiminutiveNagaswaram).theMridangamor 'small' concert drum, the Tutti (a bagpipe-type drone) and cymbals, wasorganized around the devadastorfemale dancer(Srinivasan. 1984). Itwill be a basic premise of this paper thatin thepast, thedistinctionofperiamelam '-1bispaperwaspresented.IQane,arlier.versionattheAn...Lu_vp,o""~"".n.....-1.""..".".:r-:o-e.nt.CoUoquiurooftheUni"miry ofPennsylvania.IwishtothanktheparticipantsfortheircomrnenCSandcnucrsrns.- A.S. Sangee!Natal Nos.129-130. 1998 4 AMRITSR!NIVASAN andchinnamelamwasnotbasedonasimplesexualdivisionoflabouralone,demarcating instruments and symbols appropriate to 'men's work' on theone hand and 'women's work' ontheother. Rather, thegender divisionof peria andchinnaprovided anentire cosmology linking god, (wo)man, and nature in the Tamil tradition of the auspicious temple theatre-arts. As a mangala-vadya, it is true, the Nagaswaram shared inthe auspiciousness of thedevadasi-the nitya sumangali. Butthis initialidentity had very distinctive,formal-s-aestheticandconceptual-implications. Inthetechnical specialityof theirmusic, thecomposition oftheirpersonnel, theinstruments used,and themodesof transmission deployed, the periamelam and the chinnamelam were unique unto themselvesandyetinextricablyboundtooneanother. Quiteclearly,theoverallcommunitycontextwithin whicheachorchestraoperateddidDot preventahighdegreeofprofessionalandartisticspecialization-keyattributes ofclassicism inanyarttradition.Thepaperrejects,consequently, approaches toart history whichiguore theembodimentofIndianaesthetictraditionsinparticularlocal andregionalcultures.Atthe sametime,itseekstoovercomethemethodologicalbarrierswithinanthropologywhichcome inthewayofunderstanding 'high' textual traditions in terms more familiarto thestudyof whathavebeenconsidered 'folk' traditions(Dumont, 1957;Vatsyayan, 1979). FortheIsai Vellalathemselves, art as acommunity function and a mode of livelihood ensuredcompetenceandcontinuityofpractice. An extremelytelling metaphorwhichthey usedtojustifytheirclaimtoartisticsuperiority was that ofthe plantain(vawi) whichkept perpetuating itself over the years from the original parent stock (vazai-adi-vazal). Inlike fashion, theyfelt it wasthe continuous propagation of their art which marked themapart formtheirculturalrivals,theBrahmins, who neededto depend on fortuitous circumstance for recruiting fresh talent. The Brahmins, it was further felt, dissipated their skills overa wider compass of artistic petfonnances whichwas oftenof an amateur nature. The Isai Vellala on the otherhand excelled in one and only one form ofmusic in their searchfor excellence. Theroleofthetempleinthisprofessionaldisciplinewasquiteexplicitlystated-agifted individual mightfinditpossibletoexcel in many artsbut his rights to temple performanw were restricted to only the one which was a hereditary monopoly. In their more lucid moments theIsaiVellalainfactlinkedtheir community's prestige and artistic expertiseto the divine sanction of the sectarian and technical literature-the Saiva and Vaishuava Agarnas(whichdealwiththeperfonnativesciencesconnectedwithtemplereligion) andthe Natyashasrra(dealingwiththesecularscienceofdramaturgyand deemedtheFifthVeda- fortheenlightenmentandentertainmentof''the women andsudra").Itwasthecommunity's physical rootedness inatemple andits society,furthermore, whichhelpedconcentrateand develop skills.Inthepast, theclearphysicalboundaries ofeachtemple communityandits comparative immobility had indeed led to an intensificationofsocial relations aruongthe TWOTEMPLEORCHESTRASOFTAMlLNADU 5 artiststoaverynarrowspatialrange.Areascomprisingevenaslowasafifteen-mileradius were mentioned. Most importantly, it had permitted a degree of aesthetic specialization withinthecommunity which was consciouslyin tone withthe specificdemands oftemple ritualperformance (Srinivasan, 1984). Thetwoorchestras-theperiamelamandthechinnamelam- wereorganizedaroundthe alliedartsofTamil bhakti worship: Sadir(dance),Nagaswaram (music),andnal1ul'Gngam (danceconduction),withoutwhich nomajorshrinecouldfunctioninthepast Recruiunent toeachorchestrawasrestrictedfrom withinthegrouponthebasisofvariousnaturaland culturalcriteria such as (i) sex:the Nagaswaram was meanttobeperformed onlybymen whiletheSadir,theclassical solodance ofTamil Nadu,was meanttobedancedonlyby women; (ii) inheritance: 'shares' in the local service rights to the periamelam were transmined through male links and to the chinnamelam through female links; (iii) initiation:dedication tothedeity,seenasasimpleriteofincorporationforthemenandas aspecialceremonyof'marriage'forthewomen,markedentranceintotheprofessionand wascompulsoryfor theattainment oftheprivilegesassociatedwithtempleoffice;and(iv) training:thepublic demonstrationofskillinone'sartsubsequenttoapprenticeshiptoone's teacher was the necessarypreliminaryto a professional career. Participation ineach orcbestraconsequently requiredboth technicalandhereditary qualification. The peculiar combination of both was particularly evident in the case of the chinnamelam which demanded "celibacy' on the part ofthe dancer by prohibiting her access to the grihasta' way of life. (The male artists, on ll1e other hand, could marry nonnallyandcombinetheirprofessionwithprivatedornesticity.)IIwasthetemplewhich pennitted a resolution of this contradiction:the ceremonyof initiationintoitsservice organization simultaneously declared.a woman's availability forliaisons with secular patrons.Bysanctioningtheproductsofthesemixedunionsandgivingthememployment initsservice organization, the temple permitted the perpetuation of achieved skillsas a communityor'caste'vocationandmonopoly.Therequirementforbothheredityandskill in temple positions presumed in fact a tightly-integrated community context. Self SUfficiency in the training and performance of skills heightened localgroupcorporatism andprofessionalism throughtheinternalorganizationofthepopulationintospecialistand laysections.Itwasnotenoughtobeborn into the community;onehadtobecompetent inorder to gainrights to temple service.Justasitwasdifficulttobecompetent inthe particularservice unlessbornoradoptedand resident inthecommunity withitsinternal training facilities. Professional divisions such as peria and chinnarnelam reflected involutionandgreatersophisticationoftheartisticcommunityunderthe influenceofthe bhakti temple institution. An examination now of the internal organization of the local groupsassociated witheachaestheticspecializationwillhelptodemonstratethisfact: 6 AMRITSRINIVASAN 2 Periamelam The periamelam services were provided by a patriarchal organization.The playingof the Nagaswaram, conceived of as male work, was supported by an orchestra whose members were also male and belonged very often to the same pirambirai (stock orkin group). Service rights to temple work were the property not of individuals but oflocal groupsandweretransmittedfromfathertoson.Though the roleofwomen wasnotdenied in the perpetuation ofthe male line and hence of the ailtradition. they were strictlykept out oftheprofessional life ofthe group.In the Nagaswaram tradition.to teach awoman anyanasanoccupational interestwasseenasawasteandloss since shewould~ethe knowledge and the secrets outofthe house when she married. Her possible successand fame would notinany way reflect back on the tradition which had made her.In keeping withtheiruniform domesticcode.thewomenoftheNagaswaram traditionwereseenas contributing to thepirambirai only as wives and mothers.The standard attempttomany one'sdaughterto astar pupilreflected a strategy for re-generating thepirambiraithrough the consolidation of its artistic and generative resources. These kinds of marriages permitted a continuing hold over the student and his talents and the daughter andher offspring. Conversely, one could seek to bring into the pirambirai women from outside who belongedtowell-knownarttraditions,whoas'wives'wouldconsolidateone'sownartistic capital.The men of the Nagaswararn oftensaid that they looked notjust for a girlfrom a wealthy family but one from a gifted family when making matrimonial alliances.Money couldcomeandgo,andtomarryarich girlmightnotevenmallyleaveanythingtoshowfor itself; but to exchange with families of talent yielded benefits in the long run--benefits which were much more permanent and lasting. It is significant that marriage with undedicated girls of the chinnamelam took place quite frequently whereas periamelarn women wererarely giventochinnamelam men.The periarnelam thereby setitselfapartas the uniform "clean' householding section ofthe community performing a 'pure' maleart form. Givenitsconservativeattitudetowardsitswomen.theNagaswaram groupexhibited.a patriarchal household tradition and ethic. Authority. hoth private andpublic.remained'" thehandsofmen.Close-kinmarriagealliancesand functional cooperationinthecomJDOll task oftempleserviceknitted theperiamelamhouseholds togetherinto acommunity.The symmetry in the marital fate of the men and women and the uniform application ofthe gender ideology to all membersofthe group supported the overall harmonic characterof thesocialorganization.Thechinnamelam services, on the otherhand.were providedbya group that failed to combine its diverse features under a single, overarching ideology· whethermatriarchalorpatriarchal. TWOTEMPLEORCHESTRASOFTAMILNADU 7 Chinnamelam Inthedanceorganizationbothmenand womenparticipatedpubliclyinthecommunity artformbut this was not uniform throughout the group.There wasanasymmetryinthe marital fate of community memberswhichreflectedback on the artorganization-a sectionofwomen,thedevadasis,werenotintendedforgrihastalife.Allmen,ontheother hand, could in theory marry and lead a 'normal' existence. The asymmetry and disharmonyinthechinnamelamsocialorganizationhadaesth-eticconsequences. Service rights in the local temple were the property of groups, not individuals,and passed from mother to daughter. It was a special class of women, the tevaradiyal or devadasisalone, who were eligible for the transmissionofthese professional privileges. Aceremonyof 'marriage' to thelocaldeityinitiatedthemintotempleserviceatthesame timelbalilexcluded Ihem from theendogamousunit.Theycontinued10resideinsteadin theirnatal households and entered into sexualliaisons with thelocallandednobilitythat assumed a fairly formal and enduring character. The female offspring of these unions carriedforwardtheart tradition.Incontrast.thenon-dedicatedwomen(brothers'orsons' daughtersasalsothose who, thoughin thedirect lineofmatrilineartransmission,were excludedfromtheprofession becauseofalackofgood looksordancingabilities)married and formed part of their husbands' households. Often, they provided the vocal accompaniment to the dance. The men of the community, on the otherhand, were uniformlypermittedtomarryand resideattheirmothers' homeswithwivesandchildren. Theyspecialized in dance-training or the orchestral accompaniment10thedance. Ifthe performancewasrestrictedtowomen,theconductionofthedanceasalsoitsteachingwas inthecontrolofmen-the nattuvanar. The dominance of women in the dasi household lent a certain complexity to the chinnamelamsocialorganization.Howwasforinstancethenanuvanar,adependentinhis mother's or sister's household-to assert his authority vis-a-vis a female student? Normallythiswasachievedbyensuring thatthestudentwasfromadistincthousehold.BUI withtheachievementofaspecialrenown,thenattuvanar'ssubordinatepositioninhisown borneclearlyled to an ambiguoussituation.Giventhestrongauthorityofthefemalehead ofthehousehold(theseniorwomanortaikkizhavi),anymanwithself-esteemwould,itwas Considered,moveoutwheneverpossibleandreignsupremeinhisowndomain.There is nodenying,ofcourse,thatonlythosemenwereabletopursuesuchanindependentcourse ofaction whoseexcellence in theprofessionwasparticularly recognized and who we~ economicallysolvent.Financially,infact,themanwhosetuponhisownhadmuchI?gam smceheWas under no further obligation topool hisearningswith hisIllOlherandSISters. Fortheinstrumentalist residential separationalonecouldbringindependentpublicstatus asaconcenartistandnotmereaccompanisttowomen.Forthedanceguru,thiswasdoubly truesincehecontinuedtobeassociatedwithwomenprofessionally. 8 AMRITSRINIVASAN 3 Prominent dance teachers and conductors shared the limelight with the dasiatevery stageofherprofessionalcareer.As students, thedasisfeared andrespectedtheirguruand honoured and worshipped him at various rites ofpassage in their households whichthe nattuvanar wasoftencalleduponto witness. Even incommunity matters, itwasoften nattuvanars who, along with the Nagaswararn men, arbitrated disputes and supervised propertydivisionswithinindividualhouseholds. The respectgranted to the nattuvanaras a teacher and family guru, even leader, could not beaccounted for however underany diffusekinship orhousehold obligation. It was the access of the devadasis to community gurus (not husbands), particularly knowledgeable in the solo, graceful, female classical dance, which made the Sadir tradition reap rich economic and aesthetic dividends. Members ofthe communityoften relatedthesophisticationoftheirartasaconcert itemtotheintroversionoftheirtradition with respect to the teaching and management of the dance. It was ofcourse a highly competitive and selective process by which especially talented men of the community developed, against all odds, a household or 'gharana' tradit;on for themselves. independentoftheirillustriouswomen.Inevitablythereforefor the community,thesearch for maleself-sufficiency andexcellence had spatial and social concomitants. In purely numerical terms as well. the exclusion ofa section of thewomenfrom marriageexchangeledtoaproportionate accumulationofunmarried meninthesystem Adoptionoffemalechildren, whetherfrom within or without the community,didoccur, but primarily for purposes of temple dedication, and so the problem remained.nlU~ despite the overall preponderance of womeninthedasicommunity notedinthe early censusreports,the menwouldbein'excess' interms of thenumberofmarital partners available.The necessitytherefore for brothers and sons to 'hang on' to theirsiSle" and mothers was a function oftheir inability to marry, in the face both of female economic predominance and temple dedication within the community, This meant that thosewho did get to marry were favoured in one way or another-either through having wealthy female relatives who arranged on their behalf to 'get' a wife, or through theirown professional Success which made it possiblefor them to afford a wife. Clearly,thelatter was more likely to lead on to residential independence. Marriage, consequently,when accompanied by the ability to move out of the mother's household and set up onone's own with wife and children, was a demonstration of decisive dominance withinthe community. It also reflected claims to purity and social status of a kind to whichthe devadasis could not by the very definition of their morality and life.style aspirt (Srinivasan, 1996). mon: Nowhere was thismoreinevidencethan inthe markedtendencydisplayed bythe prestigiousnanuvanar traditionsnotonly toprohibittheirgirls aprofessional careerhotto WIthhold them from marrying into a devadasi family. Normally, the asymmell)' of TWOTEMPLEORCHESTRASOFTAMILNADU 9 professional exchanges within the dance tradition was balanced by the continuing reciprocity of marriage exchange between the men and (undedicated) women. A household, furthermore,mightstandina studentrelationtosomeand aguru relation to others.Thechancesofpermanentstructuralasymmetrywithinthedanceorganizationwere inthisway obviated. The closure, consequently, and aggravated specializationdisplayed bythe more prominentguru traditions was seenbymany membersofthe community as having become counterproductive for the act. According to them, such extreme professionalismmade itunprofitableforthegirlstodance.Theaccumulationofwealthand powerinafew hands destroyed communityand itsgive-and-take',Theconservatismand exclusivism of themale dance-gurus was morethan evident inthe close resemblance between thecomposition and structure oftheirhouseholds and those of theNagaswaram players described earlier. There were, however, two major differences: (i) as a formof domesticarrangement.thenattuvanarhouseholdwasnotuniformthroughoutthedevadasi community;and(ii)itdidenterintoprofessionalallianceswithotherhouseholdsinvolving women. Theinstability andheterogeneityof thechinnamelarns residentialarrangementswas matchedbytheethical hiatusbetween marriedand unmarriedfemalecodes,performative (female) and managerial (male) power. The rather specialized and self-conscious separationofthe male leachingandcontrolfunctionwithin afemaleperformingartled10 afundamentalstructuralambivalence inthechinnamelamsocialorganizationwhich was at variance with the more homogeneous social context of the periamelam. What is significanttoourpurpose,however, isthatthemediatinggridofperiaandchinnadidnot operate at thelevel of community existencealonebut permeated the very structure instrumental and pcrfonnative-ofthe art organizationitself. Asthetablecomparingthe chinna and periarnelam indicates (p, 10 and II), gender variations of male and female were evident notmerelyintheinstruments-human and material-deployedinthetwo orchestras.butalsointheartistictechniques andmodesoftransmissionpractised. 4 Theperiaandchinna classificationexaminedabove.insocietyandperfonnativeart,is only oneexample of the tremendous extensivity of meaning achievedbygenderinthe Tamilculturalcontext.Indeed,bythe sixthcenturyonwards,awaveofHindubhaktihad giventheerotic,aestheticdomaintheologicalsignificance. HaloedtheatricalconventIons ofman-womanrelations inpoetry anddrama.music and dance-such asthe nayaka nayaki bhava'-were now deployed in the ritual domain. making it more popular and pleasing. Communityorchestras like theperiarnelarn andchinnamelamwerebroughtinto to thetemple serviceorganizationaspartofthese largerdevelopments, performeitherat Comparison orIhe !'erlamelamand Chinnamelam Pullum'lam Chlnnamelam Instrument QualityorMu!oic Jnsrrumem QualilyofMusic Nagaswarutn Mllklwv;ncl R~edwoodwind Loudtone Reed woodwind Softtone Mouth-blown Low,deeppitch Moulh-blown High,lOhrillpitch u rge(2~-footlong) 2!-oc.-1avecompa~s Small(IO-inchlong) J!-octaveoompa.ss Outdoor instrument Unsuitedforaccompaniment Concert(indoor)instrument Suited foraccompaniment Tavil Mridangam Woodendrum Woodendrum Played with sticks Loudtone Played withwrist,hands Finetone Largeand high Elongated. narrow Standa~dJ.0ncertaccomgan\)lcnt Outdoorinstrument Nagaswaramaccompanimentonly Concen (indoor)instrument tvocat, ance,mstrum nta OUU Tuui/Sruti-peni Reed woodwind Droneaccompaniment for Bellows-typewind (mouth- Droneaccompanimentforconcerts Mouth-blown Nagaswaramonly blown/mechanical) To/am To/am Metalcymbals Metalcymbals Bothbronze.flatand Nagasweramaccompaniment Onebronze(large.flat) Dance accompaniment heavy Dull beat One silver(small.concave) Staccatobeat Breath Pure melody Voice Lyricalaccompanimenttodance; verse andmelodyinsustained balance lIuman Composition andOrganization Perlamelam Chinnamclam · · MalebandfocusedonthemaleNagaswaramvirtuoso Maleandfemalebandfocusedonfemaledancer · • TwoNagaswaramartistsminimal,duplicatingeach other'sart Soloperformance bydancer.conductedby guru-musician · · Mechanicalsolidarity(simplehierarchy)betweenmembers: Organicsolidarity(permanenthierarchy)betweenmembers: - pcrforrnativeandcontrolfum:tionscentralized - performative(dancer)and control(dance-conductor)functionsdichotomized - ri....alry andcompetitionbetween NagaswaramandTavilartists - authority80ddependencebetweennauuvanurand dusi - multiplicati.onofpri.ncip,,1performers poslIible - multiplicillionofprincipallpcrformerl>absentbut pairingpossible AestheticAttributesandFunctions Perlamelam Chinnamelam · · Sangeetagenre Sahityaandsangeetagenre · · Accompanimenttogod(unsuited forhumanaccompaniment) Accompanimenttodancer only · · Playsfirstatallritualperiodsoftempleworship Playsateveningritualperiodofworship alone · · Performs generalized functions ofhonouratcoronationsand Neverplaysforgoddess or 'rival' andplaysonlywhendance honours goddess festivals arebeingprovided tothegod · · Atfestivals: Atfestivals: Vira(heroic,vigorous) rasaor 'flavour' predominates Sringara(sensual, sweet) rasaor'flavour' predominates Specialcompositions- MallariandNatai- andmartial Specialcompositionsofsongs, voicedrhythmicsyllables (solukkattu) music(puremelody,nolyrics)initiateprocessions accompany procession Alarippu(prelude)togod'sarrivalonstreets,playedby Melaprapti(prelude) todancer'sarrival onstreetsplayedbyMridangam TavilandTalam andTalum PlaysonallfourstreetsexceptsmallsectionofEastStreet PlaysonlyonEastStreetatthestartandfinishofgod'sperambulation whenitissilentanddasissing oftemple ModesofArtisticTransmission:TheGurukulam Pertametem Chinnamelam · · Teaching relationbasedonhierarchyofageandskillbetween Teaching relationbasedonhierarchyoffunction, age,andskill twomen between menandwomen · · Asymmetrybetween guruandstudentrestrictedtotrainingperiod Asymmetryinguru-student relationpermeatesentiredancingcareer · · Definitetennination ofapprenticeshipperiodwithguru Lifelongcontrolofguruoverstudentthroughdanceconduction even · Thevidwan independentofguruandcapableof'replacing him' afterarangetramwhichmarkstheendofapprenticeship · · Bondi'>oflikeness(mechanicalsolidarity)predominate Seniordancer(taikkizhavi) cooperates withanddoesnot'replace' guru · Bondsoflikenessanddifference (organicsolidarity)predominate 1Z AMRITSRISIVASAN the daily/festival honours(upachara/seva) offered to the god; or as accompanimentsto thetheatreofhisexploitscelebrated inthe temple'. The nayaJca nowbecame easily identified as the lIero-God-the singular andunified 'legal personality' who was owner of the new temple corporation--the srikovil or 'structural temple'-materially and metaphysically quite distinct from the roadsideor private family shrine. The Goddess, on the other hand, became split as per theatrical conventionintothesvakiya-nayika ordivineconsort, housed inthesameshrine asthe Hero-God. and the parakiya-nayika or 'other woman'. in dynamic integration and oppositiontotheformer, From the eighth century onwards, this fundamental heterogeneity in goddess representations foundconcretearchaeologicalexpressionin the building of a separate shrine tothegoddesswithintheenclosureof the srikovil,close to butnoIidentifiedwith the Hem-God.The theological and theatrical inclusion of Ihe parakiya-nayika into the worshipcalendarof the srikovil simultaneously legitimated the recruitmentof hundreds ofdevadasis-human embodiments of the 'other' love, which bhakti is also made01 into its service organization. As auspicious orchestras both the periamelam and chinnamelam participated in the theatre oftemple worship, but it is not difficulttosee how the former's music would be more adequate to express the powerful and unified, energeticpresenceof thenayakaorHero-God; whilethe latter's musicwouldbemore adequatetoexpressthevarietyofideas,actions,andemotionsappropriatetothenayaki orHeroineinrelationtotheHero-God. As theembodimentof relationalityper Sf, the"infinite variety"of possibilitiesfor enactingthe nayakiorfemalepersonaincomparisontothemalepersonaornayakahas been noted in the early dramaturgical texts by many scholars, and has been reiated directly.inTamilSangampoetics.tothetheoreticalclassificationofgenresintoakamand pltram-theeroticandtheheroic.TheFemininebelongsmoreauthenticallytotheformer convention because fluxand variety is theverystuff thedomainoflove andintimacy betweenmanandwomanismadeof.Justasthemasculinebelongsmoreauthenticallyto the latter. conventionalized as the inflexible and steadfast public domain ofmartyrdom and war (Raghavan, 1%3; Higgins, 1993; Ramanujan, 1996; Srinivasan, 1984; Stein, 1978). In the context of temple bhakti the periarnelam played to represent the auspiciousness of the macrocosmic, awe-inspiring,and venerable loveduetogod as a leader(reminiscentofthepuram genre);whilethe chinnamelarnplayedtorepresentinall itsmicrocosmic varietytheauspiciousnessofintimateandinterpersonal loveduetogod asalover(reminiscentoftheakam genre). Therevolutionarynatureoftherelationshipestablishedbetweenreligion,civilsociety. andclassicalart formsinSouth Indian templeHinduismreceivedtheologicaljustification from the Agamas and Pancharatra texts ofcourse (Srinivasan. 1984). Butat thesocietd level.itwastheradicalizationofgenderrelationswhichprovidedan impetusforthesame.