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Counter-terrorism community engagement: Pitfalls and opportunities PDF

185 Pages·2021·3.641 MB·English
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Counter-terrorism community engagement This book offers insights into the building of trust in Muslim communities through community engagement in a climate of counter-terrorism. Police engagement with Muslim communities is complex with a history of distrust. This book first attempts to understand the role and implications of uncertainty on community engagement in Muslim communities, and then explores the cultural nuances associated with the demonstration of trustworthiness and decisions to bestow trust. It further highlights the complexities and implications for Muslim leaders when trying to simultaneously engage police and appease their own communities; the book exposes community perceptions of an over-reaction by authorities that has moved suspicion from a handful of terrorists to the entire Muslim community, resulting in problematic community perceptions that Muslim communities are being targeted by police. The findings suggest that the intentionality of police is a highly significant consideration in trust negotiations, and reveals a number of cultural preferences considered critical to trust negotiations. The book further highlights opportunities to enhance the development of trust and avoid pitfalls that can be problematic to community engagement. The lessons learned seek to enhance the existing body of literature regarding strategies and resources to improve counter- terrorism community engagement with Muslim communities. This book will be of much interest to students of counter-terrorism, preventing violent extremism, deradicalization, and security studies. Jason Hartley is a Lecturer in Criminology at Griffith University, Australia. Routledge studies in countering violent extremism This book series sets out to become the first interdisciplinary platform for the study of issues pertaining to countering violent extremism, such as deradicali- zation and disengagement programs and individuals as well as collective pro- cesses of leaving terrorism and violent extremism behind. Additional focus points will be the impact of programs, different cultural notions of CVE, results of large-scale CVE-related research projects, specific guidance for practitioners and policymakers in building and maintaining CVE programs, mechanisms to evaluate initiatives, as well as innovative techniques to design new ones. The series aims to help establish a new field of “deradicalization studies” and to build a bridge across the disconnect between experts from different fields, countries, and specialities. Counter-terrorism community engagement Pitfalls and opportunities Jason Hartley For more information about this series, please visit: https://www.routledge.com/ Routledge-Studies-in-Countering-Violent-Extremism/book-series/CVE Counter-terrorism community engagement Pitfalls and opportunities Jason Hartley First published 2021 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business. © 2021 Jason Hartley The right of Jason Hartley to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record has been requested for this book ISBN: 978-0-367-68071-8 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-367-68078-7 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-13409-1 (ebk) Typeset in Times New Roman by MPS Limited, Dehradun Contents Acknowledgments vi 1 Introduction 1 2 The impact of uncertainty 21 3 Cultural notions of trust 44 4 Muslim leadership and counter-terrorism 86 5 Discussion, context, and implications 122 6 Conclusion 140 Appendix 1: Prevent and Muslim trust 156 Index 174 Acknowledgments I express my appreciation to those who are so many that they cannot be named, including my family and friends who have always been there, and through their own precious examples have highlighted the priceless virtue and endeavour of making a difference. In this regard, I have to recognise my much-loved spouse, who made constant sacrifices so that this work could be completed in good time. Furthermore, my sister spent numerous hours editing and proofreading. Professor Lorraine Mazerolle and Professor Adrian Cherney should also be acknowledged for their support and direction. I offer my thanks to the Queensland Police Service (QPS) for allowing access to their staff, which was undertaken in a completely professional manner. In this vein, I have to acknowledge the efforts of Detective Inspector Mike Newman, who diligently utilised his networks and influence to ensure the best possible opportunities for research. I would also like to acknowledge the plight of Muslim communities in a time that has been extremely challenging for a number of reasons. Community members were always accommodating while genuinely concerned about issues with a readiness and enthusiasm to contribute to the well-being of Australian society. In this regard, I have to offer my sincere thanks. 1 Introduction This book seeks to make a contribution to help improve the capacity of police and associated partners when engaging Muslim communities in a climate of counter-terrorism that is often characterised by high emotions and distrust. In its simple form, it seeks to expose both pitfalls and opportunities to enhance community engagement by focusing on the deeper dynamics of the “who, what, when, how, and why” to improve trust relations with Muslim com- munities, which aims to improve partnership and problem solving. In this fashion, this book advocates that successful community engagement in view of current challenges requires a victory of Muslim hearts and minds which cannot be achieved until there is more genuine effort to understand Muslim hearts and minds. Such comment doesn’t intend to overlook other forms of extremism nor single out Muslim communities, but rather highlight the sal- ience of this topic in view of current challenges. The events of 11 September 2001 (9/11) caused unprecedented social and political upheaval, with widespread recognition that “the new war on terror” would be the greatest challenge of the 21st century (Burnett & Whyte, 2005; McCulloch & Pickering, 2010; Mythen, Walklate, & Khan, 2013; Pantazis & Pemberton, 2009; Spalek, 2010). Coercive counter-terrorism strategies throughout the world quickly emerged as the primary basis for policing terrorism. In Australia, the counter-terrorism response involved a period of “hyper legislation” unmatched by any other country (Spalek & Lambert, 2008), resulting in claims by Muslim communities that they had been un- fairly singled out through indiscriminate counter-terrorism policing (Murphy, Cherney, & Barkworth, 2015; Mythen et al., 2013; Spalek, 2013; Spalek & Lambert, 2008; Walklate, Mythen,& McGarry, 2011). This re- sulted in a climate of hostility toward Muslim minority communities that included media stereotyping (Whitaker, 2002), a rise in Islamophobic atti- tudes (Allen, 2012; Meer, Dwyer, & Modood, 2010; Poynting & Mason, 2007), racially motivated violence (Allen & Nielsen, 2002; Frost, 2008), and Muslims being labelled with a “suspect community” status (Pickering, McCulloch, & Wright-Neville, 2008). Metropolitan Police Commissioner Sir Ian Blair stated: “It is the com- munities that defeat terrorism, not the police” (Husband & Alam, 2011), 2 Introduction serving to highlight the paramount importance of community engagement through a “hearts and mind” approach (Beutel, 2015; Birt, 2009; Department for Communities and Local Government (DCLG), 2007; Innes, 2006; Pickering et al., 2008; Spalek, 2010; Thacher, 2005; Vermeulen, 2014; Vermeulen & Bovenkerk, 2012). Yet, the literature exposes numerous clear examples of counter-terrorism responses alienating the very communities that are a key line of defence against terrorist propaganda and recruitment (English, 2010; Klausen, 2009; LaFree & Dugan, 2009; Murphy et al., 2015; Parmar, 2011; Pickering et al., 2008; Saggar, 2009). As such, there is an ongoing concern that counter-terrorism engagement strategies continue to undermine the perceived legitimacy of authorities to deal with counter- terrorism (Allen, 2012; LaFree & Dugan, 2009; Meer et al., 2010; Poynting & Mason, 2007; Spalek, 2010). One example includes a recognition that intelligence gathering relies on community trust as a critical mechanism to prevent a terrorist incident. However, the police risk losing credibility if Muslim communities perceive community policing as little more than an apparatus to gather intelligence (Birt, 2009; Currier, 2015; Kundnani, 2014; Lambert, 2011; O’Toole, Meer, De Hanas, Jones, & Moodood, 2016; Richards, 2012; Spalek & O’Rawe, 2014). Spalek (2013) suggests that the counter-terrorism context easily generates resentment and distrust between police and Muslims given the high level of emotionality and its negative impact on Muslim communities (Spalek & O’Rawe, 2014). This sentiment is supported by an array of scholars pointing out that over-policing has eroded trust between the police and Muslim communities, leaving communities feeling stigmatised and upset (Bowling & Phillips, 2007; Jefferson, Walker, & Seneviratne, 1992; Jones & Newburn, 2001; Sivanandan, 1981; Smith & Gray, 1985; Thacher, 2005; Sharp & Atherton, 2007). The result is a counter-terrorism landscape that is often characterised as socially and culturally complex, with high emotionality through strained community relationships with police (Cherney & Hartley, 2015; Dixon & Maher, 2002; Lambert, 2011; McCulloch & Pickering, 2008; New South Wales Parliament Legislative Council (NSWPLC), 2001; Pickering et al., 2008; Spalek, 2013; Spalek, El Awa, McDonald, & Lambert, 2008; Thacher, 2005). The application of stop and search powers by police (Spalek, 2013) and the blanket surveillance of Muslim communities (Walklate et al., 2011) has raised concerns that Muslim communities are unfairly singled out by in- discriminate counter-terrorism policing. Police raids of Muslim homes (Mythen et al., 2013), informal questioning of Muslims, and the cancelling of passports preventing Muslims from travelling overseas (Murphy et al., 2015) has further bolstered claims by Muslim communities that they are under siege (Blackwood, Hopkins, & Reicher, 2013; Cherney & Murphy, 2015; Kundnani, 2014). In short, over-policing has left Muslim communities feeling targeted and upset (Bowling & Phillips, 2007; Cherney & Hartley, 2015; Cherney & Murphy, 2015; Jones & Newburn, 2001; Sharp & Introduction 3 Atherton, 2007; Waddington, Stenson, & Don, 2004). In this vein, Shami Chakrabarti, the founder of Liberty (in Mythen et al. 2013, p. 11) described Prevent, the UK’s counter-radicalisation program, as “the biggest spying programme in Britain in modern times and an affront to civil liberties.” As such, Prevent has been widely branded in Muslim communities as a toxic brand, resulting in the disengagement and withdrawal of Muslim leaders to the extent that association by leaders carries the potential to challenge their leadership legitimacy and influence within their own communities. This means that police efforts to engage Muslim communities within the context of counter-terrorism is built upon a precarious and unstable foun- dation (Cherney & Hartley, 2015). These dynamics expose difficulties to secure trust and the voluntary cooperation of ethnic minority groups (Cherney & Chui, 2010), making counter-terrorism community engagement highly controversial and difficult to sustain (Cherney & Hartley, 2015; Lambert, 2011; Pickering et al., 2008, Spalek, 2013, Spalek et al. 2008; Thacher, 2005). Not surprisingly, there is clear evidence in Australia that ethnic minority groups have particularly problematic and poor relationships with police (Dixon & Maher, 2002; NSWPLC, 2001; Pickering et al., 2008). Govier (1998) suggests that efforts by authorities to control communities are an expression of distrust while Darley (2004) and Tyler (2006) state that it is difficult, if not impossible, to effectively control citizens based on leg- islation and/or use of power. Alderson and Goodey (1998) bolster this point by suggesting that a police department with solid public support will be more effective than a more powerful police department lacking public support in the absence of community trust. Jensen (2006) observed that in Muslim communities, building trust has to be at the forefront of best practice. Spalek (2010) advocates that the success or failure of community-based counterterrorism will depend on the extent to which trusting relationships are built between police officers and commu- nities. In this light, the literature on counter-terrorism community engage- ment consistently refers to the critical importance of trust as the foundation of progress (Briggs, 2010; Hillyard, 1993, 2005). Yet, despite widespread recognition concerning the paramount importance of trust, Spalek (2013) elaborates that little is known about how authorities within a “new ter- rorism” context go about building trust, or whether the building of a deeper robust trust in this context is even possible. Spalek (2010) points out that an absence of research and literature on the deeper dynamics of trust only serves to undermine its critical importance as the basis of community en- gagement. Spalek (2010) further expresses her concerns that the window of opportunity is narrowing in the midst of emerging challenges. The genuine fear is the continued alienation of the very communities who are also considered the key line of defence against terrorist propaganda and recruitment (English, 2010; Klausen, 2009; LaFree, & Dugan, 2009; Murphy et al., 2015; Parmar, 2011; Peek, 2011; Pickering et al., 2008). As such, the problem is that counter-terrorism community engagement strategies that fail

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