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SEXUAL IDEOLOGY AND SCHOOLING: TOWARD A DEMOCRATIC PHILOSOPHY OF SEXUALITY EDUCATION Alexander McKay A thesis subrnitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Theory and Policy Studies in Education University of Toronto @Copyright by Alexander McKay, 1997 1+1 National Library Bibliothèque nationale of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive Licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or seU. reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfichelfilm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or othewise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. Sexual Ideology and Schooling: Toward a Democratic Philosophy of Sexuality Education Doctor of Philosophy 1997 Alexander McKay Department of Theory and Policy Studies in Education University of Toronto Abs trac t Because noms related to sexuality are an important determinant of the nature of society, sexuality education in the schools is the subject of passionate debate. This discourse reflects a struggle between Restrictive and Permissive sexual ideologies. These ideologies compete for influence in shaping sexuality education. As a result, sexuality education often constitutes ideological indoctrination. Neither of these sexual ideologies is immune to legitimate critique. Establishing the superiority of a given sexual ideology is problematic £rom both a philosophical and scientific perspective. Furthemore, a diversity of ideological perspectives towards sexuality is affirmed in pluralistic democracies. The objective of this thesis is to articulate a philosophy of sexuality education appropriate for a democratic society, Based on Rawls' (1993) theory of political liberalism, this philosophy proposes that sexuality education ought to be centred upon the overlapping consensus within a democracy on the right to freedom of belief. It is argued that sexuality education drawn £rom sexual ideology inhibits the right to critically appropriate beliefs and values. In contrast to many prevailing fo rms of sexcality education, it is contended that a democratic educational approach must facilitate the ability of students to critically deliberate between competing ideological perspectives on sexuali ty . Furthermore, it is shown that a derriocratic philosophy of sexuality education has significant implications for how issues such as homosexuality, gender relations, and pregnancy/sexually transmitted disease prevention are addressed in the classroom. In conclusion, it is argued that although liberal philosophy, as it relates to sexuality, has been subject to considerable criticism, a democratic philosophy of sexuality education, based on political liberalism, offers a prornising fouridation for removing ideological bias £rom sexuality education and for contributing to the enhancement of democratic culture. iii A number of people have, over the years, contributed to the ideas expressed in this thesis. In particular, 1 am grateful to William Lawlor, Ronald Morris, Gerald McKay, and Michael Barrett. Their insights into human sexuality and sexuality education have had considerable influence on me. I am deeply indebted to my thesis supervisor, Dwight Boyd. His ability to zero in on those areas of the thesis that needed improvement, to ask challenging questions, and to make excellent suggestions for furthex reading greatly enhanced the quality of my writing. Without the love and support of my parents, Janet and Gerald McKay , none of my acadernic achievements would have been possible. TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Chapter One: Sexuality and Sexuality Education: implications for the Nature of Society Introduction Sexuality and the Nature of Society Sexuality Education Conclusion Chapter Two: Restrictive and Permissive Sexual Ideologies Introduction Restrictive Sexual Ideology Permissive Sexual Ideology Conclusion Chapter Three: Sexual Ideology in the Schools Introduction The Influence of Restrictive Sexual Ideology on Sexuality Education The Influence of Permissive Sexual Ideology on Sexuality Education The Bare-bones Approach to Sexuality Education Conclusion Chapter Four: Discovering the Truth About the Nature of Sexuality and Seacual Ethics: Implications for Sexuality Education Introduction Can We Discover the Truth About Sexuality? Implications for Sexuality Education Conclusion Chapter Pive: Sexuality, Moral Pluralism, and the Concept of Liberal Democsacy Introduction Political Liberalism Conclusion Chapter Six: Sexuality Education: Towards bemocracy Introduction The Meaning of Democratic Education Conclusion -ter Seven: A Democratic Approach to Key Issues in Sexuality Education: Eamosexuality, Geaüer Equality, and Pregnaacy/STD Preveation Introdüct ion Addressing the Issue of Homos~maliïy Zronoting Gender Zqua1lt-y T-Lrough Çemaïity S&icztisz Addressing the Issue of ?regna.icy,/STC preve~tim Conciusiori Conclusion: Sexuality Education and Social Justice References INTRODUCTION Sexuality education in the schools is not a new idea. Since the late 19th century, schools have played an active role in helping young people learn about human sexuality (Bruess 6c Greenberg, 1994). For example, in 1905, the American Society for Sanitary and Moral Prophylaxis began conducting classes in the schools on sexually transmitted diseases. "They called for a return to Victoriari values, emphasizing the 'pure' nature of women and the importance of sexual restraint in men" (Strong & Devault, 1994, p. 216). During the early part of the 20th century, social hygienists in Canada were using the concept of nature study to introduce sexuaiity educa~ion in the schools with the hope that children would "understand the basics of reproduction without having their sexual instincts prematurely aroused, and be able to steel themselves with this knowledge when faced with the possibility of sexual corruption in word or deed" (Sethna, i994, p. 192). By the early 1990s, nearly every State in the U-S. and every Province in Canada either mandated or strongly recommended that some form of sexuality education be provided in the schools. From its inception, however, sexuality education in the schools has been a highly controversial issue. As the comprehensiveness and explicitness of sexuality education has increased, the controvexsies surrounding it have become more volatile and frequent. Pitched battles over the objectives and nature of school-based sexuality education axe increasingly occurring in cornrnunities across North Arnerica (Rienzo,1 989 ; Kantor, 1994; Sedway, 1992; Ross & Kantor, 1995). One of the results of these controversies iç that sexuality education in the schools lias been unable to reach its full potential in helping young people protect and enhance their sexual health. For example, as Ehrhardt, Yingling, and Warne (1991) suggest, sex education programs in the United States have been troubled by controversy over whether schools and parents should encourage abstinence as a "moral stance" or should accept sexuality as an important marker of adolescent development and develop realistic educational programs. Because of the absence of a clear message that takes into account the realities of adolescent sexuality, this country has not been as successful as other Western countries in preventing unwanted teenage pregnancies. Similarly, the effectiveness of educational programs to prevent HIV/AIDS and other STDs has been severely hampered by debates of morality, taste, and religion rather than a realistic public health approach (P. 3 6 ) . Tragically, these kinds of moral disputes, particularly in the United States, have constrained the ability of educators to provide effective AIDS prevention education programs. As Vermund (1995) explains, A destructive feature of the politics of human im.nunodeficiency virus ( HIVI in£e ct ion and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) is the polarization of ~ i e ~ o i n tmasn a KIV prevention-advcxates. -y-persons of good will urge risk elimination through mutual monogamy (asswing an HIV-seronegat ive, nonmg-usi ng partner) or celibacy, while others advocate risk reduction through more selective choice in sema1 relations and the use of barriers. This strategic difference is epitornized by the recurrent debates about school-based sexual education and preventive health services for adolescents. Reliance on "just say no" campaigns is deemed the only moral option by some while being seen as inêffectual - and therefore immoral - by others. The provision of public health services, including condom distribution, is seen as encouraging promiscuity by some and as saving young lives by others (p. 1488). A study conducted by The Alan Guttmacher Institute found that " teachers regard pressure from parents, the community or school administration as the major problem they face in providing sexuality 3 education" (Forrest & Silverman, 1989, p. 65). Earls, Fraser and Sumpter (1992) state that "When it cornes to public education, the sexuality curriculum is mired in conflicting influences" (p- 200) and Bruess and Greenberg (1994) note that "In the 1990s there has been a growing wave of censorship ravaging sexuality education in communities and states around the nationU(p. 58)- These comments help to show that sexuality education is, without question, one of the most controversial subjects ever to be introduced lnto the public school. While there are frequent disagreements about the best way to teach reading, writing and arithmetic, these disputes do not typically involve considerations of morality, taste, and religion. Although the teaching of History, English Literature and other so called "social studies" has been prone to controversy along lines similar to that of sexuality education, seldom have these quarrels reached the same intensity as the battles over the appropriate nature and content of instruction in hurnan sexuality. Relevant, meaningful, and effective sexuality education in the schools is unlikely to occur unless we can establish a framework to rnediate these quarrels. Some of the conflicts surrounding sexuality education in the schools appear irresolvable. Our beliefs about the nature and purpose of human sexuality are often very strongly held and they dictate, to a great extent, what we believe should be taught in the sexuality education classroom. For example Our society is clearly divided on the issue of homosexuality. Some people believe that hornosexual behaviour is wrong, while others believe it is acceptable. As a result, some people believe strongly that sexuality education should teach young people that hornosexuality is immoral

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These ideologies compete for influence in shaping sexuality education. As a result, sexuality education often constitutes ideological indoctrination. A Kinsey. Institute survey of American's beliefs about sexual morality, conducted in the 1970s, provides further evidence of clear divisions on thes
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