Contesting Media Power: Alternative Media in a Networked World (Critical Media Studies)

165 Pages·2003·19.95 MB·English

by  Nick Couldry James Curran

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Contesting Media Power: Alternative Media in a 1洽卿orked防科，
edited by Nick Couldry and James Curran
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EDITED BY NICK COULDRY AND J馴ES Cu闊的
ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC.
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179329
Contents
R。可瓜tIAN & LlTTLEF1ELD PUBLlSHERS, 1NC.
Published in the United Stat臼ofAmerica
byRowman 8ιLitrlefield Publishers, 1nc. Tables and Figures 1x
A wholly owned subsidiary of the Rowman 8ιLitrlefield Publishing Group
4501 Forbes B叫叫ιSui叫OO，Lanh帥， M叫land20706
PART 1: INTRODUCTION AND THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
www.rowmanliruefield.com
\1 1 The Paradox of Media Power 3
PO Box 317, Oxford OX2 9RU, United Kingdom Nick COUldiηlandJ卸的 Cunlln
2 New Media Power: The Internet and Global Activism 17
Copyright @ 2003 by Rowman & Liruefield Publishers, 1nc. J 研LanceBennett
\ i 3 Beyond the Hall of Mirrors? Some Theoretical Reflections on the
All r.妒釘reserved. No p位tof this publication may be reproduced, stored in a間
- Global Contestation of Media Power 39
t叮E且n扭srnÏ缸rtt吋edi泊n胡yform 叮0rb句Y叩yme叩5仇，祉elecαtrωo叫cι， mecha朋m血cαal，戶photoc∞opy抖F丘ing， recordi 峙，
otherwi仗，withour the prior permission of the publisher. Nick Cou/d吵
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available PART 11: IN THE SHADOW OF THE STATE
4 Infoshops in the Shadow of the State 57
Library of Congress Catalogïng-in-Publication Data
ChrisAtton
ν5 Framing the Future: Indigenous Communication in Australia 71
Contesting media power : alternative media in a nerworked world I edited Christine Morris and Michael Meadows
byNickCo叫dry叩dJamesCurr阻﹒ 6 The Press Subsidy System in Sweden: A Critical Approach 89
p. cm.一(Criticalmedia srudies) Lennart Weibull
1ncludes bibliographical references.
1SBN 0-7425-2384-5 (如出: alk. paper)-1SBN 0-7位于2385-3 (pbk. :
PART 111: IN THE SHADOW OF THE MARKET
alk. paper)
1. Alternative m臼smedia. 2. Mass media-1nfluence. 1. Couldry, 7 Commercialism and Critique: Californiàs Alternative Weeklies 111
Nick. 11. Curran, J位R臼. II1. Series. Rodney Benson
P96.A哇4C66 2003 8 Has Feminism Caused a Wrinkle on the Face of Hollywood Cinema?
302.23一-dc21 A Tentative Appraisal of the '90s 129
2003004221
Andrea L. Press and Tamar Liebes
9 Empire and Communications: Centrifugal and Centripetal Media in
Printed in the United States of America
Contemporary Russia I唾7
妙 Thepaper u吋inthis publication m自由rh" mminl;mmlulmm rreeqa uirements of American National Terhi Rantanen and Elena 協rtanova
j斗ι;L一LiI恤r的d品伽r吋蚓1n伽ffc
ANSIINI芯SO Z39.哇8-1992.
Vll
viii CONTENTS
PART IV: IN THE SHADOW OF CIVIL SOCIETY AND RELlGION
10 Liberalization withollt Full Democra<可: Guerrilla Media and Political
Movements in Taiwan 163 Tables and Figures
Chin-Chuan Lee
11 The Bishop and His Star: Citizens' Communication in Southern Chile 177
Clemencia Rodriguez
12 New Nation: Anachronistic Catholicism and Liberation Theology 195
Keyan G. Tomaselli and Ruth τèer-Tomaselli
的 Falun Gong, Ident旬，在nd the Struggle over Meaning
Inside and Outside China 209
Yuezhi Zhao
PART V: NEW MEDIA SPACES
\._/ 14 Global Journalism: A Case Study of the Internet 227
Tables
James Curran
丸 15 The Independent Media Center Movement and
\,_---/ the Anarchist Socialist Tradition 2是3
Table 6.1 Shares of Newspaper Circulation by
John D. H. Downing
16 The Gay Global Village in Cyberspace 259 Politi問1Affìliation, in Sweden 9哇
Larry Gross Table 6.2 Subsidy Distributions Based on
17 The Internet, Social Networks, and Reform in Indonesia 273
Parry Affìliation, in Sweden (1971)
95
MerlynaLim
18 The Alternative M巴dia in Malaysia: Their Potential and Limitations 289 Table 6.3 Operating Grants Based on p:叮叮F
Sharon Ling Affìliation, in Sweden (1994) 101
Table 6.4 Direct Newspaper Subsidies Categorized According to Type of
Index 303 Newspapers, in Sweden (1994)
102
About the Contributors 317 Table 7.1 Types of Advertising in California Alternative Weeklies
113
τàble 7.2 Audience Demographics of California Alternative Weeklies 11岳
Table 7.3 News Article Topiαin California
Alternative Weeklies (Spring 2002) 116
Table 9.1 Russian Newspaper Circulation (1990 versus 1998) 151
Table 14.1 openDemocracy Audience 231
Table 1岳.2 Geographical Distribution of openDemocracy Site Visitors 231
Figures
Figure 5.1 R且dioTorres Strait
75
Figure 5.2 Torres Strait BRACS
76
1X
TABLES AND FIGURES
X
Figure 6.1 P位tyAffiliations of the Sweclish Press (191。一1965) 90 Part I
Figure 6.2 Annual Arnounts Charged for Production/Operation
INTRODUCTION
Subsiclies and Subsiclies for Joint Home Delivery,
in Sweden (1969-2001) 99
AND THEORETICAL
Figure 9.1 Russian Federalism 149
Figure 11.1 Archipelago of Chilo丘， Chile 179 PERSPECTIVES
Fi忽lre 11.2 Achao, Chilo丘， Chile 182
Fi學lre 11.3 Producers of Rompelat.銜，Ancud, Chilo丘， Chile 18是
Figure 11.4 “No to the bridge!" Chilo丘， Chile 190
Fi忍江e 17.1 A warnet (Internet 凹的 in Bandung, lndonesia 277
Fi忍ue 17.2 The traclitional warung 278
CHAPTER 1
The Paradox Power
of 扎1edia
Nick James Curran
Coul甸的zd
τo say that "the media位e powerful" is a clich丘， yet to ask in what media power con
SlS臼 is to open a ridd1e. Or so it seems. In the chapters that follow, we intens時也1S
paradox by extending it to a global scale but also, through the rich comp位ative detail
that is generated, aim to show出atthe paradox is more illusory th叩 real.
One way of defining media power，正an unwieldy one, is as a label for the net re
sult of organizing a socie可's resources so that the media sector has si伊ifi阻nt inde
pendent bargaining power over 叩d against other key sectors (big business, political
eli間， cultural elit吼叫dso on). This seems straightforw紅d until one realizes 血紅也E
mediàs bargaining power (for 位組阱， over the frarning of a particular story) is of a
curious sort: Media位巴 unable to b訂g泣n over the basic rule of their existenc巴， which
is that they depend on“content" generated by others. (Or at least出eydid: One inter
pretation of the recent spread of celebrity stories and “reality" coverage in the press and
television in the United States and Europe is that rising economic costs of news pro
duction have forced media to generate their own “contents" 阻d treat them as if they
were “external" reality.)
Here we come to也eheart of the apparent paradox about media power, which de
nves 企omthe fact that such power faces two ways. From one direction (the more com
mon direction of analysis) “media power" is a term we use to point to how other pow
erful forces use the intermediate mechanism of media (press reports, television
coverage, websites, and so on) to wage their battles (big business against labor, old pr，。因
fessional and class elites against new cultural elites, and so on). From this direction,
media power disappears; it is merely the door through which the con紀stan臼forpower
pass en route to ba吋e.We fìnd this approach, for exarnple, in Manuel Castells's recent
theory of the global “network society," in which he 訂伊白白at in' a space of acceler
ated information, people, and fìnance flows, the media portal is increasingly important
for all social action, but the media themselves have no power as such (1997: 312-17).
That this direction of analysis often has precedence is only to be expected; in studying
the mediàs social role, our priority (whether as researchers or as social actors) maywell
be to analyze competing forces outside the media, whose conflict is waged in part
through media coverage.
3
岳 NICK COULDRY AND CURRAN TfHE PARADOX OF MEDIA POWER 5
There is, however，扭。由er， equally valid direction of analysis from which media 1994). What was missing from those m且jor conflicts was access by all sides to global
power does not disappear. This view holds that, con紅紅y to the illusion that media E位lS of selιrepresentacion， which could change the scale on which tho臼 conflicts
only“mediate" what goes on in the rest of socie句; the media's representacional power were piayEd out-The IIltErneL ptrEiCIliariy through biinkages inmmdiEionai medig
is one of society's main forces in its own right. From this perspeccive, media power (di now g1ves 叫an吋y吋心ρr1叫0c印叫a叫la缸C昀間r 恥 P仰ot位eI叫
rect control over the me叩s of media produccion) is阻 increasinglycentral dimension 2∞ω0). AB 血the犯sC耐d品b付准晶峰Cω臼Es叩叭ofme吋:dia t叫必如伽伽rr口虹rI叫配吋恥C∞conf血l 叫 it誌is叩P戶O呱s鉛s吋i恤b祕l巴e 帥恥
of power in contempor訂ysociecies (Melucci, 1996; Curr妞， 2002). It follows that, as α刮a缸α￡tωor臼.sma叮ys訂E訂tto ∞compet忱ee凹xp位cicly品for扭1n且uenc芯 over由thosescale-effects (that i
with most forms of power, media power is not generally made explicit by those who over media power).AE Ehe very least,a compantimlook at how media p bρ
benent from it: the media. No wonder it is rarely也e direct subject of public debate. 吋i峙。r implici你∞ntes叫 in di能rent pla叫 under di峰mtzihnationsis
This second direccion of analysis 吋ec的 thefallacy in位adicional“fourthestate" con n凹ded，的 mediastudies attempt to globalize its discourse (Curr甜甜d Par丸 2000).
cepcions of media and the liberal models based upon them. F:紅 from media simply be
ing there to gu訂d us a伊inst the overweening influence of other forms of power (espe
cially government), media power is itse旺partofw hat power watchers need to watch (s巴巴，
Two Images
for eXall1pl巴， Curr扭曲d 5eaton, 2003; Keane, 1991). On 也is view, even if we 闊別的t
imagine a society where media power is the fi叫mover of social accion (since吶thout
other forces, such as economic and policical power, there would b巴no也ingfor media to The shifr between concepcions of media power that 也is book reproduces is captured
represent), media power remains a very signifìcant dimension of contemporary reality. In through two con位ascingimages.
short, media power is an emergent fonn ofs ocial poω'er in complex sociecies whose basic On the one hand, the media may be imagined as a waterfall whose intensitv、 S1 巳
infrastructure depends increasingly on也efast circulacion of informacion and im苟且 and impact on the ground below (whose “power," in a w叫 depend alm側 mti民ly
That, however, is not the end of the paradox. If we turn to the book's main subject on the weight阻ddireCEion ofwaEEr coiiected on the iand behind the waEerhik nn nnE
how power is contested under different but structurally comparable condicions across the would say that the wa問凶倒1趴叮im吋t吋s鈴臼el叮ffl凶1a尬s‘“'干p‘仰ower巳.仆，
world-it becomes obvious that media power is rarely the explicit subject of social con但 工「叫缸c叫guracion of rocks at the waterfal品句would h前e a minor凶… on
也ct.This is not because media power isn't a “hard" type of power，岱ceeconomic power, eway waEEr hiis beiow.B11E that inRLIEnce is infiIIiEESimai compared with the mass
but rather because even “sofr" forms of power (也ose relacing to struggles over idencity and direccion of water behind the -waterfall. 50 too 也e term “'media nOWf'r" in tr"r!i_
阻d respect, for example) involve con血的 whose main actors r紅ely nght for m巴拉 dond叫ysisis叫yangureof恥echfor the medi泊roleωacondidtforo伽Arms
power as such. Thus, for exam阱， feminist struggles in the United 5tat臼 in the 1960s ot power, much larger出an 也emedia.
and 1970s sought to challenge patriarc旬; thereby overridi可anyspecmc concerns about WE,on ttlEOther hand,EIIhk ofmedia power as more iike a processing pi組t， built
capturing media r，臼ources as a tool in that conflict. 紅thewater&iL and receiving aii the diverEed water叩dconvercing it into somethin
2"
This, however, is not the only possibility. AB the reader w也 discover many cimes q叫一different-nrst， energy and by-products of出aten缸，品d，SJ;oM，infomladO
in this book, a conflict that appears inicially to be about other forms of power turns on the amount of water忌地er叩stream. 5uppose that也jjwaterwashmmene的
out, in p紅t， to be about relative control over society's representational resources (se巴， source m 0凹 rmagm叮society; informacion about its pressure and volume would be
for example，也e chapters by Gross, Lim, and Rodriguez). In some con且lC俗， parcies vitai fbr sockqas a whole.In this situation we m{gbt treaE the processing pi
may come to see their own relative lack of influence over how they are represented as 'black box" 叩d concentramonly on theaows across de piain, but this would be a
being at stake in their struggle-or, at least, as Todd Giclin (1980) described in his clas great mistake. What about the efficiency of the processes that convert出ewater pres
sic account of the 1960s U.5. student rebellions, as seeming crucial afrer the event. …
sure into energy and the choices 訟 to where 出at energy is sent, who controls it，組d
Contests over access to the means of media production釘e important, for example, in to what purp耐恥于 ifpublic readings of water flo哪位E 圳個位ically ina rate
current antiglobalizacion ba吋巴s. because the measuring instruments 紅e incorreccly calibrated?
The ex也nple of the global Independent Media Center movement and its role in HerewesEE Ehat the reiatiomhip betWE巴n wider social forces (the flowing water)
antiglobalization struggles runs like a thread throughout this book (see especially the andmedia01叩ut(也ee于ergyandir由rmacionaloutputs of the processi呵plant) is not
chapters by Bennett, Couldry, and Downing). Why does this example stand out? Per atufai;it has IIOEhingm common wiEh a waEEE&11.So we musE open up the “black
haps because media power itself is 叫 increasingly import阻t emergent the枷 ofsocial box'，一thatis, enter the plant and study how decisions位emade, who influences them
con戶1ctin late modernity, as the mechanisms for representing social conflict themselves and who does此，組d analyze the consequences of those decisions (and exclusions) 泊
multiply. This is not the nrst time in history that media power has been explicicly con“ 中山ng'訂戶n.On闖1犯C閃悶巴也岫忱equ削10叫r兒ω叭O巴恥p
tested; it was cruci祉 to the French Revolution, to the slow social and cultural revolu uω1e rema也ini扣ng吋cha叩pt臼er臼s of pa紅rtI (B扭ennet仗t叩dCo叫dr可ηy)..
cions against 50viet rule in Eastern Europe in the 1970s 叩d 1980s (Downing, 2001), This SEcondhlage of III Edia power invites us to 也i叫c concretely about the ran~e
P
組dto 出e Iranian revolution of the 1970s (5reberny-Mohan1ffiadi 叩d Mohan1ffia逝， oJ po仰r sources whose 抽lence m枷 be called upon to d心
THE PARADOX OF MEDIA POWER
6 NICK COULDRY AND JAMES CURRAN
decision-making elite that runs our imaginary processing p1阻t.Those wanting tO chal tention of sch01ars; media studies has, for the most part, been content to treat the fac臼
imgetheproAingpi酬，sE叫1anism (which stands 泊， accordi時間出s 加幣，必r of media power as if也eywere necessities-indeed, natural features on the face of the
1
media landscape.
ediapow位) might turn to the s.腳. Part II of也ebooka于ording1yexarnines a range
ofpErspeCEives on how Ehe state direcEiy or handy subsIdins chailenges tO Existing If media power itself is組 mcr，個singlysignifìcant theme of social confl缸， thenme
confìgurations of media power. Another forc巴， especially in countries dominated by dia studies sho叫da句也tits foc山toinclude not 0峙rm泊的個吋roductions(major tel
iZLn耐1s of med叩ovision (也e maj叫 ofcountries in 也eworld), w叫d be evision 叩d radio channels，血m majors, the main Web portals, and so on) but also 也e
the market. Part III 100ks at how media markets of a certain comp1既itycmgenerate: wider terrain of media produαion， some of which seeks, explicitly or irnplicitly, to chal
rtim巴， aiEernativesto exisEiElg concentrations ofmedia pOWEL Ybtmothersouce of lenge central conCentrations of media resources. This is what we m且nby“alternative me
POEtnda1，daneII只e would be the wh01e r阻ge of forces we call civil socie吵 including dia" in 也is book: media production that challen阱， at least implicicly, a.α叫 concentra­
hrIns ofreligious 。帶血紅ion and autho均﹒ Part N 100ks at how parti叫ar tions of media power, whatever form those concentrations may take in different 10問tions.
elements of civil society have either become contest叩tsfor media power themselves or This is not the only defìnition in use訂nongresearchers of nonmainstream media.
The one that comes closest to our own is presented in Chris Atton's book Alternative
bsidized others tO challenge media power.
Media (2002). John Downing (2001), the 1eading writer in this neglected fìeld since
Inevitabiy this scheme simpiifits how diEerent sociai forces compete expiicitiy or
the 1970s, prefers the term“radi臼1 media," as it highlights the ro1e of nonmainstream
212平:泣如JZT::站立2:;1:iz::;2:2且Z
media in contesting established power b10cs with a view to wider social em阻cipation.
A disadvantage of this second defmition, however, is 也at it excludes rrom its under
highlight certain key comparisons.
Having considerEd the comparison betWEEn power sOUCES on which challenges to standing of“alternative p:ledia" any media on the right of the political speαrurn， even
those whose challenge to the concentration of media resources in central institutions
media power might rely, we now ne巴d a different comp訂ison relating to media tech
bnt. we can imagine at 1east twO different ways in which is explicit 叩d direct. C1emencia Rodriguez's (2001) concept of“citizens' media" de
10gy. For our processl嗎 plant， we can rmag velops Downing's notion of“radical media" in阻 interestingdirection, by making ex
吋11叫O咿g哥ical c恤h1旭1a缸a岫闊n咿叩n1
plicit a虹nkwith forms of citizenship practice and empowerment, influenced in p缸"
w 勾F乍仰P臼 of句pr肌e叫 ticular by Latin American theories of empowerment or “concientization" tluough
叮tr缸aCαt 叩ene位E盯 i泊n diffe閃re肛nt wa叮ys and, second, by connedng thE enefgY?r iiOmau?n
education and more open communication (see also Rodriguez's chapter in 也is vol
upp1y generated旬出e original 仰pr肌rO囚仰oces叫P抖1訓an叫1t…
urne). Citizens' media, in Rodriguez's sense, is in effect a more p01iticized formulation
此血吋吋1aps1i此n刮k蚯訕幽岫1呵n血I泊19伽P艸o叩p叫u1加啦a位ati沁o叫∞肘nl泌叫s蚵叩v吋edb句戶yF叫a址a叫l註l1川已ωtt巾lh忱osep1叩叫t悠s叭mt
of our own concept of alternative media; the twO defìnitions are not incompatib1e.
ggie-NEw media represent bott1qpes ofchange， aEECUrlg也e10cal bases of media
power and the scale on which it can e能ctive1ybe contested. Part V considers various Nonetheless, for 0盯purposes in也is book,“alternative media" remains the more flex
ible comparative term, since it involves no judgments about the empowering effects of
amp1es along these lines
the media practices analyzed. What we bring together here may or may not be media
Before 100ki呵 more close1y at the detai1ed comp紅lsons 出at emerge?c?ss 出E
practice that is politically radical or socially empowering; but in every case, whether in
course of the book, we need to cl紅i有rone additional term: “alternative media.
direccly or direccly, media power is part of what is at stake.
“Media power"組d“alternativemedia," then, are useful broad terms; 也可describe
Alternative Merua: The Forgotten Land a vast range of media production activity, litcle of it fanilliar 丘om media studies text
books yet almost all closely embedded in everyday struggle by communities and indi
viduals. In the fìnal section of this introduction, then, let usεxp10re what wider themes
The process we call “media" is the historic result of countless 10cal battles over who has
emerge from this complexity, whether as conclusions or as pointers to further research.
4 …)rese叫e reality of耐rs.O…叫 ba伽 arewo叫eygenera卸
e being r.悶mbered 的叫es. Who，品r exa押1e，叫side a small circle of media
ch01紅5， gives thought to the eariy days of dispersed radio producdon in dle U.K.or
Media Power: A Landscape of Contestation
France? The forward 企ive of media deve10pment not only foreshortens 出epω;t but
bscures the present;yet in the shadow ofEverlwellsestablishEd concentratIons ot me
THEORIES AND CONTEXTS
dia DOWEt contests COIltinueto be fought for access to media resources or distribu--。
j
中 o p o r u m k ie s Ah刊5 s叫1 ∞con晶1泊fa缸l晶ic叫s鉛E 叫5叩u曲1也b咖s討ii拙
a叩n incidental 泌aspecαt of 仗stru韶ggle白;; such wa瓜S 由the ca諂se in 也the 1990伽s， when the broad The ticle of p訂t 1 signals the more theoretical focus of the present chapter as well as
chapters 2 and 3. In our use of“theoretical" here, however, we do not refer to the grand
front of pOpl如pro-maFimtheiong4arldi時conserva由巴regime in Britain gen
theory that“masters" all the empirical details of the 1ater chapters; no such rramework
Eed new pmss and video productions outside the mainstream (Mckay}1996).ybt
media produced outside maiIISEreaIn power concentrations have farciy received the aF is possible yet, or perhaps ever. We mean only to signal 也at these opening chapters
8 NICK COULDRY AND ]AMES CURRAN THE PARADOX OF MEDIA POWER
offer more generalized紅gumentsthat open up common questions across a r阻geoflo chapter concentrates on a country whose media history has: been dominated by state司
c31 contests. subsidized media: the U.K叮 Austr31ia， and Sweden.
W. Lance Bennett's chapter on Internet-based glob31 activism s間岱 out from 由e Chris Atton offers a sobering assessment of the 10ng-term.impact of the U.K.“in
paradox也atcorporate media power and concentration seem stronger出anever叩dthe foshop" movement; which grew out of earlier state provision、för the unemp10yed but
LSMmofi0日 communication networks 叫able to prom間 neoliber31 discourse sought to deve10p a base for po1itic31 and soci31 activism. Drawing on a rich range of
are lare:er也ik忱民 How， then, can it 31so be 似的newmedia (丘ommobile phones soci31 and politic31 theory (from Alberto Melucci on “'new soci31 movements" to
mdizkai radio to theIIIEEmttmd zheworldwideWeb)mincrωingly used by net- public-sphere an31ysis), Atton an31yzes the trajectory of theAutonomous Centre ofEd
rks that aim to challe啥也e very same neoliber31 discourse(cid:157) ften in spe叫自 inburgh (ACE) in Scotland, which grew out of the Edinburgh Unemp10yed Workers'
fashion, as at the Seattle m扭曲嚀。fthe World Trade Organization? To understand也is， Centre. This originally state-sponsored centre was closed dowrr in the 1990s, and its
wem閥， Bennett 位伊侃， move beyond technological determinism in our accoun臼 OI o品hoot had to acquire premises in a poorer district, 10sing its previo凶虹叫cs to loc31
new media and look to the“soci31, psychological, political, and media contexts" that give networks. Whi1e the new ACE's margin31ity removed it from dii:ect state surveillance,
new media forms 也eir elective a血nitywith new forms of protest.、Without mi叫rnizing its lack of resources一otherth胡也e “self-exploited" 1abor of a small group of activists
出eWc品，'s purely technical changes 出atallow pro臨tgroups to replicate across nation31 阻d the proceeds of a sm311 trade in punk music一-constrainedit from growing. Over
borders wi也 unprecedeREed SPEEd, someEimesoccupying dmvery sme branded comm the 10nger term the Centre has heen unab1e to develop into a bas巴forsoci31 resistance,
munication叩一Ehatthey-attacking (街吶也the叫呵呵ns 咿inst Co倍Colaand 的ither expanding its membership nor developing a vision 也atccould be communi
S凹bucbtt-BenneαdsC山間)，Ehere-1關bemore involved than technology. The a任 cated to a wider community. Atton's chapter indicates the 10ng-term price that derives
何er， Bennett 位學les， li臼 in the cultur31 dimensions of globalization itse記 particularly not so much from state.subsidy itself as 企om the state's wider ii:ú1uences over soci31-
出e e:lobalization of markets and labor: the increasing fluidity and mobility of political ization 阻d cultur31 defìnition.
id叫白， within 叫配ross 制i∞31b凹的; a greater awareness of and 叫帶ment Christine Morris and Michael Meadows's chapter sugg間s a much more positive
吶也 the glob31 叫e of problems raised by corporate neoliberalism; and the increasing account of state subsidies to media operations among indigenous Gommunities in Aus
…
oerm叫iLv ofmdiab出ution chann白白的selves t。如native，叫 flows 師 tralia. But it is a story 出at offers 1ittle encouragement either to tradition31 top伊down
;Dread co ermessages at a speed deriving from the glob31 reach of由verydiscourses models of state media provision or to well-meaning but vacuous market-based notions
Eileamck.This c叫tur31and media“subpoli帥" of globalization，訟UlrichBeck (2001) of the “know1edge economy." Starting out by acknow1edging the importance of com
dEit，。接rs a parti叫紅lygood fìt wi出Internet-e站阻ced communi臼tionspace munication (in Raymond Williams's sense) as “a centr31 0嗜血izingelement of Indige
In the subsequent chapter, Nick Couldry 31so s巴eksto uncover some contextu31 fac no山 society，" Morris and Meadows critique ear1ier ideas of how the state might en
tOESlindeflyiElg possible new challenges to tflE Concentfadon of media pOWELB1IE courage 1ndigenous media. Whereas ear1ier centr31ized schemes involved little
Cou叫lldrvi誌sl臼esss interested 泊int由hesuccess臼es of 自cer口r臼ta羽amr巴centgl吋ob31m巴d也l紅a.t吋edpro叫t臼esst臼s出叩 consultation about 10c31 needs, the more successful recent developments these authors
in orac丘J占bi吋E伽h加aa缸.t∞CO削ωI discuss (often very記mote企om conurbations) invo1ve networks wi也astrong commu
OρfιL n叫巴w酬 ∞耐E叫ntation 叩tom耐吋ω曲也臼i…-扭叫d communication 出at challe耶也e tradition31 idea nity imperus. Such networks respect tradition31 participatory forms of community man
that these sho叫d be concentrated in a n訂的，w sector of society. Here, like Bennett, agement, with “intellecru31 prope泣y" based not on individu31 possession but on “re
Couldrv foregrounds not technological change in iso1ation but broader cultur31 ch叩gω sponsibility 叩d reciproci平" Underlying these is a new non-market-based concept of
i呵呵i巴，sMnkingdoutm血，恥s阱pee缸悶晶C叩l苗ifì臼d耐ca泣aall戶yr月伽chh泊a祉l註址幽 “knowledge management" that respects 311 community members' starus as “know1edge
d也uc吋d∞O∞nl誌s 叩a缸C叫α叫ctivit可yyf如u恤n吋1吐dam肘ne缸rn叩叫tt凶a泣aa叫叫l耐lys呻巴p叩a紅r眼aE臼巴f仕k扣伽O叫叫伽mm闊E恤C∞o郎ns山n抖pd∞on. Coul的devel workers" and their right to participate in decisions about how a communications infra
ops two 阻examp叫1臼闊:tl:盯1泊e吋dia抖p戶h註卅ii凶l曲O臼s叩opl句1守yη吋叭ofMa咄E棚wA扣r叩nn甘ii誌sson刊howas cruci31 in devel structure臼n be built. This is a positive answer to Bennett's question about the cultural
ohingthem品vare on which the glob31 Indymedia閻明websitenetwork reli吼叫出E contexts in which information and media techno1ogies connect with social change.
contrasting m封閉屯眠dphilosophy ofPaul Ee祉，出eco品underof也就h news ser Lennart Weibull's chapter examines one of th巴mostpotentially promising sites for
vlce“Ou叮t1ereNEWU Decidn…which innovmz1swillhave imgmrange咿出叫吭 state subsidy of the dispersal of media power. 1n Sweden since the 1ate 1960s, the state
he 紅gues， is not the main issue 斗的 S呵e; more importa耽 is identi命ing 也e factors has acted to redress what it saw as inherent market pr的surestoward press concentration.
likely to be cruci31 in any 31ternati edia practice凶ngroot over位longterm Wi出 a weak national press and Soci31 Democratic newspapers p位t1C叫“y prone to
market pressures, the Social Democratic government, after much public debate, began
subsidizing newspaper delivery叩dproduction costs. 1n the longer term, however，也at
THE FRAGILITY OF STATE SUBSIDY subsidy system appears not to have worked, failing to prevent 出e erosion of smaller
newspapers because it was not pitched at a high enough 1evel to outweigh market pres
The 也rEE chapters in pMII pusued1is q1lemon in Edado-tomobvious, butdso sures exerted by other newspapers, advertising markets, and the increasing import叩ce
problematic,sourceof encouagemenE fbr ctunerlges to medmpower:the state-Each of other media as news and entertainment sources. The result, Weibull concludes, has