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Conspiracy THE POLITICS OF & Populism MISINFORMATION Eirikur Bergmann Conspiracy & Populism Eirikur Bergmann Conspiracy & Populism The Politics of Misinformation Eirikur Bergmann Centre for European Studies Bifröst University Borgarbyggd, Iceland ISBN 978-3-319-90358-3 ISBN 978-3-319-90359-0 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90359-0 Library of Congress Control Number: 2018939717 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover illustration: kovalto1 Printed on acid-free paper This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland This book is dedicated to my partner in life, Aino Freyja Järvelä. Preface and Acknowledgements It was a beautiful, clear summer day in 2011. The sun was shining bright where I was standing out on the deck of a ferry, sailing with a group of family and friends to the small island of Flatey, just off the western coast of Iceland. Soon, I started noticing my fellow passengers becoming preoccupied with their phones, their faces turning whiter. I dug out my device and rapidly realised that something serious was hap- pening in Norway, on the small island of Utøya, perhaps a not so dif- ferent isle to the one I was heading to—and, actually, not very far from where I once myself lived in Norway. The reception on my phone was poor, and the reports weren’t all that clear. Still, it seemed evident that someone was massacring young members of the Norwegian Labour party. Over the coming hours, we learned the full details of this horrible terrorist attack. I opened the so-called manifesto of the attacker, Anders Behring Breivik, and read of his fears of those he referred to as cultural Marxists, evil multiculturalists that he accused of ruining his home country in an ongoing devious plot of turning Norway into an Islamist society. The document was filled with many more of the most com- monly upheld conspiracy theories of the far-right in the West. vii viii Preface and Acknowledgements Just a few years later, the murderer of British Labour Party MP, Jo Cox, justified his crime with that same rhetoric. During the Brexit campaign in the UK, Vote Leave argued that because of the high birth rate in Turkey, one million Muslim Turks would soon be arriving in the UK. When criticised by many special- ists for unfounded claims, a leading Brexit campaigner replied saying: ‘I think the people in this country have had enough of experts.’ Timothy McVeigh, who blew up the Oklahoma federal building in 1995, had been convinced that the US government was plotting a dicta- torial communist New World Order. Many of his mates further insisted that Nazi extermination camps never existed, that they were a hoax. In the Netherlands, the leader of the Freedom Party, Geert Wilders, insisted that the Dutch people were being replaced by foreign infiltrators. In France, Marine Le Pen of the National Front maintained that Europe was being invaded by hordes of ‘stinking’ dark-skinned migrants and ‘rat people’ flowing in a ‘river of sperm.’ In America, President Donald Trump wrote this when justifying banning people from several Muslim dominated countries from entering the US: ‘I think Islam hates us.’ Over in Russia, the Kremlin insisted that members of the protest punk band, Pussy Riot, were agents in a Western led conspiracy of emasculating the Russian state. These were some of the events and statements—all discussed and referenced in this book—that got me thinking about the impact of far-right populist conspiracy theories (CTs). My previous research into Nordic nationalism and the rise of right-wing populists in Europe also pushed me onto the path of investigating CTs upheld in their politics, which is the subject of this book. This research has benefitted from interaction with many colleagues in several academic fields. Two Europe wide academic networks have been especially useful. Participating in the EU funded COST action, Populist Political Communication in Europe, provided me with valua- ble access to much of the most recent research on European populism. And involvement in the EU funded COST action, Comparative Analysis of Conspiracy Theories (COMPACT), exposed me to some of the most pristine studies of CTs. I believe my engagement in these networks, and Preface and Acknowledgements ix several other inter-disciplinary collaborations, place me in a favourable position to examine and compare the two tropes of study in this book. I thank my colleagues in these projects for their fruitful cooperation. I thank my publishers at Palgrave Macmillan, Ambra Finotello and Imogen Gordon Clark, for their flawless cooperation, and for all their valuable help. This book is dedicated to my partner in life, Aino Freyja Järvelä. I thank her and our four children, Sólrún Rós, Einar Sigurður, Hrafnhildur and Ægir—who all keep wondering about the world and continuously question its politics—for their patience and support, and not least, for stimulating discussions throughout the writing process. Madrid, Spain Eirikur Bergmann Contents 1 Introduction 1 Rise of Populist Conspiracy Theories 3 In History and All Around 5 Stigma 6 Links to Extremism 7 Moving into the Mainstream 7 Multi-disciplinary 9 Definitions and Concepts 12 Aim and Frame 13 Structure of the Book 14 References 16 2 Kinds of Conspiracy Theories 19 New World Order 22 Antichrist 23 Early Illuminati 25 Interwar Illuminati 26 Contemporary Illuminati 27 Protocols of the Elders of Zion 28 xi xii Contents Anti-Catholic 30 Holy Grail 31 Anti-Islam 32 Bilderberg Group 33 Deep State 34 Assassinations—Dead and Alive 35 Deceptions, Disasters, Diseases and Medicine 35 False Flag Operations—And 9/11 37 Sinister Politics—The Birthers 39 Black—And White—Genocide 40 Rankings 41 References 42 3 The Anatomy of Conspiracy Theories 47 Conspiracies and Conspiracy Theories 49 Stigmatized Knowledge 50 Divisions and Categories 51 Practical or Pathological Paranoia 52 Design 55 Unverifiable Truths 56 Secrecy and Agency 57 Good and Evil 58 Making Sense 59 For Losers? 61 Predispositions 62 Conspiratorial Correlations 63 General and Widespread 64 Precariousness 66 References 67 4 Dissecting Populism 71 Populism 73 Nationalism 75 Fascism 79 Internationalization and Migration 79 Cultural Racism 80

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Europeans are being replaced by foreign invaders, aided by cultural Marxists who are plotting an Islamist subversion of the continent. The Bilderberg group – and/or the Illuminati – are instating a totalitarian New World Order. Angela Merkel is the secret daughter of Adolf Hitler, Barack Obama w
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