Ning An Confucian Geopolitics Chinese Geopolitical Imaginations of the US War on Terror Confucian Geopolitics Ning An Confucian Geopolitics Chinese Geopolitical Imaginations of the US War on Terror 123 NingAn Guangzhou, China ISBN978-981-15-2009-9 ISBN978-981-15-2010-5 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-2010-5 ©SpringerNatureSingaporePteLtd.2020 Thisworkissubjecttocopyright.AllrightsarereservedbythePublisher,whetherthewholeorpart of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission orinformationstorageandretrieval,electronicadaptation,computersoftware,orbysimilarordissimilar methodologynowknownorhereafterdeveloped. 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The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore Preface Tothosewhosufferfromterroristactivities,thosewhosufferfrommilitaryactions of counterterrorism, and those who are tricked in terrorist discourses, in the US, China, Europe, Afghanistan, Iraq, Israel, Palestine, Syria, Libya, and other areas. Guangzhou, China Ning An v A Brief Introduction This book contributes to the literature of critical geopolitics. Based on the explo- ration of existing studies of critical geopolitics, in this book I first argue that this bodyofliteratureonlypresentsapartialpictureoftheworldfromtheperspectiveof politicalgeographies.Whileitdoesofferasolidlycriticalstanceintheinvestigation ofhowspatialityinfluencestheexerciseofpower,italsohascertainlimitationsfrom ontological and epistemological perspectives. Many studies in this literature suffer from three problems. First, many works have empirically and overly focused on Western states while neglecting both non-Western spaces/places and non-Western geopoliticaltheories.Second,thisbodyofliteraturehaspaidtoomuchattentionto mediatextsratherthantheaudiencewhoconsumethosemedia.Inthesmallamount of audience studies, fans, who are considered to be the most passionate consumer, have always been equated with the audience, thereby ignoring other consumption forces, such as critics and occasional readers. Third, the majority of extant critical geopolitical studies have been concerned with constructionism, which emphasizes the significance of human beings in creating a space and thus influencing the exercise of power, while much less attention has been paid to the materiality that underlines thebeing, or object, playing any of aset ofactiveroles ina narrative. Those limitations of critical geopolitical studies, in particular the lack of non-Westernexamples,providenewpossibilitiesforthedevelopmentofthecurrent field of critical geopolitics. This book focuses on Chinese political geographies, a non-Westernsocio-politicalbackground.Itindicatesthatthesocio-politicalcontext of China has brought potentialities for investigating the complex entanglement betweenspatialpracticesandtheexerciseofpower.Specifically,thisbookgivesan overview of Chinese geopolitical traditions, hua-yi distinction and Sino-centrism, thathavehad,andstillhave,asignificantimpactuponChinesepoliticalcultures.At the same time, this book also reviews the extant literature of Chinese geopolitics. On thisbasis, itargues thatpreviousworksof/inChinese geopolitical studies have been intimately associated with Western dominance, in particular the classical geopolitical tradition in Western academia, and thus lacked the examination of internal geopolitical voices. These overviews have built two fundamental frame- works for this book: critical geopolitics and non-Western geopolitics. Critical vii viii ABriefIntroduction geopolitics is the main theoretical framework for this book, while non-Western geopolitics is the primary empirical framework for this book, although its contri- bution is not limited to empirics. ThusIarguethatgeopoliticalspaceisseldomapurespacecontrolledbyanysingle forceoranysingleelement,butratheraheterogeneousspaceinfluencedbyamixed range of forces and factors, including both Western and non-Western forces and values, ruling and ruled forces and values, and socially constructed and material factors. In particular for popular geopolitics, I argue that popular space usually strengthenscultural hegemony,butatthesametime italsoerodes authority.It isa spaceofdifferenceandantagonism.Armedwiththeaboveperspectives,thisbookwill use three chapters of empirical studies to explain how various spaces, forces, and valuesareinvolvedintheexerciseofpower.Threestoriesarenarratedinthisbook: (1) Two different—even opposite—Chinese newspaper writings of terrorism and the US war on terror, which can be read as an examination of how Chinese elites practice and perform their geopolitical identities. (2) Audience imaginations of terrorism and the US war on terror through their readingsofChinesenewspapersasmentionedabove(1),whichcanbereadas an investigation ofhow Chinese elitist viewsarespread andhow geopolitical visions are established in Chinese society. (3) DiscussionofterrorismandtheUSwaronterrorintheInternetcommunity,in whichbothInternetusersandcomputeralgorithmsandbotshaveasignificant impact upon the creation of public opinion. Contents 1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1.1 Imaginations of the US in Post-9/11 China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1.2 Voices from China: An Analytical Framework. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 1.3 Structure of This Book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 2 Critical Geopolitics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 2.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 2.2 Critical Geopolitics. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 2.2.1 The Intellectual Roots of Critical Geopolitics . . . . . . . . . . 15 2.2.2 Evolving Theories of Critical Geopolitics . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 2.3 Key Lines of Geopolitical Inquiry and Debate for This Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 2.3.1 Geopolitical Contexts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 2.3.2 Audience Studies. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 2.3.3 Spaces of Geopolitics. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 2.4 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 3 Confucianism, Chinese Geopolitics and Terrorism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 3.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 3.2 Chinese Confucian Geopolitical Traditions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 3.2.1 Hua-Yi Distinction and Sino-Centrism in Ancient China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 3.2.2 Reconsidering Hua-Yi Dichotomy in Qing and Modern China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 3.2.3 Confucianism in Communist Controlled China (1949) . . . . 42 3.3 Geopolitical Analyses of China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 3.3.1 Sinophone Analyses of Chinese Geopolitics . . . . . . . . . . . 48 3.3.2 Anglophone Analyses of Chinese Geopolitics . . . . . . . . . . 50 ix x Contents 3.4 Understanding Terrorism in Different Contexts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 3.4.1 Defining Terrorism in the Anglophone Context . . . . . . . . . 53 3.4.2 The Context of Chinese Terrorism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 3.5 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 4 Methodology. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 4.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 4.2 Case Studies: Newspapers, Audiences and the Internet . . . . . . . . . 63 4.3 The Data Collection Process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 4.3.1 Textual Examinations of Chinese Newspapers. . . . . . . . . . 69 4.3.2 Interviewing Chinese Audiences. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 4.3.3 Studying the Chinese Internet Community . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 4.4 Ethical Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78 4.5 The Data Organisation Process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 4.6 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 5 Chinese Discourses of Terrorism: A Geopolitical Analysis of Chinese Newspapers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 5.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 5.2 A Critical Reflection on Chinese Geopolitical Voices . . . . . . . . . . 94 5.3 A Brief Statistics for People’s Daily and South Weekend . . . . . . . 97 5.4 Representations of Terrorism in People’s Daily . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 5.4.1 People’s Daily’s Discourses of ‘Terrorism in/of the US’. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 5.4.2 People’s Daily’s Discourses of ‘Terrorism in/of China’ . . . 102 5.4.3 People’s Daily’s Discourses of ‘the US’s Counterterrorism’. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104 5.4.4 How People’s Daily’s Discourses Function in Chinese Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110 5.5 Representations of Terrorism in South Weekend . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112 5.5.1 South Weekend’s Discourses of ‘Terrorism in/of the US’. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112 5.5.2 South Weekend’s Discourses of ‘Terrorism in/of China’. . . 114 5.5.3 South Weekend’s Discourses of ‘the US’s Counterterrorism’. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116 5.5.4 How South Weekend’s Discourses Function in Chinese Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 5.6 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123 Contents xi 6 Reading Terrorism and the US in Chinese Newspapers: A Geopolitical Analysis of Audience Imaginations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 6.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 6.2 Chinese Audiences: Avid Readers, Occasional Readers and Critics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 6.3 Audience Imaginations of Terrorism and the US . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132 6.3.1 Audience Imaginations of Terrorism. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132 6.3.2 Audience Imaginations of the US . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 6.4 ‘Propaganda Model’ or ‘Active Audience Model’?. . . . . . . . . . . . 138 6.5 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 7 Geopolitical Visions from the Mass Chinese? Internet Discourses of Terrorism and the US. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 7.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 7.2 The Nature of the Chinese Internet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148 7.3 Chinese Cyber-Nationalism. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 7.4 Chinese Internet Discourses from Sina Weibo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 7.4.1 State Voices or Non-state Voices? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154 7.4.2 The Anti-US Discourses from Sina Weibo. . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 7.4.3 The Pro-US Discourses from Sina Weibo . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 7.4.4 The Regime-Challenging Discourses from Sina Weibo. . . . 167 7.5 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171 8 Conclusions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 8.1 Main Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 8.2 Contributions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177 8.3 Limitations and Future Directions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178 8.4 Concluding Remarks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181