COLONIAL MIGRANTS AND RACISM Also by Neil MacMaster SPANISH FIGHTERS: An Oral History of Civil War and Exile Colonial Migrants and Racism Algerians in France, 1900-62 Neil MacMaster Lecturer in the School of Modern Languages and European Studies University of East Anglia Norwich First published in Great Britain 1997 by MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and London Companies and representatives throughout the world A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 978-0-333-68700-0 ISBN 978-0-230-37125-5 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9780230371255 First published in the United States of America 1997 by ST. MARTIN'S PRESS, INC., Scholarly and Reference Division, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 ISBN 978-0-312-16501-7 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data MacMaster, Neil, 1945- Colonial migrants and racism : Algerians in France, 1900-62/ Neil MacMaster. p. em. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-312-16501-7 (cloth) I. Algerians-France-History-20th century. 2. Immigrants -Government policy-France. 3. France-Emigration and immigration- -History-20th century. 4. Algeria-Emigration and immigration- -History-20th century. 5. Racism-France. 6. Algeria-History- -Revolution, 1954-1962-Influence. I. Title. DC34.5.A4M33 1996 305.892'765044'0904-dc20 96-32471 CIP © Neil MacMaster 1997 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 1997 978-0-333-64466-9 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London WI P 9HE. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his rights to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 I 06 05 04 03 02 01 ()() 99 98 97 Contents List of Maps, Tables and Figures vi Acknowledgements vii Introduction 1 1 Colonial Destruction of Algerian Society 22 2 Kabylia and the Migrant Tradition 34 3 Emigration: The Early Years, 1905-18 50 4 Departure and Employment 67 5 Life in the Enclave 84 6 Islam and the Village 103 7 Working-class Racism 118 8 Elite Racism and the Colonial Lobby 134 9 Policing and Surveillance in France 153 10 Colonial Crisis and Emigration, 1930-54 172 11 Emigration and the Algerian War, 1954-62 189 Conclusion 207 Appendix 223 Notes 226 Bibliography 280 Index 298 v List of Maps, Tables and Figures Maps 1 Regions of Algerian emigration to France (1949) 35 2 Algerian workers in France (1937) 77 Tables 1.1 Total hectares owned by colons and number of settlements created or expanded 30 4.1 The regional location of Algerians, 1937-68 78 8.1 Supervisor ranking of foreign workers in the Paris car industry, 1926 151 AI Statistics of port registered movement between Algeria and France 223 Figure 1 Algerian departures and returns from France, 1914-49 17 vi Acknowledgen1ents A generous grant from the British Academy enabled me to carry out archival research in the summer of 1988 in Aix-en Provence and Algiers, just prior to the beginning of the crisis that has since made Algeria inaccessible to Europeans. I owe a large debt to the numerous librarians who have helped me in so many ways in Britain, France and Algeria, but in particu lar to the ever friendly staff of the Inter-Library Loan service at the University of East Anglia, Ann Wood, Sue Julier and David Harris. Without them this book would not have been possible. Phillip Judge of the School of Environmental Sci ences at UEA designed the maps with his usual professional ism. David Seddon kindly read the manuscript in its entirety and made a number of valuable suggestions for its improve ment. Needless to say any remaining flaws are entirely my own. Last but first comes Mary MacMaster for her tireless support and humour when faced with the routine anti-social eccentri cities of the researcher and writer. NEIL MACMASTER Vll Introduction During the last fifteen years immigration, the integration of ethnic minorities, and racism have become central issues in French politics. A 1990 opinion poll found that immigration was the second most important domestic concern after social and economic inequality.1 The intense political debate as to the future position of ethnic minorities within France, whether they will gradually merge with the host society or constitute an indigestible enclave which threatens the integrity of the nation 'one and indivisible', has invariabJ; centred on the position of the 'Arabs', the North Mricans. Among the minorities of Maghrebian origin or descent, the Algerians stand out as a par ticular object of hostility, the group that is perceived to epitom ise all that is most alien and threatening to French identity. The racist targeting of North Mrican immigrants or their descendents, the 'second generation' Beurs, in incidences of abuse, assault and murder is higher than for any other minor ity group. 3 In recent years, particularly after the right-wing Charles Pasqua became Minister of the Interior in 1993, the Beurs have been a constant target of police harassment which has generated explosive tensions and rioting in the huge, run down council estates of the outer suburbs. Two explanations are generally offered to explain why 'Arabs' have been a particular object of hatred and discrimination. Firstly, there exists a widespread dislike of cultural difference and in particular of Muslim identity, a dislike that found ex pression in the extraordinary debate over the 'foulards' affair of 1989 when three girls were suspended from school for wearing headscarfs.4 Recently anti-Arab feeling has reached new heights because of the fear attached to Islamic fundamen talism and the bombing campaign of the Armed Islamic Group (GIA) in France. A second cause of French hostility is the historic legacy of the Algerian War. At the end of the war in 1962 about one million European settlers, the pieds noirs, were 'repatriated' to France while over two million French soldiers had seen service in Algeria. The mass exodus of the settlers and the return to civilian society of armed forces personnel who had a first hand experience of bloody colonial war and 1 2 Colonial Migrants and Racism defeat injected a particularly virulent strain of racism into French society. This in part accounts for the hard-core ele ment of extreme-right militants and activists that have been so prominent in the rise of the Front National, a party led by the ex-paratrooper Le Pen.5 For many the Algerian presence on French soil was the ultimate insult: the former colonial sub jects, perceived as inherently inferior, had not only been the victors but were now colonising the land of the 'civilised' masters. One of the purposes of this book is to argue that the pro cesses through which Algerians became a target of racism and discrimination originated well before the War of 1954-62 in an earlier phase of colonialism. On the outbreak of the Alge rian War in November 1954 migration to France had already existed for half a century. The history of this early phase of labour and military recruitment to serve the needs of the metropolitan economy and armed forces provides an insight into the genesis and growth of racism, the processes through which European society began to categorise non-European migrants as inherently inferior outsiders. This early colonial development, which was already under way in 1910-20, estab lished deep-rooted patterns of stereotyping, marginalisation and discrimination that have continued to leave a deep imprint on French society. One reason for the relative neglect of non-European im migration into Europe before 1945 is that it has often been assumed that the arrival of 'Third World' migrants dates es sentially from the period after 1945 when labour shortages and dynamic economic growth led to the recruitment of Mro Caribbeans, North Mricans, Asians and others. In recent years, however, specialists have begun to recognise not only that there was an earlier immigration but that the position of minorities in Europe cannot be properly understood without reference to an earlier phase of colonialism. Scholars have begun to turn with increasing interest to the longue duree of immigration into Europe to uncover the roots of contemporary racism and ethnic marginalisation. In a general European context the two societies with the most significant history of early colonial immigration were Britain and France, the two outstanding imperial powers at the turn of the century, which together controlled enormous