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210 Pages·2010·2.25 MB·English
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Collective Identity and African American Views of Africa, African Immigrants, and Immigrant Entitlements A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the graduate school of the University of Minnesota by: Sadie Pendaz IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Elizabeth Heger Boyle and Douglas Hartmann June 2010 Sadie Pendaz © 2010 Acknowledgements I am especially indebted to my advisors, Elizabeth Heger Boyle and Douglas Hartmann. Liz, for inviting me aboard her project as a fledgling graduate student and supporting me with firm, but gentle and guiding nudging, and Doug for providing me with rich insights and helping me to direct the course of the research and the purpose of the analysis without losing sight of what I want the project to be about. I cannot thank you both enough for the endless support and encouragement you have provided along the way and the many hours in offices and on the phone to help me craft the vision of my dissertation that I wanted, while piecing together a theoretical and empirical project that seemed overwhelming at times. Many other graduate school mentors have also been influential in guiding the course of this project and giving me immeasurable support: Joseph Gerteis, Michele Wagner, Ryan Allen, Tricia Keaton and Joachim Savelsberg deserve special mention. I am especially thankful to Joachim for introducing me to Collective Memory Theory and continuing to inspire my desire to link empirical findings to theory. My friends and colleagues, Sarah Flood, Samantha Ammons, Trina Smith and Dawna Reandeau spent countless hours reading over drafts, discussing interview content and prodding me toward analysis and writing at all stages of the research and writing process. Other friends and colleagues offered insights of various sorts along the way, including: Rob Warren, Trent Alexander, Christopher Pappas, Lary May, Erika Lee, Erika Busse, Melissa Weiner, Joyce Bell, Katja Guenther, Fortunata Songora Makene, i Colman Titus Msoka, Penny Edgell, Julie Barrows, Keith Cunnien, Aysegul Kozak, Jon Smajda, Xuefeng Zhang, Erik Larson, Joshua Page, Paul Croll, Pao Lee, Tiffany Davis, Tim Ortyl, Vincent Louis, Melanie Daglian, Alisa Tollin, Jeylan Mortimer, Kenise Kilbride, Sharon Preves, Ahmed Ali, Shane LaMoure and Pamela Wald. To friends and family who gave me emotional support, love and encouragement I also owe a debt of thanks: Faye Pendaz, my sister, friend and confidant; my parents, Ruth and Bill Pendaz and my brother, Harlan Pendaz, are especially owed great thanks. Other friends and family who supported me include: Mark Hanson, Shirley Sheldon, Lynn and Nancy Steinke, Barbara Nissen, Robert Nissen, Jon and Gayle Nissen, Andrea Auringer, Jacob Welde and Scott Keenan. I also owe a debt of gratitude to the various funders and institutions associated with them: the National Science Foundation, the Eagle Foundation and the Department of Sociology at the University of Minnesota for their support with an Anna Welsch Bright award. It seems like yesterday when I started recruiting interviewees for this project, but when I calculate the days and hours spent, much more time has passed. Without the willingness of my interview subjects, this dissertation would not have been possible. They are owed a debt of gratitude for allowing me into their lives, their homes and for sharing their views of the world with me. I am especially grateful for the candidness in response they offered me about questions that are difficult with which to wrestle. I am also grateful for the many interviewees who showed an especially acute sense of care and concern for me, often going out of their way to follow-up with phone calls after the ii interviews to see how I was doing, since I was pregnant during portions of both phases of interviewing. When I started this project I lived in South Minneapolis, close to the Cedar- Riverside neighborhood. Newly married, I lived in an apartment next to a young Oromo immigrant family and above an African American mother and daughter. My in-laws wondered how we faired as a young white couple in a building that predominantly housed blacks, and their curiosity foreshadowed the curiosity that followed me as my interviewees, friends, family and some colleagues wondered how I faired as a young, white researcher inquiring about black identity. To those two families, who I have thought of often while working on this project, I owe much gratitude. I also cannot overstate the gratitude I owe the man who was my husband at the time, Gregory Steinke, and our two wonderful children, Jered and Autumn Steinke. Greg, you are my best friend and without you I never would have started, much less finished, this project. iii Table of Contents List of Tables vii List of Figures viii Chapter 1: Introduction and Chapter Layout 1 Introduction 1 African Americans: Collective Identity, Rights and Resources 5 Summary of Dissertation Chapters 7 Chapter 2: Review of Literature: Race, Nation, Immigration and Theories 12 of Collective Memory Introduction 12 Inter-Group Contact: Rights and Resources 13 Inter-Group Relations and Conflict 14 The Overlap of Race, Ethnicity and Immigration 20 Theories of Collective Memory 24 African American Collective Identity and Collective Memory 27 Africa’s Impact on African American Collective Memory 29 and Identity Nationalism 34 Immigrant Reception by American Blacks 39 Black Immigrants: Becoming Black Americans? 41 Chapter 3: Demographics, Methodology and Data Collection 50 Twin Cities Demographics 50 Eastern African Immigrants to the Twin Cities 51 iv African Americans in the Twin Cities 52 Interview Data Collection 54 Eastern African Interviewees 55 African American Interviewees 58 Interview Data Analysis 62 Newspaper Data Collection 64 Using Newspapers for Analysis 67 The Minneapolis Spokesman: Historical Context 69 Chapter 4: Collective Memory and African American Engagement with 73 Africa Introduction 73 Competing Nationalisms 73 Raising Questions 77 Is it Economic? 78 Data Analysis 82 Quantitative Demonstration of Change Over Time, Newspaper 82 References to Africa Qualitative Analysis of Cultural Newspaper Data, Contextualized 86 Conclusion 114 Chapter 5: African American Perceptions of Intergroup Relations with 118 Eastern Africans Introduction 118 African American Reception and Impressions of Eastern Africans 119 Cultural and Genealogical Lineage in Africa and America 130 v Other Immigrant Groups in Relation to Eastern Africans 138 Deference to Western African Countries 142 Chapter 6: Affirmative Action and African American Perceptions of 147 Immigrant Entitlements Introduction 147 Structure, Entitlements and Collective Memory 147 Affirmative Action-For Whose Benefit? 148 Affirmative Action, Class Divides, and Collective Memory 155 Black Immigrants in the United States and African Americans 157 Rights 158 Findings 160 Chapter 7: Conclusions 172 References 181 Appendix A: Interview Questions 198 vi List of Tables Table 1: Eastern African Respondents’ Nationality, Religion and 57 Educational Attainment by Gender Table 2: African American Respondents’ Political Orientation, 62 Religion and Educational Attainment by Gender Table 3: References to Africa: Tone 84 Table 4: References to Africa: Content 84 Table 5: Model of the Conception of Rights to Affirmative Action 159 vii List of Figures Chart 1: Racial Composition of Minneapolis, 2000 53 Cartoon 1 95 Cartoon 2 97 Cartoon 3 98 Cartoon 4 99 Cartoon 5 106 Cartoon 6 107 Cartoon 7 108 Cartoon 8 108 Cartoon 9 109 Cartoon 10 109 Cartoon 11 110 Cartoon 12 111 viii

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African Americans: Collective Identity, Rights and Resources .. economic construct in the collective conscious of African Americans and is referred to.
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