claudine anita cassandra hingston

256 Pages·2015·2.03 MB·English

by  Claudine Hingston

GENDER CONTESTATIONS IN THE MIGRATION SITE: THE CASE
OF NIGERIAN MIGRANTS IN DURBAN, SOUTH AFRICA

CLAUDINE ANITA CASSANDRA HINGSTON

COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES, SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a PhD in Gender Studies at the
University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa.

SUPERVISOR: Prof. V.B. OJONG

2014
DECLARATION

I, Claudine Anita Cassandra Hingston, hereby declare that this thesis is my own unaided
work and has not been submitted previously for any degree or examination in any other
university. All references, citations, and borrowed ideas have been duly acknowledged.

CLAUDINE ANITA CASSANDRA HINGSTON (211559455)
Date

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DEDICATION

This work is dedicated to my mother, the late Mrs NAOMI MODUPEH DINAH BECKLEY.
You made me who I am today. Your legacy lives on. Rest in peace Mum.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
My immense gratitude and appreciation goes to everyone who walked this PhD journey with
me. Although I have ownership and mastery of my work, without certain people, it would
have been almost impossible to be where I am. Thanks first of all to the Almighty God for
giving me the strength and determination to embark on and finish this research.

My profound appreciation and thanks to my husband, Dr Egerton Hingston for supporting me
in diverse ways throughout my research. He gave me the courage and determination to
endure and finish my PhD journey. My thanks and appreciation also to my children, Danita
and Egerton for their unwavering faith in me. I also want to extend my thanks to the rest of
my family in Sierra Leone, the United Kingdom and Germany, especially my dad, Mr
Claudius Beckley, my sister, Ms Victoria Beckley, my sister in law, Mrs Victoria Coomber
and my aunts, Mrs Caroline Kanu and Mrs Elizabeth Luke for believing in me and supporting
me in diverse ways.

Special thanks to my supervisor, Prof. Vivian Ojong for her input and advice on my work.
Under her guidance, I have really grown academically. Special thanks also to my research
participants for accepting to be part of my research. Without them, this research will not have
been possible. I am forever grateful to them all. My appreciation also to Prof. Mandy
Goedhals for encouraging me to undertake this research. To my dear friends, Dr Fawzia
Hardy, Miatta Bona Boss, Caroline Kawa and Lovette Henry, I want to say thanks for always
checking on me and inquiring about my work.

I came to know special friends within the academic circle and my engagement with them has
helped me to engage critically with my work. My sincere thanks therefore to Rosaline Kanjo,
Kilimani Lambo, Monica Otu, Winnie Ogana, Juanita Rwanbangira, Nokwanda Nzuza,
Soomaya Khan, Ida Munsense, Janet Muthuki, Nicoline Fomunyam, Nokwanda Mqadi and
Delarise Mulqueeny.

To the University of KwaZulu-Natal, the Sierra Leone Association in Durban, the clergy and
congregation of St Pauls Anglican Church in Durban and my neighbours, Lorraine and
Daniel, I say thanks as my interaction and engagement with you have helped me morally,
academically and spiritually during my research. God bless you all.

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ABSTRACT

At the end of the apartheid era in 1994, South Africa attracted a large number of migrants
from other parts of Africa such as West Africa. The declining political and economic
situation in the West African country Nigeria after the early eighties, led to increased
migration of Nigerians to post-apartheid South Africa, where they either pursued higher
education or sought employment in both formal and informal sectors. However, like any
other migrants, they found themselves positioned in a new gender regime as gender regimes
differ across countries. As such, they were faced with gender specific problems and
challenges and their prior gender roles, relations and identities underwent some
transformation. It became even more complicated as men and women are affected differently
by these challenges and they respond differently as well. They therefore had to frequently
contend with gender issues and they struggled to either adapt to or resist their new gender
regime. Very little research however had been done in this regard and there was a need to
provide knowledge on this subject. To this end, a qualitative methodology was employed in
this research to explore the gendered lives of Nigerian migrants in Durban, South Africa.
The research explored the ways the migrants adjust in their new gender regime and the
gender issues they had to grapple with. It also examined the gender challenges they
encountered and their responses to them. Significant findings from the research are that
Nigerian male migrants in Durban use religion to keep their women subordinated and that
even though the migration site generated new gender perspectives for some of the migrants,
the realities involved were complex. Further findings showed that migration impacted greatly
on the gender power relations in the households of the migrants and that Nigerian migrants
were more prone to xenophobic attacks than other African migrants and there were gender
dimensions to it. This research advance that gender cannot be separated from the migration
process. It further advances that the migration site is one of struggle and contradictions in
which the migrants gender identities are constantly being challenged, negotiated and
reinforced.

Keywords: Nigerians, Migration, Gender, South Africa.

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LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE ONE: Stages in the Research Process
FIGURE TWO: Map of Nigeria
FIGURE THREE: Map of South Africa

ACRONYMS

FAO: Food and Agricultural Organisation
IFAD: International Fund for Agriculture Development
IOM: International Organisation of Migration
NDHS: Nigerian Demographic and Health Survey
NELM: New Economics of Labour Migration
PRB: Population Reference Bureau
SADC: Southern Africa Development Communities
UNDESA: United Nations Department of Economics and Social Affairs
UNDP: United Nations Development Programme
UN: United Nations

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
DECLARATION i
DEDICATION ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii
ABSTRACT iv
LIST OF FIGURES AND ACRONYMS v
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1
1.1 Introduction 1
1.2 Background and outline of research 3
1.3 Personal Reasons for choosing the topic 5
1.4 Thesis Hypothesis 6
1.5 Significance of study 6
1.6 Objectives of the study 7
1.7 Research questions 8
1.8 Limitations 8
1.9 Structure of thesis 9
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 12
2.1 Introduction 12
2.2Migration 12
2.2.1 Conceptualising migration 12
2.2.2 Dynamics of migration 14
2.2.3 International migration 16
2.2.4 Theories of international migration 17
2.2.5 Migration in Africa 21
2.2.6 African migration to South Africa 24
2.3 An Overview of Nigeria and its people 26
2.3.1 An Overview of Nigeria and its people 26
2.3.2 Brief History and Culture of the Igbo and Yoruba People 29
2.3.3 International migration from Nigeria 32
2.4 Gender 34
2.4.1 The Construction of gender 34
2.4.2 Gender and culture 36
2.4.3 Engendering migration 37
2.4.4 Transnational migration and its engendering 39
2.4.5 Insights into gender and migration in South Africa 41
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2.4.6 Case studies of gender challenges and changes in the migration site 42
2.5 Conclusion 44
CHAPTER THREE: RESERCH METHODS, METHODOLOGIES AND
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 46
3.1 Introduction 46
3.2 Research methodology 46
3.3 Ethnography as a research method 48
3.4 Methods of data collection 49
3.5Selection of sample population 51
3.6 Theoretical framework 52
3.6a Gendered geographies of power 53
3.6b Feminist post structuralism 54
3.6c Social construction of masculinity 55
3.6d Christian egalitarianism 55
3.6e Patriarchy theory 55
3.6f Social identity theory 56
3.6g Goffman front stage and backstage theory 56
3.7 Ethical issues 56
3.8 Data analysis 57
3.9 Profileof the participants 57
3.9a Women 57
3.9b Men 61
3.10 Gender Dynamics in the research 64
3.11 Reflections on the research process 72
3.12 Conclusion 75
CHAPTER FOUR: GENDER POLITICS IN NIGERIAN MIGRATION SETTLEMENT IN
DURBAN, SOUTH AFRICA 76
4.1 Introduction 76
4.2 Gender dynamics in migration decisions 78
4.3 The gendered nature of immigration and the migration process 83
4.4 Gender dynamics in the settlement process 85
4.5 The role of social networks and voluntary associations in the settlement process 87
4.6 Gender and political, social and economic transnational activities 91
4.7 Food and the recreation of home through a gender lens 94
4.8Xenophilia: A gendered survival strategy 97
4.9 The psychological function of religion as a coping mechanism 99
4.10 Hustling in the streets of Durban: A male prerogative 100
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4.11 Family Formations: From home to host land 101
4.12 Conclusion 103
CHAPTER FIVE: GENDER AND POWER RELATIONS IN THE HOUSEHOLD 105
5.1 Introduction 105
5.2 Power and gender 106
5.3 Gender power relations and the household 108
5.4 Gender power relations in the homeland 111
5.5 Migration expectations of gender power relations 113
5.6 Challenging gender power relations in the household 116
5.7 Adhering to the power structure 121
5.8 Reinforcement of gender power relations in the household 124
5.9 Renegotiating gender power: Male perspective 126
5.10 Conclusion 128
CHAPTER SIX: RELIGION AS A VEHICLE FOR MALE DOMINANCE AND CONTROL
IN THE MIGRATION SITE 130
6.1 Introduction 130
6.2 The gendered nature of religion 132
6.3 The politics of migration 133
6.4 New gender constructions in the migration site 135
6.5 Christianity: A weapon for female control 142
6.6 Patriarchal gains and dividends 148
6.7 The women’s perspective on religion and the submission of women 151
6.8 The researcher’s voice 155
6.9 Conclusion 157
CHAPTER SEVEN: THE MIGRATION SITE AS A PLATFORM FOR GENERATING NEW
GENDER PERSPECTIVES; COMPLEX REALITIES 159
7.1 Introduction 159
7.2 Homeland gender perspectives 159
7.3 Towards new gender perspectives 162
7.4 Female Empowerment: The reality 164
7.5 Shades of empowerment 167
7.6 Negotiating identities in the transnational migration space 170
7.7 Complexities in gender household relations 175
7.8 Conclusion 180

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CHAPTER EIGHT: INTERSECTIONS OF GENDER, NATIONALITY AND
XENOPHOBIA 182
8.1 Introductions 182
8.2 Claims of Nigeria phobia 185
8.3 Masculinizing Nigeria phobia 187
8.3a Relationship with South African women 187
8.3b Illegal activities and con men 190
8.3c Police harassment 191
8.4 Sexual and physical violence against women 193
8.5 Dynamics of love and marriage 196
8.6 Reproductive health care 198
8.7 Conclusion 200
CHAPTER NINE: CONCLUSION 201
9.1 Overview of the study 201
9.2 Findings of the study 204
9.3 Contributions of the study 205
9.4 Suggestions for further research 206
9.5 Recommendations 207
REFERECNCES 208
APPENDICES 242

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