Classical Counterinsurgency: A Comparison of Malaya, Algeria and Romania

322 Pages·2014·2.21 MB·English

Classical Counterinsurgency: A Comparison of
Malaya, Algeria and Romania

Andrei Miroiu

A thesis in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy

School of Social Sciences
Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences
December 2014

1
PLEASE TYPE
THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES
Thesis/Dissertation Sheet
Surname or Family name: Miroiu
First name: Andrei Other name/s:
Abbreviation for degree as given in the University calendar: PhD
School: Social Sciences Faculty: Arts and Social Sciences
Title: Classical Counterinsurgency: A Comparison of Malaya,
Algeria and Romania
Abstract 350 words maximum: (PLEASE TYPE)
Highlighting the significance of counterinsurgencies fought in the aftermath of the Second World War for
contemporary theory and practice, this thesis is a comparative analysis of the campaigns fought in Malaya,
Algeria and Romania between 1944 and 1962. The case selection allows an engagement both with
Western and non-Western patterns of anti-guerrilla warfare, allowing this work to conceive
counterinsurgency as a coherent object of study across time and cultures. The research question at the
heart of the thesis is what accounts for success in counterinsurgency? Considering that the government's
main tasks in dealing with armed rebellion are to prevent the spread of rebellion, to identify, find and
eliminate the rebels, this work analyses the three campaigns on three dimensions: population control,
intelligence and intelligence operations and military operations. In relation to population control, the
findings point to the hollowness of the prevalent narrative concerning "hearts and minds" approaches and
instead highlight the centrality of massive deportations and physical and psychological intimidation and
control of targeted populations. The study of intelligence engages with the relative merits of centralized
and decentralized organization for counterinsurgency campaigns, evaluates the use of interrogation and
torture and assesses the role of infiltration and counter-gangs. Military approaches such as patrols,
cordoning, garrisoning, raids, special forces operations are analysed in relation to achieving success in the
campaigns. The concluding comparison section discusses the three cases in connection to contemporary
counterinsurgencies. In answering the research question, the thesis argues that population control is the
strategic-level answer in counterinsurgency, which makes it problematic for present-day contingencies. It
also points out the tactical-level relevance of intelligence and military operations.
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I also authorise University Microfilms to use the 350 word abstract of my thesis in Dissertation Abstracts International (this is applicable to doctoral
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archive and to make available my thesis or dissertation in whole or part in the
University libraries in all forms of media, now or here after known, subject to the
provisions of the Copyright Act 1968. I retain all proprietary rights, such as patent
rights. I also retain the right to use in future works (such as articles or books) all
or part of this thesis or dissertation.
I also authorise University Microfilms to use the 350 word abstract of my thesis in
Dissertation Abstract International (this is applicable to doctoral theses only).
I have either used no substantial portions of copyright material in my thesis or I
have obtained permission to use copyright material; where permission has not
been granted I have applied/will apply for a partial restriction of the digital copy of
my thesis or dissertation.'
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Abstract

Highlighting the significance of counterinsurgencies fought in the aftermath of the
Second World War for contemporary theory and practice, this thesis is a comparative analysis
of the campaigns fought in Malaya, Algeria and Romania between 1944 and 1962. The case
selection allows an engagement both with Western and non-Western patterns of anti-guerrilla
warfare, allowing this work to conceive counterinsurgency as a coherent object of study across
time and cultures. The research question at the heart of the thesis is what accounts for success in
counterinsurgency? Considering that the government’s main tasks in dealing with armed
rebellion are to prevent the spread of rebellion, to identify, find and eliminate the rebels, this
work analyses the three campaigns on three dimensions: population control, intelligence and
intelligence operations and military operations. In relation to population control, the findings
point to the hollowness of the prevalent narrative concerning “hearts and minds” approaches
and instead highlight the centrality of massive deportations and physical and psychological
intimidation and control of targeted populations. The study of intelligence engages with the
relative merits of centralized and decentralized organization for counterinsurgency campaigns,
evaluates the use of interrogation and torture and assesses the role of infiltration and counter-
gangs. Military approaches such as patrols, cordoning, garrisoning, raids, special forces
operations are analysed in relation to achieving success in the campaigns. The concluding
comparison section discusses the three cases in connection to contemporary
counterinsurgencies. In answering the research question, the thesis argues that population
control is the strategic-level answer in counterinsurgency, which makes it problematic for
present-day contingencies. It also points out the tactical-level relevance of intelligence and
military operations.

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Contents

Abstract 2
Acknowledgements 5
1. A research outline 7
1.1 Introduction 7
1.2 Why Romania? 12
1.3 Current state of the field 14
1.4 Research rationale and research questions 35
1.5 Methods and sources 39
1.6 Structure of the thesis 42
2. On the Theory and Practice of Classic Counterinsurgency 44
2.1 Before 1945: the lessons of imperial warfare and local terror 48
2.2 The British experience and doctrine 60
2.3 British COIN campaigns 61
2.4 British and American COIN theory in the “Golden Era” 72
2.5 The French experience and theory of COIN 80
2.6 Soviet and Eastern counterinsurgency 85
2.7 A matter of knowledge, swiftness and brutality 91
3. British Counterinsurgency in Malaya 93
3.1 The political and military context 95
3.2 Population control 106
3.3 Intelligence 117
3.4 Military operations and the elimination of rebel groups 127
3.5 Conclusions 144
4. French Counterinsurgency in Algeria 147
4.1 The context of decolonization 148
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4.2 Algeria: political and social situation 152
4.3 An outline of the war 159
4.4 Population control 169
4.5 Intelligence and intelligence operations 177
4.6 Military operations 187
4.7 Conclusions 198
5. Romanian Counterinsurgency, 1944-1958 202
5.1 The context of the resistance 205
5.2 A typology of rebel groups 210
5.3 Population control, revolts and deportations 221
5.4 Intelligence and intelligence operations 229
5.5 Military operations 247
5.6 The elimination of rebel groups 256
5.7 Conclusions 261
6. Comparisons and Conclusions 268
Bibliography 289

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Acknowledgements

The author of this thesis is deeply thankful to all the persons and organisations
that have made it possible for him to finish this work. Andrew Tan has been involved
from day one until the end, and his guidance, patience, generosity of time and
intellectual insights need to be acknowledged first. He has been vital in the entire
process and I am deeply grateful for everything he has done. At UNSW, Andrea
Benvenuti, William Clapton, Alan Morris, Laura Shepherd, Elizabeth Thurbon, the
lecturers and students involved in the postgraduate research seminars helped with
advice and constructive criticism.
Ben Eklof from Indiana University helped me understand that the study of war
is my real research interest. Still at IU, Padraic Kenney read my first paper on
counterinsurgency and Justin Classen encouraged me to pursue this avenue of study and
to submit my work for publication. Dorin Dobrincu shared with me his published and
unpublished research, for which I am most grateful. Bruce Hoffman, Thomas Young,
David Glantz, David Lee and a number of anonymous reviewers for Studies in Conflict
& Terrorism, Small Wars & Insurgencies, the Journal of Slavic Military Studies,
Archiva Moldaviae all read portions of my research and offered valuable advice.
Many dear friends helped with advice, with reading and criticizing the thesis. In
no particular order, I would like to thank Radu Ungureanu, Daniel Biro, Mihai Zodian,
Remy Low, Christopher Black, Jeremy Simpson and Lucian Dîrdală.
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I also express my gratitude to the committee from UNSW who granted me the
UIPA that made possible the stay in Australia during these years. My deepest thanks go
to the staff of the UNSW Library, the Fisher Library, the Herman G Wells Library and
their library loans departments, and also to the staff and benefactors of Leichhardt and
Hurstville public libraries. The secretarial staff of UNSW and all support personnel also
deserves many thanks.
I would also like to thank Ludwig van Beethoven, whose symphonies helped me
get through some of the toughest moments of my research, and to Stefani Germanotta,
whose work helped me not to take the world so seriously all the time.
But without the help, guidance, support, encouragement, constant bearing with
me and without the tremendous love of my wife Crisia nothing could have been
envisaged, much less accomplished. I owe her this thesis. She is the light of my life and
this work is dedicated to her.

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Chapter 1
A Research Outline

1.1 Introduction
The first decade of the 21st century will be remembered by those who have lived
it and by future historians in many ways. Some will think of it as the last golden years
before the 2008 global financial crisis hit, a sort of ending of the belle époque that
followed the demise of the Soviet Union. Others, especially those living in the emerging
economies or focusing on them will remember the period as one of incredible growth,
widening prosperity and of the closing of the development gap between them and the
West. Yet some historians will think of it as a decade of counterinsurgency.
Will they be wrong in assuming that? One hardly thinks so. The conflict pitting
the world’s greatest military power, the United States of America and a motley
collection of allies against radical Islamist terrorists had in fact started in the previous
decade and is likely to go on for many years into the 21st century.1 Over the years there
have been many approaches to tackling the problem; counterterrorist efforts, combining
intelligence, surveillance, black operations and anti-criminal activity were present from
the beginning and will go on, given the nature of the threat.2

1 David Rapoport argued over a decade ago that the current conflict pitting the West against radical
Islamists is in fact the fourth wave in the history of modern terrorism, having started in the wake of the
Islamic revolution in Iran and the Soviet defeat in Afghanistan, see his article “The Fourth Wave:
September 11 in the History of Terrorism” in Current History, December 2001.
2 Bruce Hoffman, Inside Terrorism, New York: Columbia University Press, 2006, 295.
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