Citizenship, Immigration and Integration: Opposition Green Paper (UK 1971)

49 Pages·1971·2.002 MB·English

by  coll.

Foreword
This is the report of a Study Group set up by the National Executive Com
mittee of the Labour Party. We asked the Group to examine and offer pro
posals in an area of human relations whose successis vital to the well being
of this country. Possibly no subjects in the past decade have evoked a more
emotionalresponse than immigration and race relations. Regrettably, on many
occasionsattitudes have beenstruck whichaccord morewith this emotion than
with reason, and this has resulted in major problems which could and should
have been avoided. On the basis of the proposals in this report, however, we
are offerednewopportunities essentiallyfounded on criteria whichare rational
and non-discriminatory.
I am very grateful for the work put into this report by the members of the
StudyGroup, and the National Executive Committee is certain that the report
will be read widely and appreciatively both within the Party and outside.
The Report is being published as the first of a series of Labour Party Green
Papers. The concept of Green Papers was first introduced by the Labour
Government with the object of promoting informed public discussion on pro
jectedproposals before final decisionswere made. Our seriesfollowsthe same
principles and will consist of Study Group reports and papers prepared by
party members in conjunction with Transport House. It is vital that decision
makingwithin our Party is made by the membership on the basis of informed
discussion and debate. We hope that the Green Paper series will lead to
resolutions to Annual Conference, and from there to the creation of clear
socialist policies relevant to the aspirations of the Labour Party, and the
programme of our next Government.
SIR HARRY NICHOLAS
General Secretary
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Contents
Page
INTRODUCTION 7
1 MIGRAnON TO BRITAIN 9
FROM 1945 TO 1962
FROM 1962 TO 1971
2 EMIGRATION FROM BRITAIN 14
3 CONTROL OF IMMIGRAnON 15
POLICIES AND PRACTICE TO 1971
(i) Aliens
(ii) Commonwealth Citizens
THE IMMIGRATION ACT 1971
4 ACnON FOR INTEGRAnON 25
ANTI-DISCRIMINATION LEGISLATION
COMMUNITY RELATIONS
GOVERNMENT AID TO AREAS OF NEED
5 RECOMMENDAnONS 31
CITIZENSHIP
IMMIGRATION
INTEGRATION
STATISnCAL APPENDICES 43
ORGANISAnONS 46
BIBLIOGRAPHY 47
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CITIZENSHIP IMMIGRATIONAND INTEGRATION
-apolicyfor the Seventies
ReportofaLabourParty Study Group
THE STUDY Groupon Immigration was set up in 1968by the National Execu
tive Committee 'to consider the criteria and the wider issues of immigration
policy'.
We have held 20 meetings (including two all-day meetings) and in the course
of our work have commissioned and discussed a wide range of papers relevant
to our terms of reference.
We wish to acknowledge our gratitude to Mr. Nicholas Deakin for attending
our meetings as an expert consultant, and to Mr. Merlyn Rees, MP and Coun
cillor S. S.Gill, JP for their contributions to our discussions.
Our report is unanimous.
Signed:
Tom Driberg, MP (Chairman) lan Mikardo, MP
Dr Mark Abrams Dr. Maurice Miller. MP
Ron Brown, MP Dr. David Pitt
Peggy Crane Giles Radice
John Fraser, MP Terry Pitt (Research Secretary)
Eric Heifer, MP Mike Cantor (Research A.ssistant)
Anthony Lester AIan Green
Joan Lestor, MP (Secretary to the Study Group)
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Introduction
THE STUDY Groupon Immigration was set up by the NationalExecutive Com
mittee 'to consider the criteria and the wider issues of immigration policy'.
One reason for setting up the Study Group was the passage of the Common
wealth Immigrants Act of 1968. The Labour Government's previous decision
on immigration policy-embodied in the 1965White Paper, Immigration from
the Commonwealth-had been endorsed by the 1965 Annual Conference of
the Party and there was thus widespread support from the Party, as well as
from the public. Nevertheless, many members of the Labour Party felt con
siderable disquiet about the criteria that were being used to determine immi
gration policy; and in view of the profound importance of the whole subject
and of the principles affirmed by those who opposed the official policy, the
National Executive Committee decided to undertake a full re-examination of
the entire complex of problems.
We have, accordingly, discussed these problems at length and in depth. Our
report concludes with recommendations on three aspects of policy-eitizenship,
immigration and integration; these aspects, while to some extent distinct, in
practice are obviously interdependent. The importance we attach to the first
ofthe three was underlined bythe inclusion inLabour's 1970GeneralElection
Manifesto ofa proposalto review the law relatingto citizenship. Our proposals
oncitizenshipmay be regarded as an initialcontribution to such a review.
In working out our recommendations, certain considerations have been fore
most in our minds; and first amongthese has been our belief that it is possible
to devise a coherent and acceptable immigration policy which is not based on
the colouror race of the prospective migrant. We are fully aware of the impli
cations of this belief; it is contrary both to current immigration policy despite
the Conservative Government's unconvincing disclaimers and, still more, to
the viciously racialist anti-immigration clamour which has been stirred up in
recent years. Nevertheless, we consider a non-discriminatory policy vital for
three main reasons; first, as socialists, we believe that a policy involving
discrimination on grounds of colouror race must be rejected both in principle
and in practice; secondly, a discriminatory immigration policy makes
increasingly difficultthe integrationof colouredcitizens andembitters relations
between the races; and thirdly, the notion that increasingly severe restrictions
on coloured immigrationwould play a major partin reducinghostility towards
the newcomers has proved false, since each move towards stricter control has
led to a demand for even narrower exclusiveness, or for a complete ban on
coloured immigration.
Wetherefore wholeheartedly reject the ConservativeGovernment's 1971lmmi
gration Act, based as it is on concession to those xenophobic pressures which
must be firmly opposed and should not (and ultimately cannot) be appeased.
For it should be noted that the leaders of the anti-immigrant campaign, while
only partly satisfied by the Government's craven attempts to conciliate them,
are already turning their attention to the Irish.
Webelieve that, when Labouris next returned to office,Britain will be able to
set an example to some other nations in implementing an immigration policy
which is humane. rational, and non-discriminatory. Such an opportunity must
be firmly seized and we hope on the basis of this report; and we ask that its
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readers, particularly those who are of our own Party, should recognise the
dangers of the crisis that may face us should we fail to rethink our policy in
these years of opposition.
However, before setting out our proposals for reform, we shall begin with a
summary of the relevant background.
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1. Migration to Britain
OVERTHE pastcentury and more.Britain has beenacountry both ofemigration
and immigration. From it.many Britons have gone to the countries of the 'Old'
Commonwealth. Central and Southern Africa. and the USA. To it have come
many from overseas-in the main from Ireland. from Europe and. in more
recent times. from the West Indies, India and Pakistan.
Their reasons for leavingtheir homelands have varied. To many. migration has
been the only escape from driving poverty-as with the exodus from Ireland
during the great famine of the mid-nineteenth century. Pogroms in Eastern
Europe at theend ofthelast century. and Nazi persecution in the 1930s.forced
many Jews to seek new homes in Britain and elsewhere. More recently many
Commonwealth citizens have left home to come here. They have been moved
to do sobecause there wereno jobs for them at home. while. in contrast. there
was a demand for their labour in Britain's highly developed economy-a
demand emphasised by actual on-the-spot recruiting.
Sothere are many newcomers.ofmany diverse origins; and their presencehere
has been greatly to the advantage of the nation. Without their help. our econo
mic achievements would have been less than they have been. Had it not been
for the availability ofdoctors and nurses and other workers from overseas. the
health service. public transport and other social services would have been
severelydamaged. Our standard of living could not have increased as it has.
despite recent setbacks. without the contribution of immigrants. This has
occurred to an even greater extent in the EEC countries. where immigrants
haveplayedamajor part. notably in Western Germany. inpromoting economic
growth. Thus a pattern familiar throughout history is repeated: whether they
comeas conquerors (the Romans. the Normans) or as refugees(the Huguenots.
the Jewish and other anti-Nazis). the newcomers have often proved of great
benefitto thoseamong whom they settled.
From 1945 to 1962
Since1945.the flowofimmigrants-probablythe largest in our history. though
stillsmallinrelation to our total population-has beenfrom twomain sources.
Europe and the Commonwealth overseas. In the immediate post-war years. the
European arrivals were from Italy and Eastern Europe. and especially from
Poland. Somewerealready here. in the Polish forces stationed in Britain. Most
of these immigrants settled permanently in this country and the Polish com
munity in Britain is now estimated to number 130.000-140.000. including
British born children.*
Commonwealth immigration also began fairly soon after the war. but was not
significantin quantity until wellinto the 1950s.Quite apartfrom the economic
incentivesalready mentioned. it was natural that many Commonwealth immi
grants should look on Britain asa secondhome or 'mother'country. Duringthe
wara largenumber of troops from Commonwealth countries had fought along-
• 'Immigration and Race Relations in Britain 1960-1967'by Sheila Patterson. OUP 1969.
Page2.
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